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Turnout | 67.31% (first round) ![]() 71.63% (second round) ![]() | |||||||||||||||
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Presidential elections were held in Poland on 18 May 2025. As no candidate received a majority of the vote, a second round was held on 1 June 2025. The outgoing president Andrzej Duda was ineligible for re-election. The second round was won by conservative Institute of National Remembrance director Karol Nawrocki, with 50.89% of the vote, who was backed by the Law and Justice (PiS) party. Nawrocki defeated the liberal Mayor of Warsaw, Rafał Trzaskowski, who received 49.11% of the vote, nominated for the second time by the Civic Coalition (KO). It was the third consecutive victory for a candidate supported by Law and Justice in the presidential elections.
In the first round, Trzaskowski narrowly came first with 31.4% of the vote, while the right-wing candidates, Nawrocki, Sławomir Mentzen (Confederation) and Grzegorz Braun (KKP) overperformed polls, winning 29.5%, 14.8% and 6.3% respectively, coming in second, third and fourth. [4] Other candidates of the ruling coaliton underperformed and fell below expectations; [5] the centre-right candidate Szymon Hołownia (PL2050) received 4.99% of the vote while the left-wing candidates together secured 10.2%, with coalition candidate Magdalena Biejat (The Left) coming below opposition Adrian Zandberg (Razem). [8]
Nawrocki ran on a nationalist and socially conservative platform, focusing his campaign against the incumbent government. Nawrocki's platform called for significant government intervention in the economy, close ties between the Catholic Church and the Polish government, the maintenance of Poland's restrictive abortion laws, also being in opposition to legalization of same-sex marriage or civil unions. Trzaskowski supported economic liberalization, European integration, the broad legalization of abortion, the introduction of same sex civil unions, and a greater role for the local governments of voivodeships. They also differed on their foreign policy approach, with Trzaskowski supporting the further strengthening of relations with the European Union and Ukraine's membership in NATO, and Nawrocki opposing Ukraine's accession to NATO and being against the strengthening of relations with the EU, instead supporting stronger cooperation with the United States. [12]
Observers noted that a victory for Nawrocki would hurt Donald Tusk's government, due the governing coalition not having votes in the Sejm to overrule a presidential veto. [13] The election result continued the trend of tighter electoral margins over the last 25 years, becoming the closest in Polish history, and the streak of Law and Justice aligned presidential candidates winning presidential elections, losing only one out of five since its founding in 2001. The first-round results indicated a notable shift in political momentum for anti-establishment parties, with the Confederation Liberty and Independence (Mentzen), Confederation of the Polish Crown (Braun) and Razem (Zandberg) having their best results in history. Exit polls indicated that both candidates won nearly 50% of each age demographic, a change from older voters voting for the Law and Justice candidate and younger voters voting for Trzaskowski in the prior election. [14] Anti-establishment parties gained the most of the youth vote; the far-right Sławomir Mentzen performed best among the youngest generation of Polish voters, with left-wing Adrian Zandberg coming second. [15] The election saw the largest number of candidates since the 1995 presidential election, with 13 candidates running for president.
Presidential elections in Poland must be held on a day off work (Sunday or public holiday), between 75 and 100 days before the end of the term of the sitting president. However, they may be held earlier if the office becomes vacant due to the death, resignation, or removal of the incumbent. [16] The Marshal of the Sejm is responsible for setting the date of presidential elections and in this case had three possible dates to choose from: 4 May, 11 May, or 18 May 2025. [17]
The President of Poland is elected for a five-year term using the two-round system; if no candidate receives a majority of the vote in the first round, a run-off is held between the top two candidates. Presidents serve a five-year term and can be re-elected once. [18] Presidential terms expire on 6 August 2025, [19] and the president-elect takes the oath of office on the same day before the National Assembly (a joint session of the Sejm and the Senate). [20]
In order to be registered to contest the election, a candidate must be a Polish citizen, be at least 35 years old on the day of the first round of the election, and have collected at least 100,000 voters' signatures by 4 April 2025 at 16:00 (CEST). [21] In 2025, 13 candidates registered, the highest amount of candidates tied with 1995.
All citizens are eligible to vote following their 18th birthday, except for those that have been disenfranchised, stripped of public rights, or are detained. Voters cast votes in their regional district electoral commissions (plural Polish : okręgowe komisje wyborcze), but can also vote abroad, outside of their assigned district electoral commission, or by correspondence if they have notified the electoral commission beforehand. [21] [22] Voting takes place for 14 hours, between 7:00 and 21:00 (CEST). [23]
The elections are managed by the National Electoral Commission (Polish : Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza), which, for this election, was composed of the chairman (Sylwester Marciniak ), deputy chairman (Wojciech Sych ) and seven members recommended by groups in the Sejm — two by Civic Coalition, two by Law and Justice, and one respectively by Poland 2050, the Polish People's Party, and The Left. [24] [25]
The National Electoral Commission, in press conferences throughout election day, reports turnout for 12:00, 17:00 (CEST) and the final turnout. [26] For the day preceding, and day of, the election, until polls close at 21:00, election silence is in place. In the second round of the presidential election, there were 87 incidents of electoral silence being broken. [27]
Incumbent President Andrzej Duda (PiS) narrowly defeated Rafał Trzaskowski (PO) in the 2020 presidential election and was sworn in for his second term on 6 August 2020. [28] Duda would govern along with Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and his cabinet until the 2023 parliamentary election. The parliamentary election saw record-high turnout, with 74.4% of eligible Poles casting their vote, an increase of 12.6 percentage points since 2019.
Following the 2023 parliamentary election and installment of the short-lived renomination of Mateusz Morawiecki, Donald Tusk's cabinet, comprising Civic Coalition, Poland 2050, the Polish People's Party, and the New Left, began governing the country. Tusk's coalition did not have enough votes to bypass the presidential veto, for which it would need 276 votes. [29]
Since the coalition's rise to power, Tusk's cabinet took steps to deregulate the economy, cut welfare spending and balance the budget. In February 2025, Tusk invited billionaire Rafał Brzoska and Google CEO Sundar Pichai [30] to deregulate the Polish economy and cut labor regulations. Tusk's proposal of Brzoska has led to media labelling him as the "Polish Elon Musk". [31] [32] [33] Tusk has been accused of granting Google a monopoly over the Artificial Intelligence sector in Poland via his investment agreements with Pichai. [34]
The ruling coalition was composed of mostly centrist or slightly right leaning parties. However, the New Left also being part of the cabinet, postulated decriminalization of abortion. The Sejm rejected the proposal in July 2024. Facing opposition within the ruling coalition of a large group of dissidents from the Polish People's Party, the vote failed with 218 votes against and 215 for decriminalization. [35]
On 4 April, the Sejm narrowly voted (213–190, with KO, PL2050 and PSL voting for – PiS, NL and Razem against – and Konfederacja mainly abstaining) to decrease the health insurance contribution [36] (Polish : składka zdrowotna) for entrepreneurs, [37] [38] which sparked protests from the left, especially members of Razem, accusing the government of attempting to undermine and then privatize public healthcare. [39] Ultimately, Andrzej Duda vetoed the health contribution decrease on 6 May. [36]
Potential candidates | ||||||||||
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Karol Nawrocki | Tobiasz Bocheński | Przemysław Czarnek | ||||||||
Director of the Institute of National Remembrance (2021-2025) | Member of the European Parliament (2024-present) | Minister of Education and Science (2020-2023) |
Because of the centralized nature of the party, the choice for selecting who the party's candidate would be fell primarily to the party chairman, Jarosław Kaczyński, based on social research [65] and the balance of factional power within the party. [66] [67] Preceding the election, speculative candidates included PiS parliamentary leader Mariusz Błaszczak, MEP Tobiasz Bocheński, poseł Zbigniew Bogucki, former Minister Przemysław Czarnek, MEP Patryk Jaki, former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, poseł Arkadiusz Mularczyk, IPN director Karol Nawrocki, poseł Kacper Płażyński, former Deputy Minister Tomasz Szatkowski and MEP Dominik Tarczyński, [68] [69] among others. President of the World Anti-Doping Agency, Witold Bańka, was also considered Kaczyński's favoured candidate, but he refused to run in the election. [70] [71]
In an August Radio Maryja interview, Kaczyński stated that the selection of possible candidates was narrowing, and described that the PiS candidate must be a "young, tall, imposing, handsome" male "[with] a family". [72] [73] A United Surveys poll in September 2024 suggested 29% of PiS voters supported Błaszczak, 21% supported Morawiecki, 11% supported Czarnek, 7% supported Nawrocki, 6% supported Bocheński and 6% supported Tarczyński. [74] The possibility of a primary election for the party was rumored, but ultimately, never announced. [75]
By November 2024, media speculation regarding the candidates narrowed down to, most frequently, Bocheński, Czarnek and Nawrocki. [76] According to Newsweek , Nawrocki was supported internally by party activists such as Adam Bielan, Joachim Brudziński, Sławomir Cenckiewicz, Marta Kaczyńska , and Mateusz Morawiecki (despite initially desiring to himself be the candidate). [77]
Ultimately, the party selected nonpartisan Karol Nawrocki as its candidate on 22 November, [78] and declared his candidacy publicly on 24 November. [79]
Potential candidates | ||||||||||
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Rafał Trzaskowski | Radosław Sikorski | |||||||||
Mayor of Warsaw (2018-present) | Minister of Foreign Affairs (2007-2014, 2023-present) |
Unlike the other parties, the Civic Platform historically held primary elections to select a candidate for the 2010 and 2020 presidential elections. In the lead-up to the election, the Mayor of Warsaw, Rafał Trzaskowski, was considered the presumptive nominee of the Civic Coalition for the presidential election, running for the second time after his loss in the previous election. [80] [81] Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski, who previously also attempted to become the Civic Platform's candidate for the 2010 Polish presidential election and 2020 [82] presidential elections, pursued the Coalition's nomination for a third time. [83] With Trzaskowski's presumptive nominee status challenged by Sikorski, [84] the Civic Coalition on 9 November announced it will be holding a presidential primary within the party to decide who will be the coalition's candidate in the election. [85]
Trzaskowski's most prominent backers were Dorota Łoboda, Sławomir Nitras, Barbara Nowacka, Agnieszka Pomaska, Adam Szłapka and Cezary Tomczyk. [86] Trzaskowski was considered the candidate who could appeal to left-leaning voters. [87] He was the favorite across the race, consistently overperforming Sikorski in opinion polls. [88] [89]
Sikorski was endorsed by Roman Giertych, Marta Golbik, Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska, Gabriela Morawska-Stanecka, Arkadiusz Myrcha and Bogdan Zdrojewski. [86] [90] His campaign was focused on being more experienced to handle the increasingly tense international situation of Poland, [87] [91] and the assumption that he could gain more votes from centrist and conservative electorates in the second round, with opposition voters preferring him, in contrast to coalition voters preferring Trzaskowski. [92] Sikorski, from the position of the underdog, campaigned aggressively, [90] utilizing a powerful social media campaign, [93] manifesting in him winning Donald Tusk's Twitter poll with 64.7% against Trzaskowski's 35.3%. [94]
Other topics in the campaign also included the 2024 United States presidential election, [87] [95] and the Jewish ancestry of Sikorski's wife, Anne Applebaum, which Sikorski commented as unacceptable discourse. [96] [97]
On 22 November, the primary election took place, after which Trzaskowski was declared the winner the following day, with 75% of the votes, against Sikorski's 25%. [56]
Initially, the Confederation alliance planned to hold another set of primary elections in autumn, like it had done five years prior, with both National Movement leader Krzysztof Bosak, [98] [99] and New Hope leader Sławomir Mentzen [100] [101] declaring their participation, with Confederation of the Polish Crown leader Grzegorz Braun being considered a possible candidate. [102] Przemysław Wipler of New Hope ruled out the possibility of his faction allowing for Braun or any other politician to contesting the alliance's primary. [103] [104]
On 13 August, Bosak stated that he would only contest a hypothetical presidential primary election for all right-wing parties, and in the event of such not being organized, endorsed Mentzen, [105] stating that holding a primary election for the alliance alone would not advance their cause. [106] Grzegorz Braun announced his disapproval for the possibility of the alliance not holding a primary, appealing for the candidate selection process to be open and procedural, instead of agreed in backroom deals. [107]
Regardless, on 20 August, Confederation announced that Mentzen would be its candidate in the election without a primary. [108] [109] In opposition to this, Braun, who had been increasingly marginalized in the Confederation since the departure Janusz Korwin-Mikke from New Hope leadership, [110] declared a separate candidacy on 16 January, leaving the Confederation alliance. [111] [112]
Marshal of the Sejm Szymon Hołownia was the presumptive nominee, [113] announcing his candidacy on 13 November. [114] He was endorsed by the Polish People's Party [115] and the Centre for Poland [116] on 14 December, making it the first time that since 1990 that the Polish People's Party did not field a presidential candidate. [49] Despite being a part of the Third Way alliance, the Union of European Democrats chose to endorse Rafał Trzaskowski instead. [60]
The Left was splintered among its constituent parties. The New Left considered several candidates for President: Vicemarshal of the Senate Magdalena Biejat, Minister Agnieszka Dziemianowicz-Bąk, Deputy Prime Minister Krzysztof Gawkowski, Minister Katarzyna Kotula, Mayor of Włocławek Krzysztof Kukucki and poseł Łukasz Litewka. [117] [118] An important matter for some in the party was to present a female candidate. [117] [119] [120] Rzeczpospolita claims, however, that the party most strongly debated between Biejat and Kukucki. [121] On 15 December, the party officially endorsed Magdalena Biejat, a nonpartisan who recently seceded from Razem. [122]
Another party in the Left, Razem, dissatisfied with the governing coalition, held a non-binding referendum to leave the Left alliance and join the parliamentarny opposition on 11-12 October, with results indicating 70% of participants supporting leaving. [123] [124] As a result, it established its own parliamentary group, [125] but suffered a split, with the pro-government faction that included Magdalena Biejat aligning with the New Left. [126] On 11 January, Adrian Zandberg, Razem's leader, announced his start in the presidential election. [127]
Former Democratic Left Alliance poseł Joanna Senyszyn declared her start in the election on 20 January, [128] successfully registering and contesting them.
