This article needs additional citations for verification .(November 2014) |
Total population | |
---|---|
2,550,000 [1] [2] | |
Regions with significant populations | |
Uganda, Democratic Republic of the Congo | |
Uganda | 878,453 (2014) [3] [4] |
Languages | |
Alur, French, English | |
Religion | |
Christianity and Islam [5] | |
Related ethnic groups | |
Other Luo peoples, especially Acholi, Adhola and Luos |
Alur are a Nilotic ethnic group who live in northwestern Uganda and northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). They are part of the larger Luo group.
In Uganda, they live mainly in the Nebbi, Zombo, Pakwach and Arua districts, while in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, they reside in the territory of Mahagi in the Ituri Province mostly north of Lake Albert. [6] As of 2014, there were around 800,000 members of the Alur in Uganda, and eight million Alur living in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [7] Members of the Alur diaspora span the globe. [8]
The current Rwoth (In English, "King") of the Alur Kingdom is Rwoth Ubimu Phillip Rauni Olarker III. [9] [10] [7]
The primary factor that divides the Alur country into three ecological zones—lowland, midland, and highland—is altitude, which is closely linked with variations in climate, topography, and natural resources. These zones are most distinct in the northern part of Alurland, where families typically utilise resources from only one region. In contrast, the southern section has greater local variations in altitude, allowing inhabitants to access resources from multiple zones simultaneously.
Situated at altitudes of 1371.6 metres (4,500 feet) and above, the highlands are characterised by grasslands, red soil, and granite outcrops, interspersed with valleys rich in black soil. Mount Aburu in Ituri, reaching 2438.4 metres (8,000 feet), marks the highest point in the Lake Albert highlands of the Albertine Rift. This zone experiences an average annual rainfall of approximately 1524 millimetres (60 inches), ranging from 1016 millimetres (40 inches) to over 2032 millimetres (80 inches). In Uganda, this is the area primarily covered by Zombo District while in Congo, this is where most of Alurland is situated. The people here are usually referred to as "Jomalo" as they are ecologically exclusive to the highlands.
Positioned between the lowlands and highlands, the midlands exist at altitudes ranging from 914.4 to 1371.6 metres (3,000 to 4,500 feet). Stony escarpments form natural boundaries separating them from the highlands. Characterised by a drier bush landscape, the midlands experience a lower annual rainfall compared to the highlands. They are reliant on the consistent flow of streams originating from the highlands, although many of these streams dry up during the dry season. This area is where most the current Nebbi District in Uganda is situated. Its inhabitants are referred to as "Jopadyere" in reference to their location in the midlands.
Primarily consisting of the shores of Lake Albert and the Nile River, the lowlands are a narrow strip extending inland for a maximum of 4.8 kilometres (three miles). Lake Albert sits at an elevation of 609.6 metres (2,000 feet) above sea level. This zone has a significantly lower annual rainfall, varying from 762 millimetres (30 inches) to 1143 millimetres (45 inches), and in certain areas, potentially below 762 millimetres (30 inches). Unlike the midlands, the lowlands depend on the Nile and Lake Albert for their water supply. Texts and sources on the area also note a distinct difference between the northern and southern parts of Alurland in terms of how the lowlands are structured. [11] This zone includes part of the Albertine lakeside in the DRC and the Pakwach District of Uganda. People here are referred to as "Jonam" in reference to their environment.
Most members of the group speak Alur, a Luo language closely related to Acholi, Adhola, and Dholuo languages. Some Alur speak Lendu or Kebu. [12] Alur language dialects vary considerably. The highland Alur (Okoro and most of Congo) speak a slightly different dialect from the riverain Alur (Jonam), and it might be difficult to for a native highland Alur person to properly understand their lowland riverain kinsman and viceversa. [13] The general dialect of the midland (Padyere) is generally considered the easiest to learn and most widely/easily understood of the three, although the Alur dialects are very heavily localised and cannot be easily generalised.
Four clans are particularly important within Alur society: Atyak, Ucibu, PaKwonga and PaMitu. This importance stems from their close association with chiefly lineages and their influence within Alurland.
The Atyak and Ucibu clans stand out as the most significant chiefly clans in Alurland. Their influence is especially pronounced in the highlands, where their lineages encompass a significant portion of the population.
This clan provided and still provides chiefs to several important chiefdoms, including Ukuru, PaNduru, Paidha, Padea, and War, along with numerous smaller chieflets. The Atyak clan is often referred to by the name of the Ukuru chiefdom due to their strong association with it. They are also distinguished by their war and hunting cry, "Atyak!", which serves as a unifying symbol for their lineages and sections. This clan is associated with Nyipir, brother to Nyabongo/Labongo who is considered the ancestor of the Acholi people. It is therefore often considered the most important and influential noble clan among the Alur.
Similarly, the Ucibu clan provided chiefs to the Juganda and Angal chiefdoms, along with a number of smaller chieflets. Like the Atyak, they are often identified by their praise cry, "Ucibu!", which acts as a marker of their clanship. They are associated with Thiful, another brother to Nyipir and Nyabongo who crossed the Nile with Nyipir after the Luo dispersal and separation at Puvungu.
Both Atyak and Ucibu are noted for their extensive genealogical structures and their central role in the rituals of chiefship, binding together a vast network of lineages and sections under their influence.
PaKwonga as a clan is descended from Kwonga, the father to Nyilak the ancestress of the Atyak and Ucibu chiefs through Nyipir and Thiful. As a clan, it provides the chiefs for PaNyimur.
The PaMitu clan is the fourth clan of significant importance in Alurland. However, unlike the exclusively chiefly nature of Atyak and Ucibu, PaMitu exhibits a more complex structure:
Ragem, another dominant lowland chiefdom is identified with Koc pa Dasa as the royal clan of the Ragem chiefdom. This is the clan most associated with the Jonam people.
The Koc pa Dasa clan is also referred to as simply "Ragem," particularly when discussing the chiefdom's central area where the chiefs and their close lineage members reside. This practice of using the clan name and the central location interchangeably underscores the clan's deep connection with the chiefdom's heartland.
The different traditions offer insights into the Koc pa Dasa clan's history and lineage:
The sources also touch upon the Koc pa Dasa clan's relationship with other groups bearing the "Koc" designation:
Some of the lowland chiefdoms and clans have the historical connections and divergent trajectories of the Alur and the Bito clan, who became the ruling dynasty of the Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. These chiefdoms include: Jukoth, Mukambo, Ruvinga, Musongwa, Panyikango and to an extent, Ragem as has been discussed. This was largely based on the following:
Common Ancestry: The history and tradition of the Alur highlight the Alur's recognition of a shared origin with the Bito clan, stemming from their Lwo heritage. Both groups are believed to have participated in the southward migration of Lwo-speaking peoples from the Sudan.
Continued Interaction with Bunyoro: Even after establishing themselves in what is now Alurland, certain Alur clans, particularly those residing in the lowlands, maintained connections with Bunyoro. These connections often took the form of seeking ritual confirmation of their chiefly titles from Bunyoro kings, signifying a degree of deference to the Bito dynasty.
Limited Bito Influence on Alur Structure: While acknowledging Bunyoro's influence on some lowland Alur clans, there was limited impact of the Bito on the overall political structure of the Alur. The Alur's system of chieflets developed independently, shaped by interactions with neighboring non-Lwo groups and internal dynamics within the Alur society.
Cultural Assimilation, Not Political Subjugation: The evidence also points towards a process of cultural exchange and assimilation rather than outright political domination by the Bito in Alurland. Despite seeking ritual affirmation from Bunyoro, the lowland Alur clans maintained their distinct political structures and identities. Their connection with Bunyoro was more symbolic and ritualistic than a reflection of political subservience.
The emphasis on Atyak, Ucibu, PaKwonga and PaMitu highlights the importance of understanding clanship as a crucial factor in Alur political organisation. These clans served as the backbone of the Alur system of chiefship, providing the lineages from which chiefs emerged and extending their influence through a vast network of related sections and lineages.