Labour Union leader Waldemar Witkowski also declared he would partake in the elections, [129] but ended up endorsing Biejat instead. [44]
Speculative candidates included military personnel, including general Rajmund Andrzejczak and Head of the National Security Bureau Jacek Siewiera, or journalist Dorota Gawryluk. [130] None of them ran.
Throughout the candidate selection process, media presented the possibility of the ruling coalition running a single candidate. [131] Polls showed Trzaskowski as the most popular choice for a coalition candidate. [132] [133] The idea of a coalition candidate was supported by the leader of the Polish People's Party, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, [134] but demeaned by other coalition leaders. [135] [136]
A group of citizens seeking to register a candidate in the election was required to establish an electoral committee (Polish : komitet wyborczy) consisting of at least 15 members and submit a notice to the National Electoral Commission, supported with 1,000 citizens' signatures, no later than 24 March 2025. [140] To register a candidate, an electoral committee had to submit an additional 99,000 endorsement signatures to the PKW by 4 April 2025, the final date for candidate registration. [141] The PKW verified the lists of signatures as they were submitted. The following committees and candidates applied for registration: [142] [143] [144]
Candidate | Status | Date | |
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1 | Sławomir Mentzen (KWiN) | Candidate registered | 3 February |
2 | Rafał Trzaskowski (KO) | Candidate registered | 17 March |
3 | Grzegorz Braun (KKP) | Candidate registered | 10 March |
4 | Szymon Hołownia (TD) | Candidate registered | 24 March |
5 | Adrian Zandberg (Razem) | Candidate registered | 24 March |
6 | Wiesław Lewicki (NK) | Candidacy rejected | 9 April |
7 | Maciej Maciak (RDiP) | Candidate registered | 9 April |
8 | Magdalena Biejat (Lewica) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
9 | Marek Woch (BS) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
10 | Marek Jakubiak (K’15) | Candidate registered | 4 April |
11 | Karol Nawrocki (PiS) | Candidate registered | 21 March |
12 | Wojciech Papis (B ) | Notice accepted | |
13 | Romuald Starosielec (RNP) | Candidacy rejected | 11 April |
14 | Paweł Tanajno (PL!SP) | Candidacy rejected | 11 April |
15 | Dawid Jackiewicz (ind.) | Candidacy rejected | 9 April |
16 | Aldona Skirgiełło (SRP) | Notice accepted | |
17 | Dominika Jasińska (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
18 | Joanna Senyszyn (SLD) | Candidate registered | 31 March |
19 | Krzysztof Tołwiński (FRONT) | Notice accepted | |
20 | Eugeniusz Maciejewski (PIAST-JMENiŚ) | Notice accepted | |
21 | Katarzyna Cichos (ind.) | Notice accepted / withdrew [e] | 8 March |
22 | Piotr Szumlewicz (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
23 | Jan Kubań (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
24 | Włodzimierz Rynkowski (ZS) | Notice accepted | |
25 | Marcin Bugajski (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
26 | Jolanta Duda (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
27 | Artur Bartoszewicz (ind.) | Candidate registered | 17 March |
28 | Kamil Całek (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
29 | Krzysztof Andrzej Sitko (AS ) | Notice accepted / withdrew [f] | 29 March |
30 | Jakub Perkowski (FdR) | Notice accepted | |
31 | Sebastian Ross (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
32 | Marta Ratuszyńska (DR) | Notice accepted | |
33 | Stanisław Żółtek (KNP) | Notice accepted / withdrew [g] | 20 March |
34 | Krzysztof Stanowski (ind.) | Candidate registered | 11 April |
35 | Robert Śledź (PIN) | Notice accepted | |
36 | Adam Nawara (PL!SP) | Notice accepted | |
37 | Grzegorz Kołek (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
38 | Tomasz Ziółkowski (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
39 | Roman Jackowski (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
40 | Piotr Daniel Lechowicz (KWiN) | Notice accepted | |
41 | Robert Więcko (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
42 | Zbigniew Litke (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
43 | Grzegorz Niedźwiecki (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
44 | Maria Leśniak-Wojciechowska (RNP) | Notice rejected | |
45 | Katarzyna Łysik (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
46 | Dariusz Eligiusz Staszczak (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
47 | Artur Szostak (P3) | Notice rejected | |
48 | Andrzej Jan Kasela (ind.) | Notice accepted | |
49 | Krzysztof Kaszewiak (ind.) | Notice rejected | |
50 | Zbnigniew Józef Burzyński (WiS) | Notice rejected | |
51 | Mieczysław Eugeniusz Sendecki (ZS) | Notice rejected | |
52 | Sławomir Grzywa (SS) | Notice rejected | |
53 | Krzysztof Olaf Samberger (ind.) | Notice rejected |
This section is missing information about the campaign stances of other candidates.(July 2025) |
Karol Nawrocki pitted his campaign against the unpopular [h] government and Prime Minister, declaring the election as a referendum on the Tusk cabinet, [146] and attacking Trzaskowski for being the vice-chairman of the ruling Civic Platform. [147] He portrayed himself as a nonpartisan "citizens' candidate" (Polish : kandydat obywatelski) supported by Law and Justice, as he was never a member of any political party, [148] and as an authentic "flesh and bone man" (Polish : człowiek z krwi i kości), contrasting with Trzaskowski by calling him the product of a political laboratory. [149] Nawrocki's campaign was oriented around the welfare of citizens, national security and infrastructural development. [150]
Rafał Trzaskowski defended the incumbent coalition government, blaming its inaction on the presidential veto of incumbent president Andrzej Duda. [151] He portrayed himself as a competent and educated candidate, highlighting his knowledge of foreign languages, education and political experience, [152] [153] promising to be independent of party decisionmaking. [154] He challenged Nawrocki's nonpartisan presentation, attacking him as the "decision of the [PiS] party chairman". [155]
Sławomir Mentzen presented himself as the anti-establishment candidate who would take on the "duopoly" of the Law and Justice and Civic Platform parties, which have dominated politics since the 2005 parliamentary election. [156] He was the dominant candidate in social media and among the youth. He also campaigned on polling indicating himself to have the highest chance out of all the right-wing candidates to defeat Trzaskowski in the second round of the election. [157] [158] He focused his campaign on economic and security issues, most prominently tax reform, immigration and military readiness for war. [159]
Grzegorz Braun ran on the slogan "This is Poland!". Braun's campaign was also unique in making populist demands, such as the exhumation of the Jedwabne pogrom victims, releasing classified files on the dissolution of the Military Information Services, and restarting investigations into deaths of Jerzy Popiełuszko, Andrzej Lepper, Sławomir Petelicki and Marek Papała. Braun became popular for controversial stunts during his campaign; he organized protests that successfully forced the German supermarket chain Lidl to resign from building a store near the place of Marian apparitions in Gietrzwałd, winning over voters concerned with preserving Catholic tradition, economic nationalism and limiting foreign capital in Poland. [160] Braun's campaign and rhetoric was described by critics as "hostile to democracy, full of conspiracy theories, religiously fundamentalist, and often openly anti-Semitic and anti-Ukrainian", [161] while supporters praised his "fight for truth, authenticity", "soldier-like" dedication to the values of God, Honour, Fatherland, and challenging the submissive attitude of the Polish governments towards Ukraine, Israel and NATO. [162] His campaign was centered on Polish nationalism, Catholic tradition and opposition to NATO and the European Union. [163] [164]
Szymon Hołownia promised to support "local Poland", decentralize the state administration and apply referendums to resolve polarizing issues. He presented himself as a "candidate for the people", as opposed to a partisan candidate. Hołownia highlighted energy transition, housing prices, national security and children's safety from technology addiction as campaign issues. [165]
Adrian Zandberg, a leftwing candidate, contrasted himself against former party ally Magdalena Biejat in his criticism of the ruling coalition, which he criticized as corrupt and ineffectual in resolving problems of the citizens. [166] He presented himself as an anti-establishment candidate, fighting for votes among Mentzen's young anti-establishment base. [167] Zandberg's campaign oriented around infrastructural development, reducing housing prices and improving Poland's healthcare system. [168]
Magdalena Biejat, a former member of Zandberg's Razem party, criticized Zandberg for his opposition to the ruling government, highlighting the pro-government Left's accomplishments as allies of the Prime Minister. [166] Biejat focused on issues such as housing prices, legalization of abortion and secularization. [169]
Nawrocki's program was described as economically interventionist, [170] or economically left-wing. [171] Nawrocki described himself as a strong supporter of armaments and social investment programmes. Nawrocki supported large economic investments; he strongly supports the Central Communication Port (Polish : Centralny Port Komunikacyjny, CPK) project, [172] and praised the Central Industrial Region and Stocznia Gdynia schemes developed in the interwar Second Polish Republic. [173] Nawrocki expressed his fascination with other large investments such as the Vistula Spit canal and Świnoujście LNG terminal, wanting to pursue similar undertakings. [174] He promised investments of new infrastructure in every gmina. [150]
Braun promised to oppose any budget bill "that allocates a single złoty to matters unrelated to Poles"; this included opposing welfare benefits for Ukrainian immigrants and Jewish property claims. He also demanded a revesal of "selling off Polish land and resources". He argued that Poland should generate energy from both renewable and non-renewable sources, focusing on lowering life costs instead of minimizing the enviornmental impact. [175]
Nawrocki opposed adoption of the Euro as Poland's currency. [176]
Hołownia opposed adoption of the Euro until Poland's economy is ready for its adoption, drawing criticism for changing his rhetoric from strong support of the currency. [177] [178]
Braun advocated multilateralism - he supported Polexit, supported securing mutual energy and safe border agreements with Belarus, sought to withdraw Polish aid to Ukraine, and criticized the Polish government for becoming "the servants of Ukraine". Braun also campaigned on pursuing good relations with the Russian Federation and punishing Israel for the "Israeli genocide in Gaza". [179]
The enactment of a cadastral tax (Polish : podatek katastralny) on owners of several properties was seen as a way to remedy the increasing cost of housing within cities. A SW Research poll showed that, overall, 40% of respondents supported and 34% opposed the introduction of a cadastral tax. [180] Another proposed solution was the construction of low-rent housing by the state.