The identification of Koc pa Dasa as the royal clan of Ragem provides a foundation for understanding the dynamics of power and authority within the chiefdom. As seen in other Alur chiefdoms, the royal clan's lineage, expansion, and interactions with other clans shape the political landscape and social hierarchy.
Alur sources and oral tradition describe two main categories of Alur chiefdoms: highland and lowland, distinguished by their origin, political structures, and relationship to the Bunyoro kingdom.
It's important to note that while sources differentiate between these two categories, they also acknowledge a degree of fluidity within the Alur political landscape. Factors like geographical proximity, intermarriage, and political expediency could influence the administrative practices of specific chiefdoms, leading to variations and exceptions to these general patterns. For instance, some lowland chiefdoms, like Puvungu and Pukwac, claimed descent from the Atyak Alur rather than Bunyoro, indicating a more complex interplay of historical and political allegiances than a simple highland-lowland dichotomy suggests
Here is a list of the traditional Alur chiefdoms as described in their history:
The Alur, prior to European colonisation, did not have a unified political structure, but rather a unified ritual and cultural structure. Instead, these chiefdoms, while sharing common cultural and linguistic traits, operated as independent political entities with their own internal hierarchies, alliances, and histories.
The Alur Kingdom, also known as "Ker Alur," [15] is thought to be the only kingdom unaffected by the 1966 Ugandan ban on traditional monarchies. [16] All Alur Kings are referred to as "Rwoth", just like all Luo Chiefs and Kings, and are crowned according to the royal spear head bearing tradition. The title "Ubimu" is used to refer to the King as distinguished from other chiefs in the Kingdom, although it can be used interchangeably with "Rwoth".
The hierarchical structure of Alur Kingdom is based on two main types of relationship. The first relationship is based on the autonomy of the traditional chiefdoms, which have their own system for managing internal affairs. These "small kingdoms" are each headed by a customary chief with a court attached to him. They have their own courts made up of notables, clan chiefs and other court officials. This relationship between the customary chief, the king's court, the tribunal and the people is an ordinary first-degree relationship that exists in all chiefdoms, even small ones.
The second relationship arose from the post colonial merger of the small chiefdoms to form the large Alur kingdom. This relationship concerns the King and the Court attached to him in direct contact with the Government he has instituted and the Parliament. Other bodies such as "Ker", which can be reached by "Lam" or invocation, as well as courts and tribunals, usually exist in small kingdoms. The large kingdom uses them as such to act on the peoples of the respective chiefdoms, indirectly (after consulting the autonomous local chiefdom).[ citation needed ]
This structure ensured that the traditional flexibility and autonomy characteristic of the Alur society is maintained, while also reuniting a previously united society fragmented by necessity.
Based on the common history following the separation of the Luo at Puvungu (also known as Pubungu by the Acholi) and the subsequent movement of the Alur ancestors into the West Nile and subsequently Congo led by Nyipir/Gipir, the King is also the chief of Ukuru Chiefdom, which is the direct successor of the entity formed and led by Nyipir, prior to its fragmentation.
Ukuru's influence is most pronounced in the ritual sphere, and written, cultural and oral tradition sources highlight its elaborate ritual practices, its role as a source of rainmaking power, and the spread of its ritual practices to other chiefdoms. However, though its dominion extended from the highlands all the way through the midlands and parts of the lowland chiefdoms, Ukuru chiefs did not exercise political dominion over other major chiefdoms like Panduru, Paidha, War, or Angal. These chiefdoms, while acknowledging Ukuru's ritual significance and historical connections, maintained their pre-colonial political autonomy. Where however, it was necessary for particular rituals to be performed, especially within the Atyak groups, they were accordingly approached and most of the most important ritual sites were within its dominion. [11] [17]
Ukuru therefore holds a significant position within the broader Alur hierarchy, primarily due to its outsized ritual influence and its role as a source of numerous chieflets that extended its lineage and practices across Alurland. this was due to the following factors:
This apprehension persisted even as late as 1947, with Belgian reports highlighting their sensitivity regarding the border and a belief that any drastic actions against traditional authorities near the border could further fuel the pull of Ukuru. [11]
While acknowledging the symbolic significance of Ukuru, the author suggests that the Belgians might have overestimated its political reach because the lack of strong political ties between certain Alur groups and Ukuru would limit its practical influence.