Nawrocki's stance on the cadastral tax idea was criticized as contradictory, with him stating opposition to a cadastral tax, yet supporting taxation of properties possessed by owners of three or more houses. [181] [182] He promised to lower the cost of housing in the country, stating he would "fight for cheap housing". [183]
Trzaskowski's electoral committee declared its candidate was against the introduction of a cadastral tax and in favor of state construction of housing. [184]
Mentzen opposed cadastral taxes and was against state construction of low-rent housing. [159]
Nawrocki ran a nationalist and socially conservative campaign, [185] portraying the government as gender ideology radicals. [186] He was opposed to the easing of Poland's abortion laws and the introduction of same-sex marriage or civil unions, instead supporting the instatement of closest person status for homosexual couples. [187]
Trzaskowski was ideologically culturally liberal, supporting causes such as the LGBT rights movement, same-sex civil unions and abortion legalization, but moderated by standing against same-sex adoption and distancing himself from the LGBT movement. [188] [189] Trzaskowski stated he would appear at the nationalist Independence March if he won the election, [190] [191] despite usually obstructing the event's occurrence as Mayor of Warsaw. [192]
Mentzen emphasized protection of free speech in his campaign, standing against "leftwing political correctness". Mentzen supported easing gun laws, legalization of marijuana and gambling. However, he also declared his opposition to legalized abortion. [159] During the campaign, he refrained from tackling LGBT rights issues. [193]
Braun postulated a total abortion ban, abolition of healthcare monopolies, Polish exit from the World Health Organization, universal access to guns, abolition of compulsory vaccination and introduction of school vouchers. [163]
Nawrocki supported social welfare programmes, [176] calling for "a welfare state with zero VAT on food". [194] He stressed the lack of transport in Poland and has pledged to develop rail infrastructure in underdeveloped regions of the country. [195] His other proposals include abolishing tax on savings and increasing the annual indexation of pensions. [196] He also expressed welfare chauvinist views — believing that Poles are "treated worse in their own country than immigrants", Nawrocki argued that social benefits in Poland should be for Poles only, and pensions for Ukrainian immigrants should be eliminated; additionally, Polish citizens should have a priority in healthcare, school and kindergarten queues. [197] [198]
Mentzen's campaign oriented around the lowering of taxes, removing the inheritance tax, capital gains tax, and simplifying the personal income tax, corporate tax, value-added tax, among others. [159]
Braun supported the abolition of income tax, corporation tax and compulsory health insurance. [175]
Sławomir Mentzen of the Confederation alliance was the first candidate to begin an electoral campaign on 31 August 2024, drawing criticism and accusations of illegality from politicians of other parties for its early start. [199] Marshal of the Sejm Szymon Hołownia from the Poland 2050 party declared his candidacy on 13 November. [114] The Civic Coalition (KO) selected its candidate in a presidential primary on 22 November after Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski challenged presumptive nominee, Mayor of Warsaw Rafał Trzaskowski, who was KO's 2020 presidential candidate. [200] Following the KO primary, Institute of National Remembrance chairman Karol Nawrocki was endorsed by the Law and Justice party on 24 November as an officially independent candidate, as he never belonged to any political party. [201] Other groups also ran their own candidates. Parties of the left, the New Left and Razem, selected Magdalena Biejat and Adrian Zandberg respectively. On the right, the Free Republicans group endorsed Marek Jakubiak, and the Confederation of the Polish Crown ran Grzegorz Braun after splitting off from Mentzen's Confederation. Other candidates, not representing parties in parliament, also appeared: Artur Bartoszewicz (independent), Maciej Maciak (Prosperity and Peace Movement), Joanna Senyszyn (Democratic Left Association), Krzysztof Stanowski (independent) and Marek Woch (Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy). In total, the first round of the election had 13 candidates on the ballot, the largest amount of candidates tied with the 1995 presidential election.
Speculation swiftly began on whether PiS would replace Nawrocki when it was revealed that he had contact with a future criminal as part of his time as a boxer two decades prior, for which he was attacked by opposing politicians. [202] Polling showed, however, that the vast plurality of people did not expect Nawrocki to be replaced. [203] Nawrocki would continue being PiS' presidential candidate going into the first round and would face further controversies about his private life.
At the party conference on 2 March, Nawrocki declared the election a "referendum on rejecting Tusk", [146] which would remain a theme throughout the campaign, referenced in events like the successful Zabrze recall referendum for the city's KO-aligned mayor, which occurred a week before the first round of the election. [204] On 13 February 2025, Nawrocki was endorsed by Solidarity, Poland's largest trade union, pledging not to raise the age of retirement and to defend the minimum wage. [205] Following the first round, on 20 May, Rural Solidarity also endorsed Nawrocki. [206] At Nawrocki's electoral convention in Łódź on 26 April, he earned the endorsement of outgoing president Andrzej Duda, [207] who previously refrained from issuing endorsements or supporting any of the candidates. [208] Nawrocki also secured the support of Donald Trump, with Kristi Noem endorsing him at the first Polish CPAC event near Rzeszów on 27 May. [209]
During the campaign, some considered Trzaskowski to have taken a "turn to the right"; [210] Trzaskowski put forward the idea to limit welfare programs for non-working Ukrainian refugees [188] [211] which was proposed in the Sejm by Law and Justice on 20 January to "check" the genuinity of Trzaskowski's proposal. [212] While being a supporter of LGBT rights, he was not outspoken about it. [188] During the first TVP debate in Końskie, after being given an LGBT flag by Nawrocki, Trzaskowski first hid and then gave away the flag to his opponent, Magdalena Biejat. [188] Despite being a supporter of same-sex civil unions, he spoke out against same-sex adoption. [188] [189]
Mentzen and Braun, who would come third and fourth in the election, campaigned along right-wing social and economic lines. Mentzen, who polled best among the youth, and eventually won the demographic, [213] visited the largest amount of powiats out of all the other candidates. [214] Some commentators believed Mentzen had a chance to enter the second round, and by March, Mentzen was rising in opinion polling, in some of them even slightly coming ahead of Nawrocki. [215] However, he began declining afterwards. [216] [217]
In March, a controversy erupted over an abortion conducted in the 36th week of pregnancy of a fetus with a birth defect in a hospital in Oleśnica. [218] Right-wing politicians criticized the abortion. President Duda called the act barbaric, [219] Nawrocki called it murder and stated that the state should help children with disabilities, [220] Braun came to notoriety regarding the incident when on 16 April, he, along with others, stormed into the hospital and constrained the gynecologist who conducted the abortion for several minutes, claiming to be doing a poseł's intervention [218] for which, alongside other incidents, he lost his europarliamentary immunity. [221] On 27 March, Mentzen held an interview with candidate Krzysztof Stanowski, during which his assertion expressing unconditional opposition to abortion and describing pregnancy resulting from rape as "unpleasant" sparked significant backlash, [222] with some commentators attributing his decline in polling by late March to this statement. [223]
An important election issue was the matter of the health insurance contribution (Polish : składka zdrowotna), with the country's poor healthcare being amongst the most important problems. [224] In April, the center and center-right parties in the coalition government narrowly voted to decrease the health insurance contribution for entrepreneurs, [224] which sparked protests from the left, especially MPs from Razem, accusing the government of attempting to undermine and then privatize public healthcare. [39] On 11 April, Razem's leader, Adrian Zandberg, missed the first TVP debate to have an audience with President Andrzej Duda about the health contribution, [225] which he vetoed on 6 May. Following Duda's veto of the decrease, Trzaskowski defended his party's health insurance contribution proposal, stating it would lead to increase the amount of money in the healthcare system, [226] with Hołownia also approving of the proposal. Meanwhile, Nawrocki and Biejat disagreed, speaking of the already poor state of Poland's healthcare. [227]
![]() | This section needs to be updated.(June 2025) |
During the course of the campaign, public criticism emerged over Nawrocki's acquisition of a second apartment from an elderly man in pre-trial detention. As Nawrocki had declared to own just one apartment during a debate, Onet publicized information about him owning a second one. The candidate proceeded to declare that he had acquired the second apartment from the elderly man for pledging lifelong care in exchange, however it was revealed the man was placed in a state care facility without Nawrocki's involvement. [228] Amid accusations of exploitation, Nawrocki defended the deal's legality and promised to donate the property to charity. [229]
Trzaskowski and Nawrocki advanced to the second round, with Nawrocki overperforming in the polls. Hołownia and Biejat quickly endorsed Trzaskowski, [230] [231] and Jakubiak endorsed Nawrocki. [232] Mentzen, who came third in the first round with 14.8% of the vote, called both advancing candidates to meet with him in a public meeting, and presented a set of eight points [i] for each candidate to sign onto, [233] which were signed by Nawrocki. [234] [235] [236] Trzaskowski also appeared on 24 May 2025, agreeing with four out of the eight points, but not agreeing to sign onto them, [237] and being more assertive towards the host. [223] Following Trzaskowski's appearance, he went out to drink with Mentzen, generating accusations of Mentzen being a traitor by Confederation figures. [238] [239] Trzaskowski, meanwhile, faced criticism from Left supporters, which were dissatisfied with him drinking with a far-right politician. [240] [241]
Shortly after the completion of the first round, both candidates announced launching rallies of support to be held in Warsaw on the same day, 25 May. [242] Differing turnout estimates were presented, ranging between 130,000 and 160,000, including Romanian president-elect Nicușor Dan, [243] for Trzaskowski's march and between 50,000 and 70,000 for Nawrocki's rally. [244] [245]
Throughout the second round, Nawrocki encountered a set of new controversies involving his personal life, beginning with the revelation that he had previously participated in a 70 vs 70 football hooligans' fight (Polish : ustawka) between fans of Lechia Gdańsk and Lech Poznań. [246] Facing criticism, he accused Prime Minister Tusk of likewise participating in football hooliganism in his youth, and called the fights "noble battles". [247] [248] It also came to light that Nawrocki had Chelsea F.C. and Lechia Gdańsk tattoos on his torso. [249] Further controversies about Nawrocki's personal background emerged due to allegations of him having worked as a bodyguard for prostitutes in a five-star Grand Hotel in Sopot in his youth [250] [251] [252] and using snus while on air during a presidential debate, [253] [254] causing allegations of him possibly being heavily addicted to nicotine. [255] [256]
Meanwhile, Trzaskowski's campaign was hampered by party colleagues — KO poseł Kinga Gajewska was criticized for taking photos handing nursing home residents sacks of potatoes, [257] [258] former President Bronisław Komorowski claiming he most proudly hunts ducks (Polish : Kaczory, implying PiS leaders Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński), [259] [260] and Prime Minister Donald Tusk citing convicted [261] Freak Fighter Jacek Murański regarding Nawrocki's Grand Hotel allegations. [262] [263]
Country | Position | Leader | Party | Endorsement | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
![]() | Prime Minister | Viktor Orbán | Fidesz | Karol Nawrocki [311] | ||
![]() | President | Nicușor Dan | Independent | Rafał Trzaskowski [312] | ||
Party leader | George Simion | Alliance for the Union of Romanians | Karol Nawrocki [313] | |||
![]() | President | Donald Trump | Republican Party | Karol Nawrocki [314] | ||
Secretary | Kristi Noem | Republican Party | Karol Nawrocki [315] |
![]() | This section needs to be updated. The reason given is: Needs information about debates between 11 April 2025 and 12 May 2025.(June 2025) |
Ten debates were organized, with eight directly between candidates participating in the election, with most excluding Maciej Maciak. Due to the boycotting of debates hosted by the right-wing TV Republika by Trzaskowski and Biejat, the two candidates had the lowest turnout, with Trzaskowski or his representative appearing at only 56% of the debates he was invited to.