While Ukuru's importance did not translate into absolute political control over other major chiefdoms, due to the fact that the Alur political landscape was characterised by a complex interplay of kinship ties, ritual authority, and flexible allegiances that limited the dominance of any single chiefdom, Ukuru's role as a ritual centre, its influence on the spread of chiefship, and the enduring legacy of its practices solidified its importance within the Alur hierarchy. It served as a focal point for ritual innovation and a source of political and social models that shaped the broader Alur world.
The current king, Rwoth Ubimu Phillip Rauni Olarker III, was crowned in 2010 and has his capital at Kaal Atyak Winam, Zombo district, Uganda. [7] [9] He acceded to the throne in 2006, six years after the death of his grandfather Rwoth Keruyoma Valente Jobi II. He is currently committed to reconnecting the people of the Alur Kingdom both within the kingdom and in the diaspora, [8] with the goals including economic growth and social protection for girls and women and ending child marriage. [15] In recent years the king has organised cultural sports tournaments to bring together the community, where both men and women compete. [10] [18]
One of the king's closest male relatives is the Prime Minister, second to the king. He is usually either a paternal uncle, brother or cousin brother to the King. The current Prime Minister is Prince Lawrence Angala Opar Jalumvor the Jadipu. [7] [18] The current Queen Mother, Rotzette Keronega, is also a very influential political figure. [8]
The Alur Kingdom currently has 64 chiefdoms, eight of which are located in the DRC and 56 in Uganda. [19] Although the numbers include smaller jurisdictions, which are overseen by chieflets that were and are traditionally part of the larger chiefdoms making up the Kingdom. When the Europeans first arrived, the Alur people were organised in a number of important chiefdoms, the major ones being: Angal, Juganda, Jukoth, Mambisa, Mukambo, Musongwa, Padea, Paidha, Palara, Panduru, Panyikang'o, Panyimur, Ragem, Ruvinga, Ukuru, War, among others.
In Angal, on the 30th of July 2022, the renowned and loved Rwoth Djalaure Serge II passed on after a long illness at the Logo General Reference Hospital in Mahagi. He had taken over from his late father Kamanda who died in 1998.
The largest and oldest Alur chiefdom was the Ukuru Chiefdom, who counted 10,000 adult men among their ranks in 1914.
The Ukuru chiefdom as a distinct entity was founded in 1630 as a continuation of the undivided Atyak Kingdom at the accession of Ngira, a member of the Atyak clan, as King when in their migration they left the plains of present day Nebbi and arrived in the highlands of present day Zombo District in Uganda and Ituri in Congo. They took over the territory from the indigenous Bantu and Sudanic inhabitants. The region was quickly Alur-ised. [14]
The ethnic composition of the people among the Alur in the Highlands usually included the Alur proper, Lendu, Okebo, Madi, Palwo, Nyali (only among the Mambisa), Bendi (Mambisa), Mamvu (among the Vura) and Gungu peoples, while the lowlands had a mixture of the Alur proper, Gungu, Palwo, Acoli, Abira, Madi, Lendu, Okebo and Lango peoples.
The term "Magungu" is used by the Alur to categorise a range of groups considered to have Bantu origins or connections. This encompasses both aboriginal Bantu communities present before the arrival of the dominant Alur lineages and groups that migrated from Bunyoro. Several Bantu clans, including the Nyali, Bira, and aboriginal Gungu (distinct from those from Bunyoro), are mentioned as being absorbed into the Alur sphere of influence. The descendants of the original Bantu men now form those clans. Bantu maternal ancestry is therefore not uncommon among the Alur. [14]
Ukuru chiefdom grew in competition with its other tributary chiefdoms including Paidha and PaNduru. Some other clans were completely taken over providing the Ukuru clan with more food resources, women, and men to defend their territory. [14] Alur chiefship spread through the emigration of chiefs' sons. These sons would establish new settlements, often incorporating local groups and potentially forming new chiefdoms.
The PaNduru chiefdom was formed by Nduru, the half brother to Umier Dhyang and paternal uncle to Ngira and Magwar (the subsequent chiefs of Ukuru and Paidha respectively), over a succession dispute where after Umier Dhyang succeeded, Nduru left with two of his uterine brothers that are the ancestors of the lineages of Pagei and PaMinya, although the Pagei clan and some of Paminya later returned to Ukuru. This explains the prevalence of the said clans in the different chiefdoms. Nduru went and established himself in the present day Ngothe area in Mahagi, where according to legend his grandfather Nyipir had also been to before returning to the Nebi area. The unfriendly separation between Ukuru and PaNduru however led to a centuries-old sibling rivalry that often flared up and mellowed out depending on the prevailing situations.
In 1789 Ukuru defeated the PaNduru thereby cementing itself as the most powerful Alur chiefdom. From then on, Ukuru was the most powerful, populous, and largest of the Alur chiefdoms. [14] [20] Major conflict again flared up after Acida of Panduru waged war on Alworunga of Ukuru leading to Acida's death. Years later, Ujuru the son of Acida after obtaining guns through trade with Arabs decided to revenge and the ensuing war led to the death of Alworunga. [17] This blood feud was officially (ritually and culturally) ended in 2012. [21]
The Chiefdom of Paidha was formed by Magwar, the brother to Ngira and son to Umier Dhyang. Originally called Payudha, the term "Payudha" originated from an event described in the context of Alur chiefship and the establishment of the Paidha chiefdom. "Payudha" is derived from the phrase "juyudhi ayudha", meaning "they have snatched you away". This phrase stems from a conversation between Umier Dhyang, and his son Magwar, who would become the first chief of Paidha.
According to Alur tradition, Magwar had to go into hiding after accidentally burning his father's hunting grounds. The Urabo Okebo people found Magwar and took him to be their chief. When Umier Dhyang learned of Magwar's whereabouts, he summoned him back, questioning, "How is it that you have been snatched away so that no one knows where you are?".
This event, where Magwar was "snatched away" together with some Alur clans to become the chief of the Urabo Okebo, led to the name "Payudha" being associated with the area. Over time, this term, signifying the act of taking or establishing a chief, became synonymous with the chiefdom itself, eventually evolving into the name "Paidha." This example illustrates the fluid nature of power dynamics and the processes by which Alur chiefdoms emerged and solidified their authority, often through a blend of chance occurrences and strategic alliances.
The chiefdom of Padea initially emerged as a result of the emigration of chiefs' sons from Ukuru, similar to the origins of other chiefdoms like Paidha, PaNduru, and War. This pattern reflects a key feature of Alur domination, where the spread of chiefship occurred through the establishment of new settlements led by members of the Ukuru chiefly lineage. It was founded as a chieflet area of Ukuru by Awaza, son of Ngira who was further joined by some of his other brothers excluding Keno who became chief in Ukuru after the death of their father. Padea later itself became a subsidiary centre for the further spread of chiefship, as the chieflets of Pakwo were derived from Padea, demonstrating how this process of chiefdom expansion continued outward from these newly established centres.
War Chiefdom as a distinct entity was established after the Acer lineage approached the Parombo clan in search of a chief after their own was killed by Angal. Parombo, which had ritual and kinship ties with Ukuru but was based in the midlands frequently travelled and had potential for finding a chief. The Acer elders recognised that the Parombo frequently travelled to other communities, particularly to purchase metal tools. This led them to believe that the Parombo might have encountered a suitable chief during their travels. Parombo had indeed met a prominent figure, Keno, the king in Ukuru. They were impressed by his stature and the respect he commanded. The Acer elders decided to approach the Parombo elders to inquire about the possibility of obtaining a chief. Upon learning about Keno, they specifically requested Umyer, Keno's son, to become their king. Their preference for Umyer stemmed from the understanding that he was already familiar with the responsibilities of leadership, having assisted his father in Ukuru. Parombo facilitated the Acer elders' request, leading to a negotiation with Keno. Keno agreed to allow Umyer to become the Acer's king. the stories describe the symbolic transfer of authority from Keno to Umyer, with the Parombo, Dolo, and Abar people carrying ritual objects such as a sacrificial lamb, a monkey skin, and a leopard skin to represent Umyer's new status as king of Acer. [17] This account demonstrates the role of networking and kinship ties in the establishment of Alur chiefdoms. The Acer people leveraged the Parombo's connections to secure a ruler from the respected lineage of Ukuru, ensuring the continuity of leadership and potentially incorporating the influential practices associated with that lineage.