On 11 April 2025, two debates took place in Końskie, widely described as chaotic. [316] [317] [318] [319] One was organized by TV Republika, wPolsce24 and the Catholic Telewizja Trwam, with five candidates participating (Hołownia, Jakubiak, Nawrocki, Senyszyn, Stanowski). [317] Another one, organized by Trzaskowski's committee and moderated by journalists of TVP, TVN and Polsat, was held at the town's sports hall once the candidates from the earlier debate joined Biejat, Maciak and Trzaskowski. [316] The former was initiated in opposition to the latter event, [320] which organization started spontaneously on 9 April, [318] and which in the beginning was meant for just the two leading candidates, however other ones were also invited just shortly before its planned start. [316]
On 12 May 2025 an official presidential debate involving all 13 candidates was hosted by the state broadcaster Telewizja Polska. During the debate, two questions were published by an employee of the broadcaster Jarosław Olechowski on Twitter prior to being asked by the host Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf ; one at the time of their publication, the other over an hour later. [321]
On 23 May 2025, the first second-round debate was held between Nawrocki and Trzaskowski. The debate had thematic sections for healthcare, foreign policy, economics, welfare, security and social policy. [322] During the debate, Nawrocki was criticized for using a nicotine pouch (snus) in the middle of the debate. [323] Meanwhile, Trzaskowski caused controversy for calling Stowarzyszenie Demagog to fact-check Nawrocki, which confirmed Nawrocki's statement. [324]
The final debate of the election, organized by Telewizja Republika, was set to take place on 28 May 2025 in the market square of Końskie. However, Trzaskowski ultimately declined the invitation and instead travelled to Kalisz to speak with voters in a one-on-one format there. Nawrocki's televised conversation with the town's residents was interrupted by Witold Zembaczyński, who drew attention to himself using a deck of cards and by running in front of the stage. [325]
Journalist Krzysztof Stanowski, himself a candidate, held extensive interviews with all of the other candidates, [326] except for Maciej Maciak, the interview with whom was ended abruptly just after a few minutes once Maciak expressed favorable views about the Russian president Vladimir Putin. [327] Stanowski's interviews had a major influence on the course of the electoral campaign. [328]
# | Date | Time (CEST) | Location | Hosted by | Host(s) | Ref |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 11 April 2025 | 18:50 | Końskie |
| [329] | |
2 | 11 April 2025 | 20:44 | Końskie |
|
| [330] [331] |
3 | 14 April 2025 | 20:03 | Warsaw | TV Republika | [332] [333] | |
4 | 28 April 2025 | 18:00 | Warsaw | Super Express |
| [334] [335] [336] [337] |
5 | 30 April 2025 | 20:00 | Gdynia | Campaign teams of Biejat and Hołownia |
| [338] [339] |
6 | 5 May 2025 | 20:00 | Polsat studio | Polsat News | [340] | |
7 | 9 May 2025 | 20:00 | Warsaw |
| [341] [342] | |
8 | 12 May 2025 | 20:00 | TVP headquarters, Warsaw |
| [343] | |
9 | 23 May 2025 | 20:00 | TVP headquarters, Warsaw | [o] |
| [344] |
10 | 28 May 2025 | 20:00 | Końskie | TV Republika | [345] [346] [347] |
The following is a table of participating candidates in each debate:
Candidate | ||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
P Present I Invited, not present N Not invited | Total | Attnd. | ||||||||||
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 [p] | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | |||
Bartoszewicz | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
Biejat | I | P | I | P | P | P | I | P | N | N | 5 | 63% |
Braun | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
Hołownia | P | P | P | P | P | P | P | P | N | N | 8 | 100% |
Jakubiak | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
Maciak | N | P | N | P | N | N | N | P | N | N | 3 | 100% |
Mentzen | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
Nawrocki | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | P | P | 9 | 100% |
Senyszyn | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
Stanowski | P | P | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 7 | 100% |
Trzaskowski | I | P | I | P | N | P | I | P | P | I | 5 | 56% |
Woch | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N [q] | 5 | 71% |
Zandberg | I | I | P | P | N | P | P | P | N | N | 5 | 71% |
Marshal of the Sejm Szymon Hołownia announced the election day on 8 January 2025; [349] the following schedule was approved by the National Electoral Commission on 15 January 2025: [21]
Timeline of the 2025 Polish presidential election | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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|
In the first round Trzaskowski came first with 31% of the vote, with Nawrocki coming in second with 30%, advancing to the second round. The right-wing candidates Nawrocki, Mentzen and Braun overperformed polls, received 30%, 15% and 6% respectively, finishing second, third and fourth. [2] [3] Hołownia and Biejat underperformed, coming fifth and seventh, the latter coming below her left-wing rival, Zandberg. [6] [7]
In the second round, according to an exit poll by Ipsos, Trzaskowski received 50.3% of the vote and Nawrocki 49.7%, however, the margin of 0.6% was within the margin of error. Shortly after the poll was released, Trzaskowski claimed victory giving a speech to supporters in Warsaw. [350] A late poll, released by Ipsos at 23:00, later indicated that Nawrocki came first with 50.7% of the vote. [351] After all votes were counted, Nawrocki's vote share ended with 10,606,877 votes (50.89%), against Trzaskowski's 10,237,286 (49.11%). [352]
Candidate | Party | First round | Second round | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | |||
Karol Nawrocki | Independent (PiS) | 5,790,804 | 29.54 | 10,606,877 | 50.89 | |
Rafał Trzaskowski | Civic Coalition (PO) | 6,147,797 | 31.36 | 10,237,286 | 49.11 | |
Sławomir Mentzen | Confederation (New Hope) | 2,902,448 | 14.81 | |||
Grzegorz Braun | Polish Crown | 1,242,917 | 6.34 | |||
Szymon Hołownia | Third Way (Poland 2050) | 978,901 | 4.99 | |||
Adrian Zandberg | Partia Razem | 952,832 | 4.86 | |||
Magdalena Biejat | Independent (The Left) | 829,361 | 4.23 | |||
Krzysztof Stanowski | Independent | 243,479 | 1.24 | |||
Joanna Senyszyn | Independent (SLD) | 214,198 | 1.09 | |||
Marek Jakubiak | Free Republicans | 150,698 | 0.77 | |||
Artur Bartoszewicz | Independent | 95,640 | 0.49 | |||
Maciej Maciak | Independent (RDiP) | 36,371 | 0.19 | |||
Marek Woch | Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy | 18,338 | 0.09 | |||
Total | 19,603,784 | 100.00 | 20,844,163 | 100.00 | ||
Valid votes | 19,603,784 | 99.56 | 20,844,163 | 99.10 | ||
Invalid/blank votes | 85,813 | 0.44 | 189,294 | 0.90 | ||
Total votes | 19,689,597 | 100.00 | 21,033,457 | 100.00 | ||
Registered voters/turnout | 29,252,340 | 67.31 | 29,363,722 | 71.63 | ||
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Voivodeship | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen Confederation | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | |
Lower Silesian | 519,319 | 36.52 | 362,779 | 25.51 | 192,749 | 13.56 | 77,921 | 5.48 | 66,643 | 4.69 | 80,976 | 5.70 | 66,320 | 4.66 | 17,430 | 1.23 | 17,342 | 1.22 | 2,717 | 0.68 | 6,727 | 0.47 | 2,717 | 0.19 | 1,249 | 0.09 |
Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 339,442 | 35.63 | 251,323 | 26.38 | 141,713 | 14.87 | 49,699 | 5.22 | 49,495 | 5.19 | 41,052 | 4.31 | 44,077 | 4.63 | 12,039 | 1.26 | 10,304 | 1.08 | 2,087 | 0.67 | 4,296 | 0.45 | 2,087 | 0.22 | 879 | 0.09 |
Lublin | 213,269 | 20.65 | 402,906 | 39.02 | 170,886 | 16.55 | 96,862 | 9.38 | 44,662 | 4.32 | 36,471 | 3.53 | 28,625 | 2.77 | 10,828 | 1.05 | 9,009 | 0.87 | 2,143 | 0.93 | 5,551 | 0.54 | 2,143 | 0.21 | 1,811 | 0.18 |
Lubusz | 183,321 | 40.49 | 105,266 | 23.25 | 64,452 | 14.23 | 25,954 | 5.73 | 22,352 | 4.94 | 18,325 | 4.05 | 17,529 | 3.87 | 5,159 | 1.14 | 4,520 | 1.00 | 779 | 0.58 | 2,133 | 0.47 | 779 | 0.17 | 383 | 0.08 |
Łódź | 377,192 | 30.27 | 400,817 | 32.17 | 172,049 | 13.81 | 75,641 | 6.07 | 58,080 | 4.66 | 56,702 | 4.55 | 56,981 | 4.57 | 15,248 | 1.22 | 13,629 | 1.09 | 2,391 | 0.82 | 6,133 | 0.49 | 2,391 | 0.19 | 1,043 | 0.08 |
Lesser Poland | 445,859 | 24.41 | 643,054 | 35.21 | 295,847 | 16.20 | 120,425 | 6.59 | 89,634 | 4.91 | 99,552 | 5.45 | 63,052 | 3.45 | 22,519 | 1.23 | 18,951 | 1.04 | 2,845 | 0.82 | 8,090 | 0.44 | 2,845 | 0.16 | 1,592 | 0.09 |
Masovian | 957,329 | 31.52 | 897,133 | 29.53 | 409,064 | 13.47 | 170,378 | 5.61 | 150,536 | 4.96 | 168,936 | 5.56 | 151,315 | 4.98 | 42,731 | 1.41 | 38,173 | 1.26 | 4,944 | 0.94 | 15,830 | 0.52 | 4,944 | 0.16 | 2,736 | 0.09 |
Opole | 148,253 | 35.59 | 107,179 | 25.73 | 63,664 | 15.28 | 26,750 | 6.42 | 23,534 | 5.65 | 16,984 | 4.08 | 14,838 | 3.56 | 5,116 | 1.23 | 3,976 | 0.95 | 936 | 0.68 | 2,107 | 0.51 | 936 | 0.22 | 408 | 0.10 |
Subcarpathian | 188,299 | 17.90 | 449,871 | 42.77 | 185,021 | 17.59 | 96,959 | 9.22 | 40,971 | 3.90 | 32,335 | 3.07 | 23,395 | 2.22 | 10,695 | 1.02 | 7,691 | 0.73 | 2,032 | 0.84 | 4,824 | 0.46 | 2,032 | 0.19 | 886 | 0.08 |
Podlaskie | 130,372 | 23.31 | 199,325 | 35.64 | 95,487 | 17.07 | 43,059 | 7.70 | 32,337 | 5.78 | 20,277 | 3.63 | 16,375 | 2.93 | 6,547 | 1.17 | 4,967 | 0.89 | 1,781 | 0.80 | 3,810 | 0.68 | 1,781 | 0.32 | 399 | 0.07 |