For generations the Atyak family has provided for the Chief among the Atyak Chiefdoms, and Ucibu for the Chiefdoms of Juganda and Angal. Alur society was strictly hierarchical. There were multiple social ranks within each gender. [14]
Social rank depended on a lot of things – assertiveness, number of friends and family (allies), performance on male prestige tasks (war, patrols, hunting, and fishing). Rank is, in theory, not inheritable. However a man with a high-ranking father had, as a rule, more brothers, cousins, and family and was better able to attract allies. But overall, every man had the opportunity to reach a high status with the right mix of qualities. [14]
Alur clans are, in fact, a number of patrilineages living together. These patrilineages can include large numbers of men, all descendants of the same man. The Parombo family (patrilineage) in the Ukuru clan, for example, included 2000 men in 1949. These patrilineages are not strictly fictional. The Alur are very serious about it and maintain a family tree. Of course, a certain level of flexibility has occurred but overall we can trust the picture the Alur paint of their patrilineages. Other prominent clans allover Alur country include the Palei clan, Patek Puduk clan, Pakia clan, Ukuru Matar clan, Anyola clan and the Juloka clan. These are the ones that are closest to the King in Atyak. Others with very important ritual significance but are not necessarily close in Atyak include Awura, Pagei, Panywer, Parombo, Pangieth, Padere, Panyonga, Padwur, Pathedi among others. All these constitute the ancient purely Luo commoner clans, although some are of royal origin.
High rank confers had many advantages in Alur society. Expecting respect and admiration, high-ranking men had first choice in food, especially prestige food like meat and beer. High-ranking men typically had a large number of cattle and since the Alur paid the bride price in cattle high-ranking men had the most wives and thus children. The chief typically had the most children of any man in the clan. High-ranking men had three or more wives, average men two and low-ranking men typically one. As always there was flexibility since low-ranking men could be very successful in tending cattle and thus in acquiring wives but then their rank typically rose. [14]
Men always stayed in the clan they were born in, but women married men from other clans and moved to their husband's clan. Very few women married men from their own clan, since the Alur had very strict rules about avoiding incest. Every man in ones patrilineage was un-marriageable no matter how distant the common ancestor was. Only a specific request from a man from her own clan could let an Alur woman remain within her clan. [14]
Documented sources, particularly Aidan Southall's comprehensive study in "Alur Society", paint a nuanced picture of the Alur political system, highlighting its unique blend of lineage segmentation, specialised political institutions, and fluid power dynamics.
The Alur political system, as depicted in the sources, was not a static entity but rather a dynamic and evolving system shaped by a complex interplay of factors. The fluidity of power, the proliferation of chieflets, and the integration of diverse groups highlight the adaptability and resilience of the Alur political order in the face of changing social and political landscapes.
In discussing tribe life, praise cries functioned as potent markers of kinship and identity within Alur society.
These are just a few examples of the notable Alur traditions. Alur highlight the complexity of their social and political structures, which are interwoven with religious beliefs and customs.
Among many other traditions of the Alur, the Agwara dance is a notable example. It is a royal dance that is only performed during community rituals or festivals, and is performed by both men and women. [22]
This offers a blend of descriptions and insights into the rhythm of daily life for the Alur people, particularly during the period of their initial encounters with European influence. While it does not present a minute-by-minute schedule, it illuminates key aspects of Alur daily life, revealing a society rooted in tradition yet adaptable to change.
The above shows a glimpse into a society in flux, where the traditions and rhythms of daily life, deeply intertwined with the natural environment and social structures, began to encounter the forces of modernity.