Pomeranian | 460,423 | 38.05 | 268,441 | 22.19 | 171,136 | 14.14 | 70,843 | 5.85 | 69,922 | 5.78 | 70,843 | 5.85 | 58,120 | 4.80 | 16,683 | 1.38 | 15,856 | 1.31 | 2,052 | 0.67 | 5,805 | 0.48 | 2,052 | 0.17 | 1,165 | 0.10 |
Silesian | 722,469 | 33.37 | 599,900 | 27.71 | 322,362 | 14.89 | 122,604 | 5.66 | 115,554 | 5.34 | 104,539 | 4.83 | 93,143 | 4.30 | 29,062 | 1.34 | 23,672 | 1.09 | 3,948 | 0.70 | 10,551 | 0.49 | 3,948 | 0.18 | 2,090 | 0.10 |
Świętokrzyskie | 140,322 | 23.73 | 236,151 | 39.94 | 85,188 | 14.41 | 36,923 | 7.94 | 24,745 | 4.18 | 19,749 | 3.34 | 18,283 | 3.09 | 6,035 | 1.02 | 4,996 | 0.84 | 1,121 | 0.80 | 2,626 | 0.44 | 1,121 | 0.19 | 496 | 0.08 |
Warmian-Masurian | 215,229 | 34.56 | 168,158 | 27.00 | 96,346 | 15.47 | 37,144 | 5.96 | 31,510 | 5.06 | 25,111 | 4.03 | 26,577 | 4.27 | 7,187 | 1.15 | 5,983 | 0.96 | 1,250 | 0.74 | 3,188 | 0.51 | 1,250 | 0.20 | 562 | 0.09 |
Greater Poland | 619,185 | 35.04 | 433,259 | 24.52 | 258,786 | 14.64 | 97,413 | 5.51 | 104,788 | 5.93 | 97,235 | 5.50 | 87,208 | 4.93 | 22,660 | 1.28 | 21,174 | 1.20 | 3,060 | 0.70 | 8,353 | 0.47 | 3,060 | 0.17 | 1,733 | 0.10 |
West Pomeranian | 315,978 | 40.31 | 190,398 | 24.29 | 100,468 | 12.82 | 42,219 | 5.39 | 38,167 | 4.87 | 33,598 | 4.29 | 35,057 | 4.47 | 9,356 | 1.19 | 8,155 | 1.04 | 1,368 | 0.62 | 3,562 | 0.45 | 1,368 | 0.17 | 671 | 0.09 |
Abroad and ships | 171,536 | 36.82 | 74,844 | 16.07 | 77,229 | 16.58 | 51,552 | 11.07 | 15,971 | 3.43 | 30,147 | 6.47 | 28,466 | 6.11 | 4,184 | 0.90 | 5,800 | 1.24 | 2,932 | 0.63 | 2,054 | 0.44 | 917 | 0.20 | 235 | 0.05 |
Poland | 6,147,797 | 31.36 | 5,790,804 | 29.54 | 2,902,448 | 14.81 | 1,242,917 | 6.34 | 962,930 | 4.99 | 952,832 | 4.86 | 829,361 | 4.23 | 243,479 | 1.24 | 214,198 | 1.09 | 150,698 | 0.77 | 95,640 | 0.49 | 36,371 | 0.19 | 18,338 | 0.09 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Voivodeship | Nawrocki PiS | Trzaskowski KO | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | |
Lower Silesian | 673,218 | 44.19 | 850,305 | 55.81 |
Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 470,660 | 46.58 | 539,860 | 53.42 |
Lublin | 720,119 | 66.54 | 362,053 | 33.46 |
Lubusz | 201,982 | 41.78 | 281,477 | 58.22 |
Łódź | 701,859 | 53.20 | 617,350 | 46.80 |
Lesser Poland | 1,132,733 | 58.87 | 791,494 | 41.13 |
Masovian | 1,585,019 | 49.72 | 1,602,996 | 50.28 |
Opole | 210,321 | 47.02 | 236,992 | 52.98 |
Subcarpathian | 780,429 | 71.02 | 318,485 | 28.98 |
Podlaskie | 357,847 | 61.39 | 225,062 | 38.61 |
Pomeranian | 521,725 | 40.87 | 754,823 | 59.13 |
Silesian | 1,111,205 | 48.66 | 1,172,343 | 51.34 |
Świętokrzyskie | 401,863 | 63.61 | 229,895 | 36.39 |
Warmian-Masurian | 320,797 | 48.29 | 343,483 | 51.71 |
Greater Poland | 837,129 | 44.83 | 1,030,175 | 55.17 |
West Pomeranian | 359,267 | 41.97 | 496,666 | 58.03 |
Abroad and ships | 220,704 | 36.51 | 383,827 | 63.49 |
Poland | 10,606,877 | 50.89 | 10,237,286 | 49.11 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Demographic | Second round | First round | |||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nawrocki PiS | Trzaskowski KO | Shift for PiS from 2020 | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen KWiN | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | ||
Total vote | 50.89 | 49.11 | -0.14 | 31.36 | 29.54 | 14.81 | 6.34 | 4.99 | 4.86 | 4.23 | 1.24 | 1.09 | 0.77 | 0.49 | 0.19 | 0.09 | |
Late poll results | 51.0 | 49.0 | =0.0 | 31.2 | 29.7 | 14.5 | 6.3 | 4.9 | 4.8 | 4.1 | 1.3 | 1.4 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Sex | |||||||||||||||||
Men | 55.5 | 44.5 | +3.6 | 28.0 | 28.6 | 19.7 | 7.6 | 4.4 | 4.0 | 2.4 | 1.8 | 1.3 | 1.0 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
Women | 47.2 | 52.8 | -2.5 | 34.1 | 30.8 | 9.8 | 5.1 | 5.3 | 5.6 | 5.6 | 0.9 | 1.4 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Age | |||||||||||||||||
18–29 years old | 53.2 | 46.8 | +16.9 | 13.0 | 11.1 | 34.8 | 5.3 | 4.3 | 18.7 | 5.3 | 2.5 | 3.3 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
30–39 years old | 54.0 | 46.0 | +8.7 | 21.6 | 19.5 | 24.8 | 9.9 | 6.9 | 5.2 | 6.1 | 2.4 | 1.7 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
40–49 years old | 47.9 | 52.1 | +2.3 | 34.2 | 26.9 | 11.2 | 8.6 | 7.1 | 2.2 | 5.0 | 1.5 | 1.3 | 0.8 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
50–59 years old | 49.4 | 50.6 | -10.3 | 36.8 | 36.3 | 7.7 | 6.1 | 4.9 | 1.6 | 3.5 | 0.7 | 0.6 | 0.8 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
60 and older | 51.0 | 49.0 | -11.5 | 42.5 | 45.3 | 2.6 | 2.9 | 2.4 | 0.5 | 1.7 | 0.2 | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
Education | |||||||||||||||||
Elementary | 73.0 | 27.0 | -4.3 | 16.0 | 52.3 | 12.7 | 5.6 | 2.5 | 4.7 | 2.4 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Vocational | 69.8 | 30.2 | -5.2 | 22.1 | 49.2 | 13.2 | 7.4 | 3.0 | 1.2 | 1.7 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
Secondary | 53.9 | 46.1 | +3.0 | 28.9 | 29.8 | 17.0 | 6.9 | 4.1 | 5.4 | 3.3 | 1.4 | 1.3 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
Higher | 39.0 | 61.0 | +4.1 | 38.6 | 19.9 | 12.8 | 5.3 | 6.6 | 5.7 | 5.9 | 1.6 | 1.8 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
Agglomeration | |||||||||||||||||
Rural | 64.2 | 35.8 | +0.4 | 21.7 | 38.1 | 17.4 | 7.7 | 4.7 | 3.2 | 2.9 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |
<50,000 pop. | 48.7 | 51.3 | +1.8 | 33.9 | 29.5 | 13.6 | 6.5 | 4.6 | 4.3 | 3.6 | 1.1 | 1.3 | 0.6 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
51,000 – 200,000 pop. | 42.9 | 57.1 | -6.7 | 38.0 | 23.9 | 13.2 | 5.6 | 5.2 | 4.9 | 4.6 | 1.9 | 1.2 | 0.7 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
201,000 – 500,000 pop. | 34.7 | 65.3 | -4.0 | 42.9 | 18.7 | 11.3 | 3.8 | 6.1 | 6.6 | 5.8 | 1.7 | 1.8 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 0.2 | 0.1 | |
>500,000 pop. | 33.2 | 66.8 | -1.0 | 40.7 | 17.6 | 10.8 | 3.9 | 5.1 | 9.7 | 6.8 | 1.5 | 2.1 | 0.9 | 0.3 | 0.5 | 0.1 | |
Occupation | |||||||||||||||||
Company owner | 44.6 | 55.4 | +10.5 | 37.5 | 17.3 | 19.9 | 7.8 | 5.8 | 2.7 | 4.0 | 1.9 | 1.1 | 1.0 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.2 | |
Manager/expert | 36.3 | 63.7 | +3.7 | 37.4 | 16.9 | 15.0 | 5.0 | 7.2 | 5.2 | 6.7 | 2.2 | 2.1 | 1.1 | 0.7 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Admin/services | 48.3 | 51.7 | +3.6 | 30.2 | 24.3 | 15.7 | 6.7 | 6.3 | 6.2 | 5.8 | 1.5 | 1.7 | 0.6 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.2 | |
Farmer | 80.1 | 19.9 | -1.3 | 12.2 | 52.4 | 14.2 | 10.4 | 3.5 | 1.1 | 1.5 | 0.9 | 1.2 | 1.3 | 0.7 | 0.5 | 0.1 | |
Worker | 69.3 | 30.7 | +2.9 | 17.4 | 36.7 | 21.8 | 10.8 | 4.0 | 2.6 | 2.3 | 1.7 | 0.8 | 0.7 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.3 | |
Student | 44.3 | 55.7 | +14.2 | 16.1 | 10.2 | 26.3 | 4.0 | 4.9 | 25.2 | 5.8 | 1.9 | 4.0 | 0.8 | 0.3 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Unemployed | 64.3 | 35.7 | -1.1 | 19.6 | 33.9 | 18.4 | 8.7 | 6.0 | 5.5 | 3.6 | 1.0 | 1.4 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.6 | 0.4 | |
Retired | 51.6 | 48.4 | -12.5 | 42.3 | 45.7 | 2.5 | 2.9 | 2.4 | 0.6 | 1.7 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.4 | 0.5 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
Other | 54.8 | 45.2 | +4.2 | 24.2 | 28.7 | 18.9 | 8.7 | 5.3 | 5.0 | 4.7 | 1.3 | 1.5 | 0.8 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.1 | |
Second round presidential vote in 2020 [af] | |||||||||||||||||
Duda | 93.3 | 6.7 | +2.2 | 2.7 | 64.7 | 16.3 | 8.4 | 2.1 | 1.1 | 1.1 | 1.0 | 0.5 | 1.2 | 0.6 | 0.1 | 0.2 | |
Trzaskowski | 4.0 | 96.0 | -0.4 | 71.1 | 1.0 | 3.9 | 1.1 | 6.7 | 5.9 | 6.8 | 1.0 | 1.7 | 0.2 | 0.2 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
Didn't vote | 55.5 | 44.5 | +25.4 | 12.8 | 10.8 | 33.7 | 10.5 | 5.8 | 15.1 | 4.0 | 2.4 | 2.4 | 0.9 | 0.7 | 0.8 | 0.1 | |
Don't remember | 55.0 | 45.0 | +15.8 | 16.6 | 18.8 | 25.4 | 12.6 | 8.5 | 4.4 | 5.3 | 2.4 | 2.6 | 1.0 | 1.2 | 0.8 | 0.4 | |
Sejm vote in 2023 [ag] | |||||||||||||||||
BS | 73.1 | 26.9 | – | 10.8 | 18.7 | 15.1 | 15.8 | 4.6 | 7.5 | 5.2 | 6.0 | 3.5 | 3.8 | 6.5 | 1.4 | 1.1 | |
TD | 20.9 | 79.1 | -8.5 | 22.6 | 4.0 | 10.8 | 2.8 | 36.6 | 8.7 | 7.3 | 2.7 | 2.0 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.7 | 0.3 | |
NL | 10.8 | 89.2 | +2.5 | 17.9 | 2.7 | 3.9 | 2.4 | 2.6 | 33.1 | 29.9 | 1.0 | 5.1 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
PiS | 97.9 | 2.1 | +1.0 | 1.4 | 83.3 | 6.9 | 4.4 | 0.9 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 0.6 | 0.2 | 0.9 | 0.3 | 0.1 | 0.0 | |
Confederation | 89.3 | 10.7 | +49.3 | 2.1 | 4.7 | 66.6 | 21.1 | 0.6 | 1.1 | 0.3 | 1.2 | 0.5 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.0 | |
KO | 4.1 | 95.9 | +2.3 | 81.7 | 1.1 | 3.0 | 0.9 | 3.0 | 3.4 | 4.1 | 0.8 | 1.4 | 0.1 | 0.1 | 0.3 | 0.1 | |
PJJ | 75.9 | 24.1 | – | 9.0 | 27.6 | 18.8 | 26.8 | 2.5 | 2.4 | 0.2 | 3.6 | 3.2 | 3.5 | 0.9 | 1.2 | 0.3 | |
Other parties | 55.6 | 44.4 | +38.8 | 10.4 | 17.1 | 9.7 | 18.7 | 3.9 | 13.3 | 5.3 | 6.9 | 5.6 | 2.0 | 2.2 | 3.3 | 1.6 | |
Didn't vote | 56.9 | 43.1 | +18.6 | 15.5 | 15.1 | 29.5 | 12.0 | 3.7 | 11.9 | 3.6 | 3.4 | 2.2 | 1.3 | 0.7 | 1.0 | 0.1 | |
Don't remember | 54.1 | 45.9 | +14.0 | 20.2 | 20.3 | 18.0 | 12.6 | 5.2 | 8.4 | 6.3 | 2.6 | 2.9 | 1.3 | 1.5 | 0.3 | 0.4 | |
Transfer of electorates from the first round of the election | |||||||||||||||||
Electorates transferred from candidates in column to candidate in row | Didn't vote | Don't remember | Trzaskowski KO | Nawrocki PiS | Mentzen KWiN | Braun KKP | Hołownia TD | Zandberg Razem | Biejat The Left | Stanowski Ind. | Senyszyn SLD | Jakubiak WR | Bartoszewicz Ind. | Maciak RDiP | Woch BS | ||