Generally however, in Alur society, men herded the domestic animals, grew the crops, built the huts, hunted, fished, and dominated political life. The women were responsible for keeping house, rearing the children and cooking. Many of the men's jobs are bound to strict times (they hunted in large groups just once a month for example). The sexes are segregated by the Alur, with husbands and wives having separate huts, with the men sleeping apart from the women and the children. They also eat separately. [14]
Women and men rarely mix socially. This behaviour is not enforced by the men, but it is said that is in the woman's best interest to minimise contact with men. This is done out of fear of aggression and the husband's jealousy. Generally, Alur men are very close and social with men from their own clan. They hunt, farm, fish, go to war, herd, and form coalitions against rivals together. Since Alur men stay in the clan they are born in, and women move to the clan of their husband, the men are typically more social, have more friends, and a wider social network. This is a very important factor in male dominance within the Alur. [14]
The Alur have no strict theory as to whether wives are counted as members of their husbands’ lineages or not. For some purposes they are so included and for others they are not. Since women have the status of minors, the point is rarely of importance. Broadly speaking, as women and wives they are considered as members of their husbands’ lineages, and as girls and daughters of their fathers’ lineages. A distinction of this sort applies throughout their lives, according to where the emphasis lies in a particular situation. A woman can be called dhaPalei (woman of Palei) because she married into Palei, or she can be called nyaPatek (daughter of Patek) because she was bom into Patek. But married women inevitably participate to such an extent in general social activities in their husbands’ lineages that they are most often linked in speech with those lineages, while unmarried girls and widows who have returned to their natal lineages are naturally associated with them. [11]
There are nuanced perspectives on the impact of colonial partition on the Alur people's traditional political structure. Paradoxically, while the partition drastically redrew political boundaries, the Alur, never having experienced complete political unity, did not experience a profound loss of a political unity they had not possessed, especially as their cultural unity and local political authority was largely left untouched.
While the colonial partition of Alurland did not shatter a pre-existing political unity, it significantly restructured the political landscape. By imposing new administrative hierarchies, the colonial powers altered the balance of power among traditional authorities, in some cases exacerbating existing tensions. However, it is seen that Alur cultural identity persisted, demonstrating a degree of resilience in the face of colonial intervention.
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The Turu are an ethnic and linguistic group based in the Singida Region of north-central Tanzania who speak Bantu language Kinyaturu. In 1993, the Turu population was estimated to number 556,000. The current population of the Turu is now over 1,000,000. They speak the Turu language.
Clan Moncreiffe is a Highland Scottish clan.
The Scottish Gaelic word clann means children. In early times, and possibly even today, Scottish clan members believed themselves to descend from a common ancestor, the founder of the clan, after whom the clan is named. The clan chief is the representative of this founder, and represents the clan. In the Scottish clan system, a chief is greater than a chieftain (ceann-cinnidh), a designation applied to heads of branches of a clan. Scottish clans that no longer have a clan chief are referred to as armigerous clans.
The following is a list of the chiefs of the Clan Fraser of Lovat. The Chiefs of Clan Fraser often use the Gaelic patronym MacShimidh.
Isingoma Rukidi Mpuuga, others call him Labongo and sometimes Mpuuga Rukidi was the first Biito King of Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom in present day western Uganda and the twin brother of Kato Kimera, the first Biito king of Muhwahwa Kingdom
The Baganda also called Waganda, are a Bantu ethnic group native to Buganda, a subnational kingdom within Uganda. Traditionally composed of 52 clans, the Baganda are the largest people of the Bantu ethnic group in Uganda, comprising 16.5 percent of the population at the time of the 2014 census.
Akech was a ruler in East Africa who flourished from 1760 until 1787.
Empaako, also known as pet names or praise names, is a practice of the Batooro, Banyoro, Batuku, Batagwenda, and Banyabindi peoples of Uganda by which children are given a name. They were introduced after the Biito clan conquered the Empire of Kitara, and are nowadays used as a respectful and endearing way to refer to someone in conversation, separate from individual given names and surnames.
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