Karol Nawrocki | 48.6 | 57.2 | 1.2 | 99.3 | 87.2 | 92.6 | 14.6 | 16.5 | 11.7 | 52.1 | 19.3 | 89.5 | 69.6 | 70.7 | 53.8 | ||
Rafał Trzaskowski | 51.4 | 42.8 | 98.8 | 0.7 | 12.8 | 7.4 | 85.4 | 83.5 | 88.3 | 47.9 | 80.7 | 10.5 | 30.4 | 29.3 | 46.2 | ||
Shift for PiS candidate from 2020 | -1.2 | +0.1 | +0.5 | +0.2 | +34.9 | – | -0.4 | – | -4.3 | – | – | +23.6 | – | – | – |
Increase or decrease in turnout relative to 2020.
Time (CEST) | First round | Second round |
---|---|---|
12:00 | 20.28% (![]() | 24.83% (![]() |
17:00 | 50.69% (![]() | 54.91% (![]() |
Final | 67.31% (![]() | 71.63% (![]() |
Agglomeration | First round | Second round |
Urban areas | 68.34% (![]() | 72.84% (![]() |
Rural areas | 64.78% (![]() | 69.04% (![]() |
Amplitudes | First round | Second round |
Highest turnout gmina | Krynica Morska (83.51%) | Krynica Morska (88.38%) |
Lowest turnout gmina | Zębowice (41.61%) | Lasowice Wielkie (47.67%) |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Voivodeship | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
Lower Silesian | 2,179,515 | 1,428,270 | 65.53 |
Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 1,508,883 | 956,844 | 63.41 |
Lublin | 1,581,156 | 1,036,946 | 65.58 |
Lubusz | 735,151 | 454,969 | 61.89 |
Łódź | 1,834,708 | 1,251,695 | 68.22 |
Lesser Poland | 2,630,055 | 1,833,457 | 69.71 |
Masovian | 4,156,733 | 3,050,909 | 73.40 |
Opole | 726,177 | 418,575 | 57.64 |
Subcarpathian | 1,609,302 | 1,056,009 | 65.62 |
Podlaskie | 874,307 | 561,833 | 64.26 |
Pomeranian | 1,759,968 | 1,215,424 | 69.06 |
Silesian | 3,283,581 | 2,174,449 | 66.22 |
Świętokrzyskie | 929,724 | 593,965 | 63.89 |
Warmian-Masurian | 1,035,537 | 626,061 | 60.46 |
Greater Poland | 2,641,294 | 1,774,671 | 67.19 |
West Pomeranian | 1,241,872 | 787,715 | 63.43 |
Poland | 28,727,963 | 19,221,792 | 66.91 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
City | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
Wrocław | 504,001 | 371,481 | 73.99 |
Poznań | 407,035 | 303,699 | 74.86 |
Warszawa | 1,379,227 | 1,089,680 | 79.29 |
Szczecin | 280,501 | 193,668 | 69.33 |
Kraków | 621,058 | 465,148 | 75.14 |
Łódź | 491,800 | 346,245 | 70.67 |
Bydgoszcz | 241,846 | 166,301 | 69.01 |
Białystok | 213,477 | 150,207 | 70.65 |
Gdańsk | 372,134 | 280,994 | 75.79 |
Lublin | 253,867 | 178,695 | 70.63 |
Total | 4,764,946 | 3,546,118 | 74.42 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Location | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
City | 17,169,697 | 11,734,470 | 68.34 |
Village | 11,558,266 | 7,487,322 | 64.78 |
Abroad | 524,204 | 467,633 | 89.21 |
Ships | 173 | 172 | 99.42 |
Total | 29,252,340 | 19,689,597 | 67.31 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Voivodeship | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
Lower Silesian | 2,177,407 | 1,537,859 | 70.63 |
Kuyavian-Pomeranian | 1,501,949 | 1,019,510 | 67.88 |
Lublin | 1,567,771 | 1,091,630 | 69.63 |
Lubusz | 731,055 | 487,694 | 66.71 |
Łódź | 1,821,514 | 1,331,727 | 73.11 |
Lesser Poland | 2,625,479 | 1,941,743 | 73.96 |
Masovian | 4,152,285 | 3,218,427 | 77.51 |
Opole | 720,842 | 451,310 | 62.61 |
Subcarpathian | 1,594,072 | 1,107,294 | 69.46 |
Podlaskie | 867,625 | 588,023 | 67.77 |
Pomeranian | 1,775,803 | 1,288,961 | 72.58 |
Silesian | 3,261,536 | 2,305,374 | 70.68 |
Świętokrzyskie | 921,271 | 636,814 | 69.12 |
Warmian-Masurian | 1,035,396 | 670,038 | 64.71 |
Greater Poland | 2,633,052 | 1,885,361 | 71.60 |
West Pomeranian | 1,254,853 | 863,473 | 68.81 |
Poland | 28,641,910 | 20,425,238 | 71.31 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
City | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
Wrocław | 510,438 | 401,815 | 78.72 |
Poznań | 413,189 | 327,022 | 79.15 |
Warszawa | 1,384,869 | 1,151,599 | 83.16 |
Szczecin | 280,400 | 209,146 | 74.59 |
Kraków | 626,893 | 499,716 | 79.71 |
Łódź | 488,805 | 368,837 | 75.46 |
Bydgoszcz | 241,446 | 176,801 | 73.23 |
Białystok | 212,573 | 155,811 | 73.30 |
Gdańsk | 376,703 | 297,414 | 78.95 |
Lublin | 255,018 | 190,372 | 74.65 |
Total | 4,790,334 | 3,546,118 | 78.88 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
Location | Number of eligible voters | Number of valid ballots | Percentage |
---|---|---|---|
City | 17,122,097 | 12,472,310 | 72.84 |
Village | 11,519,813 | 7,952,928 | 69.04 |
Abroad | 721,608 | 608,043 | 84.26 |
Ships | 204 | 176 | 86.27 |
Total | 29,363,722 | 21,033,457 | 71.63 |
Source: National Electoral Commission |
In the lead-up to the election, a portion of the party subsidy was withheld from Law and Justice. The issue emerged after the National Electoral Commission ruled the party's financial report for the 2023 parliamentary campaign, and consequently its 2023 annual report, to be flawed. As a result, both the campaign dotation and the annual subsidy were reduced by approximately 11 million PLN. The ruling was appealed to the Supreme Court of Poland, where the Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs Chamber decided in favour of the party. This legally bound the commission to change its verdict, which happened on 30 December 2024. However, as the legitimacy of this particular Supreme Court chamber has been questioned by the ruling government and the Court of Justice of the European Union due to the ongoing rule of law crisis since 2017, the Minister of Finance Andrzej Domański refused to transfer the disputed funds. [356] [357] [358] Ultimately, Nawrocki had to conduct his campaign without the funds transferred to PiS. [359] Therefore, he had to finance his campaign through a grassroot effort – around 50,000 supporters donated to his election effort. [360]
PiS launched the "Electoral Protection Movement" (Polish : Ruch Ochrony Wyborów), operated primarily by former Minister of Education Przemysław Czarnek, [361] with the intention of safeguarding the democratic conduct of the election and protecting it from electoral fraud. [362] [363]
Wirtualna Polska detailed allegations of an illegal advertising campaign on Facebook which favored Trzaskowski while attacking Nawrocki and Mentzen, with the advertising campaign having ties to the foreign company Estratos Digital GmbH based in Vienna and headed by two Hungarians — Ádám Ficsor and Viktor Szigetvári, with capital tied to the American Democratic Party. [364] [365] The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) investigated the election and confirmed the allegations. [366]
The OSCE-PACE report further pointed out the bias of government institutions like NASK in favor of Trzaskowski. According to the report, public media, like TVP, was also biased, and depicted Nawrocki in a negative light. [367] [368] The Polish National Broadcasting Council released a report accusing TVP and TVN of supporting the Trzaskowski campaign, and TV Republika of supporting Nawrocki. [369]
Shortly before the first round of the election, SMS spam messages were reported encouraging voters to vote for Trzaskowski. Trzaskowski's campaign staff distanced themselves from the messages and informed that they were notifying law enforcement of the incident. [370]
Social media was an important part of the campaign. [371] In the first round, Sławomir Mentzen dominated the internet sphere, getting 15x as much internet traffic as Nawrocki and 10x as much as Trzaskowski in January. [371] Between January and April, Mentzen received 24 million interactions (likes, comments, shares) with his social media posts, Nawrocki received 6 million, and Trzaskowski 5 million. [372] Negative campaigning on social media occupied a plurality — 1/3rds of election-related activity, [373] with the tag "#AnyoneButTrzaskowski" (Polish : ByleNieTrzaskowski) trending on social media as part of Nawrocki's second round campaign. [77]
By the end of the deadline for filing them, the Supreme Court of Poland received 54,645 election complaints, [374] significantly more than the 5,800 complaints following the 2020 presidential election, [375] but significantly less than the 600,000 complaints following the 1995 presidential election. [376] According to the Supreme Court, the overwhelming majority were copies of a complaint template shared by election denialist Roman Giertych, colloquially titled "giertychówki". [374] The complaints concerned largely the incidents of the results being swapped in a few polling stations, after it was found that Nawrocki performed abnormally well in some isolated stations that heavily favored Trzaskowski in the first round. [377] The campaign of Trzaskowski also filed a complaint and created a website for its supporters to help them file one as well. The Supreme Court ruled to recount the votes in 13 such stations. [378]
Anomalies were found in some voting station protocols where both candidates lost votes relative to the first round. Journalists investigating the situation have asserted that in 15 polling stations the results may have been flipped, but this would not impact the result of the election as the number of votes potentially affected was well below the margin of victory for Nawrocki. [379] On 12 June, the Supreme Court of Poland ordered a recount in 13 commissions, 0.04% of all 32,143 commissions. [380] On 1 July 2025, the Supreme Court certified Nawrocki's victory as president. [381]
Trzaskowski initially claimed victory after the first exit poll showed him leading, while Nawrocki said that the results were too close to call. [352] Trzaskowski subsequently conceded after the final results showed Nawrocki winning. [382] Nawrocki was sworn in on 6 August 2025.
Prime Minister Donald Tusk called a vote of confidence on his government, which was held on 11 June. [352] [383] Despite speculation of a possible breakdown of the coalition, Tusk survived after gaining the support of all 243 MPs that made up his coalition. [384] Later, Donald Tusk's cabinet was reshuffled. [385]
The Third Way alliance dissolved on 17 June, as the Polish People's Party declared it will contest the next Polish parliamentary election separately from Szymon Hołownia's Poland 2050. [386]
Several politicians and journalists aligned with the ruling coalition sowed doubt about the election results. [387] Roman Giertych claimed opposition committed organized electoral fraud, [388] [389] claiming also that Nawrocki's campaign was advantaged by a right-leaning TikTok algorithm, which helped them in the campaign. [390] [391] Many other journalists and politicians, like PKW member Ryszard Kalisz, [392] called for a recount of the election. Other figures, like Prime Minister Donald Tusk [393] [394] and Trzaskowski's chief of staff [395] or organizations like the Conference of Ambassadors [396] and Committee for the Defence of Democracy [397] also cast doubt on the election results.
According to a poll for Interia from 17-18 June, 49% of the respondents supported a complete recount of the election. [398] However, Krzysztof Wiak , the President of the Supreme Court, declared that there is no legal basis for a complete recount of the election, as the recount can only be ruled in stations where irregularities occurred. [378]
Following the election, election denialists, including Prime Minister Donald Tusk, [399] attempted to have the Marshal of the Sejm, Szymon Hołownia, block or postpone the inauguration of Karol Nawrocki as president of Poland by calling an indefinite break during the National Assembly (the joint session of the Sejm and Senat), during Nawrocki's inauguration, after which the Marshal of the Sejm would serve as acting president, [400] [401] which was described by some as an attempt to conduct a coup d'etat. [400] [402] Following Hołownia's refusal of the idea, pro-government outlets like Gazeta Wyborcza accused Hołownia of treason against the Constitution. [403]
President Andrzej Duda on Tuesday vetoed a government-backed bill that would have cut the health insurance contribution rate for self-employed entrepreneurs,...
Podsumowując ten wątek: Narodowe Odrodzenie Polski rekomenduje tym, którzy zdecydują się wziąć udział w tzw. wyborach prezydenckich wybór Grzegorza Brauna. Spośród 13 kandydatów jest jedynym, który na niepodległość Polski patrzy – bez wątpienia szczerze – jak na wartość samą w sobie.[To summarize this matter: the National Revival of Poland recommends to those, which decide to take part in the so-called presidential elections, to vote for Grzegorz Braun. Amongst the 13 candidates, he is the only one, who at the sovereignty of Poland looks – undoubtably honestly – as a value itself.]
Ci mądrzejsi i orientujący się w zagrożeniach dla Polski piszą albo mówią to co reprezentują Zjednoczeni Ponad Podziałami. Nie mamy wyboru, mimo słabej kampanii Nawrockiego musimy na Niego głosować .
Do 14 lutego zgłoszono, aż 22 kandydatów. W kolejności alfabetycznej są to: Magdalena Biejat (Lewica), Grzegorz Braun (Konfederacja Korony Polskiej), Katarzyna Cichos (Platforma Rozwoju Polski), Szymon Hołownia (Polska 2050), Dawid Jackiewicz, Marek Jakubiak (Wolni Republikanie), Dominika Jasińska, Wiesław Lewicki (Normalny Kraj), Maciej Maciak (Ruch Dobrobytu i Pokoju), Eugeniusz Maciejewski (PIAST – Jedność Myśli Europejskich Narodów i Świata), Sławomir Mentzen (Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość), Karol Nawrocki (popierany przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), Wojciech Papis (Bezpartyjni), Joanna Senyszyn (Stowarzyszenie Lewicy Demokratycznej)...
Również Bezpartyjni, ale nie mylić z Bezpartyjnymi Samorządowcami, mnie poparli.[Nonpartisians, not to be confused with Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy, have also supported me.]
Takim kandydatem jest w naszym przekonaniu Rafał Trzaskowski.
Jak wynika z informacji PAP, 15 listopada do centrali partii mają spłynąć wyniki kolejnej serii badań dotyczących potencjalnych kandydatów PiS, zleconych przez kierownictwo ugrupowania.
Na razie – żeby ograniczyć walki frakcyjne – Kaczyński zrezygnował z przeprowadzenia w partii prawyborów.
Przeciwko nominacji dla Czarnka, która była już niemal pewna ponad miesiąc temu zaprotestował Mateusz Morawiecki i jego harcerze. Od tego czasu nie przestają kombinować jak pozycję Czarnka podkopać. – Chłopcy się trochę obawiają, że silny Czarnek wzmocni naszych radykałów, że zbudują się sojusze z ziobrystami i że oni – zamiast budować konserwatywne centrum, obudzą się na obrzeżach radykalnej partii. Dla nich to chyba byłby największy koszmar – trochę kpią politycy PiS, których pytamy o stan frakcyjnej wojny w partii.
Witold Bańka to idealny kandydat PiS na prezydenta. Były minister sportu i turystyki i obecny szef Światowej Agencji Antydopingowej spełnia wymagania prezesa, jest akceptowany na prawicy, nie ma na niego haków i nie budzi negatywnych emocji wśród przeciwników PiS. Kompetentny, doświadczony i dobrze prezentujący się Bańka mógłby być trudnym przeciwnikiem dla Trzaskowskiego. Nawet będąc ministrem w rządzie Beaty Szydło, a później Mateusza Morawieckiego, nie był źle oceniany przez konkurentów i nie było wokół niego kontrowersji. Problem w tym, że odmówił Kaczyńskiemu. Musiałby zrezygnować z dobrze płatnej międzynarodowej pracy i kariery, a w zamian dać się zaprzęgnąć w kampanię PiS.
Według informacji PAP w grze o nominację na kandydata PiS są: prezes IPN Karol Nawrocki, b. minister edukacji i nauki Przemysław Czarnek, oraz europoseł i były kandydat na prezydenta stolicy Tobiasz Bocheński.
Prawybory mają wyłonić kandydata PiS w wyborach prezydenckich — podaje Niezależna. Kandydatami mają być Karol Nawrocki, Tobiasz Bocheński, Mariusz Błaszczak i Marcin Przydacz.
W grze o kandydata na prezydenta PiS są: prezes IPN Karol Nawrocki, b. minister edukacji i nauki Przemysław Czarnek, a także europoseł i były kandydat na prezydenta stolicy Tobiasz Bocheński.
Bogdan Rymanowski zwrócił się także do europarlamentarzysty czy prawdą jest, że w grze o nominacje pozostały już tylko dwie osoby - właśnie Tobiasz Bocheński, a także Karol Nawrocki.
Finaliści do inwestytury – kandydaci PiS w wyborach prezydenckich to dziś: Karol NAWROCKI, Mateusz MORAWIECKI i Przemysław CZARNEK.
Poseł PiS, Ryszard Terlecki, w rozmowie z Polsat News ujawnił, że "w tej chwili rozstrzyga się wybór między dwoma nazwiskami". - Chodzi o Przemysława Czarnka i Karola Nawrockiego - dodał, nie wykluczając przy tym możliwości niespodzianek w tym procesie.
Wcześniej Telewizja Republika, a następnie Polsat News podały, że kandydatem na prezydenta z ramienia Prawa i Sprawiedliwości będzie szef Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej Karol Nawrocki, który w wyścigu o nominację miał pokonać m.in. Przemysława Czarnka i Tobiasza Bocheńskiego.
Decyzję o prawyborach potwierdzali inni politycy KO. „Rafał Trzaskowski w związku z pojawieniem się drugiego kandydata zawnioskował, aby przeprowadzić prawybory w Koalicji Obywatelskiej. Wszyscy zgodzili się, że to bardzo dobry i bardzo honorowy pomysł. Brawo Rafał Trzaskowski, brawo Radosław Sikorski" – napisał na platformie X Cezary Tomczyk.
Jesienią ma dojść do powtórzenia selekcji, choć nie wiadomo, na jakich zasadach. Ruch Narodowy i Nowa Nadzieja widzą dwóch faworytów: Sławomira Mentzena i Krzysztofa Bosaka. Czy Braun może pokrzyżować im szyki? – Nie pozwolimy mu startować. Sprawimy, że sam odejdzie – słyszymy u mentzenowców. Nasi rozmówcy przekonują, że ustalenia o formule i liczbie kandydatów są wciąż przed nimi. Narodowcy nie wykluczają startu Brauna. Mówią, że kandydat musi być najlepszy i mieć poparcie całego środowiska. – Jeśli chcemy zaznaczyć swoje miejsce na scenie, to zarówno Krzysztof Bosak, jak i Sławomir Mentzen są dobrymi kandydatami. Jeśli chcemy wygrać, a musimy mieć kandydata akceptowalnego dla elektoratu PiS, to wybór jest prosty i jest nim marszałek. Jak dodają, chcą odradzać Braunowi start. – Sprawimy, żeby nie kandydował.
Nazwisko Magdaleny Biejat z kolei miało być rozpatrywane jednym z dwóch rozpatrywanych przez Lewicę. Drugim branym pod uwagę kandydatem miał być prezydent Włocławka Krzysztof Kukucki.
W mediach pojawiają się też nazwiska bardziej egzotycznych kandydatów. To z jednej strony wojskowi – gen. Rajmund Andrzejczak, były szef Sztabu Generalnego Wojska Polskiego, czy minister Jacek Siewiera, szef Biura Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego. Głosy wspierające zwłaszcza tę drugą kandydaturę pojawiają się m.in. w serwisie X. Sam szef BBN zaprzeczył pogłoskom o starcie. Kandydatów może być więcej. Ziarno niepewności zasiał Marcin Mastalerek, szef gabinetu prezydenta, który przyznał, że jest namawiany do startu i byłby na to gotów. Jego kandydatura nie wróży sukcesu, bo prezes Kaczyński nie zgodzi się na wystawienie prezydenckiego ministra jako wspólnego kandydata. Należy zatem patrzeć na nią jak na element szerszej rozgrywki o wpływy w PiS, w której Duda próbuje dołożyć swoje trzy grosze. To samo dotyczy opisywanej przez „Politykę" Doroty Gawryluk, dziennikarki Polsatu, której stacja zdementowała pogłoski o jej starcie. W przeciwieństwie do zainteresowanej.
[...] rezygnuje z udziału w wyborach prezydenckich. [...] Gdy zarejestrował się Grzegorz Braun [...] uznałem, że mój elektorat całkowicie się rozdrabnia. [...] Dzisiaj życzę jak najlepiej Grzegorzowi Braunowi i go wspieram, choć ma dużą konkurencję [...].[[...] resigning from the presidential election. [...] When Grzegorz Braun registered [...] I recognised that my electorate was completely fragmenting. [...] Today I wish the best for Grzegorz Braun and support him, although he has a lot of competition [...].]
Krzysztof Sitko przekazał swoje poparcie dr Markowi Woch[Krzysztof Sitko conveyed his support to Dr Marek Woch]
Podczas konferencji kandydatka na Prezydenta RP dr @Kasia_Cichos wyraziła publiczne poparcie dla dr Marka Wocha.
President-elect Karol Nawrocki's campaign programme outlines a conservative and economically interventionist vision for Poland.
At Sunday's Polish presidential runoff election, Karol Nawrocki, the candidate of the economically left but socially conservative Law and Justice (PiS) defeated Rafał Trzaskowski.
Trzaskowski został także zapytany czy pójdzie w następnym Marszu Niepodległości. Kandydat KO wyrazi nadzieję, że "będzie okazja do tego, żebyśmy wszyscy poszli w tym marszu".
... swój głos w II turze oddam na Rafała Trzaskowskiego i do tego zachęcam wyborców Lewicy.[I will cast my vote for Rafał Trzaskowski in the second round, and I encourage Lewica voters to do the same.]
Jeśli Karol Nawrocki wejdzie do drugiej tury albo jak to będzie Sławomir Mentzen, to go poprę, nie będę miał też problemu z Grzegorzem Braunem. Każdy prawicowy kandydat będzie lepszy niż Rafał Trzaskowski – wskazał Marek Jakubiak, poseł Wolnych Republikanów oraz kandydat na prezydenta RP w "Popołudniowym Gościu Radia ZET".[If Karol Nawrocki makes it to the second round, or if it's Sławomir Mentzen, I will support him, and I will have no problem with Grzegorz Braun either. Any right-wing candidate will be better than Rafał Trzaskowski, said Marek Jakubiak, MP for the Free Republicans and candidate for President of Poland, on Radio ZET's Popołudniowy Gość programme.]
Według badania late poll Marek Jakubiak zdobył 0,8 proc. głosów podczas I tury wyborów prezydenckich. Polityk zadeklarował, że poprze w II turze Karola Nawrockiego. Zaapelował także do pozostałych kandydatów prawicowych, aby postąpili tak samo.[According to a late poll, Marek Jakubiak won 0.8% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election. The politician declared that he would support Karol Nawrocki in the second round. He also appealed to other right-wing candidates to do the same.]
Kukiz przyznał że w pierwszej turze wyborów prezydenckich głosował na Sławomira Mentzena. – Ja będę próbował przekonać elektorat Konfederacji i Grzegorza Brauna do głosowania na Nawrockiego, jako zabezpieczenie przed jednowładztwem Tuska – mówił w rozmowie z dziennikarką wprost.pl.[Kukiz admitted that he voted for Sławomir Mentzen in the first round of the presidential election. ‘I will try to convince the Confederation and Grzegorz Braun's electorate to vote for Nawrocki as a safeguard against Tusk's autocracy,’ he said in an interview with a journalist from wprost.pl.]
Wiceminister rolnictwa i lider Agrounii Michał Kołodziejczak zaapelował do rolników, by nie głosowali na obywatelskiego kandydata Karola Nawrockiego, którego popiera PiS.[Deputy Minister of Agriculture and leader of AGROunia Michał Kołodziejczak appealed to farmers not to vote for independent candidate Karol Nawrocki, who is supported by PiS.]
Zacznijmy od oczywistej oczywistości – dlaczego NIE warto głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego? [...] Zawsze był reprezentantem elit, a nie obrońcą zwykłych ludzi i ich potrzeb. [...] Skoro nie Trzaskowski, to pozostaje opcja numer dwa, czyli Karol Nawrocki. [...] Daleko mu do mojego wymarzonego kandydata. Natomiast doceniam bardzo istotny fakt, że podpisał ważną dla każdego wyborcy Konfederacji 8-punktową deklarację toruńską Sławomira Mentzena oraz odciął się od przynajmniej kilku z wielu błędów jakie popełnił rząd PiS przez 8 lat. To z pewnością pozytywne sygnały, które warto brać pod uwagę.[Let's start with the obvious – why should you NOT vote for Rafał Trzaskowski? [...] He has always been a representative of the elite, not a defender of ordinary people and their needs. [...] If not Trzaskowski, then option number two remains, namely Karol Nawrocki. [...] He is far from my ideal candidate. However, I appreciate the very important fact that he signed Sławomir Mentzen's 8-point Toruń declaration, which is important for every Confederation voter, and distanced himself from at least some of the many mistakes made by the PiS government over the past eight years. These are certainly positive signals that are worth taking into account.]
Mentzen oficjalnie nie poparł żadnego z kandydatów. Powiedział, że dał im jedynie przestrzeń i możliwość, aby zaprezentowali się jego wyborcom.[Mentzen did not officially endorse any of the candidates. He said he only gave them the space and opportunity to present themselves to his constituents.]
Sławomir Mentzen przed II turą wyborów prezydenckich nie poparł bezpośrednio ani Karola Nawrockiego, ani Rafała Trzaskowskiego.[Slawomir Mentzen did not directly support either Karol Nawrocki or Rafał Trzaskowski before the second round of the presidential election.]
- Podsumowując, nie widzę żadnego sensu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego – stwierdził.[- In conclusion, I do not see any point in voting for Rafal Trzaskowski," he said.]
Z analizy dokonanej przez Mentzena wynikało, że ciężko znaleźć jakikolwiek punkt z którym zgodziłby się Rafał Trzaskowski. Z kolei rozmowa z Karolem Nawrockim pokazała, że obaj panowie mają bardzie wiele wspólnych poglądów. Zdaniem Mentzena Trzaskowski to „śliski" człowiek, który kluczy i nie odpowiada na pytania, a jednocześnie chętnie podpisuje się pod sukcesami, nawet tymi, które nie są jego.[Mentzen's analysis showed that it was difficult to find any point on which Rafał Trzaskowski would agree. On the other hand, a conversation with Karol Nawrocki showed that the two men have many views in common. According to Mentzen, Trzaskowski is a ‘slimy’ man who evades questions and does not answer them, while at the same time eagerly taking credit for successes, even those that are not his.]
„Widać, że jesteśmy z Trzaskowskim po dwóch stronach barykady" – ocenił. „Nie widzę żadnego powodu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego" – skwitował.[‘It is evident that we are on opposite sides of the political divide with Trzaskowski,’ he stated. ‘I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ he concluded.]
W pierwszej części Mentzen opisał punkt po punkcie rozmowy z Karolem Nawrockim i z Rafałem Trzaskowskim (PO). Przypomniał, że Nawrocki podpisał "deklarację toruńską", co "powinno całkowicie wyjaśnić sprawę głosowania" tym, którzy się z nią zgadzają. [...] "Podsumowując, nie widzę żadnego powodu, by głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego" – dodał Mentzen, stwierdzając, że jest on bardzo "śliski".[In the first part, Mentzen described point by point his conversations with Karol Nawrocki and Rafał Trzaskowski (PO). He recalled that Nawrocki had signed the ‘Toruń Declaration,’ which ‘should completely clarify the matter of voting’ for those who agree with it. [...] ‘In summary, I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ added Mentzen, stating that he is very ‘slimy.’]
Sławomir Mentzen zabrał głos po rozmowie z kandydatami na prezydenta. – Nie widzę żadnego powodu, żeby głosować na Rafała Trzaskowskiego – powiedział lider Konfederacji w nagraniu na swoim kanale na platformie YouTube. [...] Mentzen, mówiąc o Nawrockim, zwrócił uwagę, że ten zgodził się z ośmioma punktami tzw. deklaracji toruńskiej. – Wybór powinien być oczywisty. Mamy kandydata, który podpisem zaświadczył, że będzie się do nich stosował – stwierdził.[Sławomir Mentzen spoke after talking to the presidential candidates. ‘I see no reason to vote for Rafał Trzaskowski,’ said the leader of the Confederation in a recording on his YouTube channel. [...] Mentzen, speaking about Nawrocki, pointed out that he agreed with eight points of the so-called Toruń Declaration. ‘The choice should be obvious. We have a candidate who has signed a declaration that he will abide by them,’ he said.]
Po odbyciu rozmów przed drugą turą z oboma kandydatami, Sławomir Mentzen oficjalnie nie poparł żadnego z nich. Wykonywał jednak zdecydowane gesty w kierunku Karola Nawrockiego.[After talks with both candidates prior to the second round, Sławomir Mentzen did not officially endorse either of them. However, he made clear gestures towards Karol Nawrocki.]
Jak się okazuje, Krzysztof Stanowski nie planuje skreślać nazwiska żadnego kandydata, nie chce też głosować na samego siebie. Dodał, że nie odda ważnego głosu ani w pierwszej, ani w ewentualnej drugiej turze wyborów prezydenckich.[As it turns out, Krzysztof Stanowski does not plan to cross out any candidate's name, nor does he want to vote for himself. He added that he will not cast a valid vote in either the first or the possible second round of the presidential election.]
Nasze zdanie na temat drugiej tury: Nie idziemy nie dajemy mandatu i poparcia żadnemu kandydatowi; @NawrockiKn i @trzaskowski_ to militaryści i podżegacze wojenni
Dlatego z dwojga złego będę głosował na p. Nawrockiego. Bo mam dzieci i wnuki w wieku szkolnym. A milionom (!) wahającym się, czy wybierać Mniejsze Zło, czy zostać w domu - polecam ważne słowa JE Donalda Tuska: "Dziś wybór jest czarno-biały. Właśnie zaczyna się gra o wszystko. Twarda walka o każdy głos. Te dwa tygodnie rozstrzygną o przyszłości naszej Ojczyzny. Dlatego ani kroku wstecz." - i dodaję: "...ani w bok!".