Burgos trials | |
---|---|
Court | Military tribunals in Burgos |
Decided | 28 December 1970 |
Case history | |
Subsequent action(s) | Six death sentences, later commuted to 30 years in prison |
Keywords | |
The Burgos trials (Spanish: Proceso de Burgos) were a series of military tribunals held in the Spanish city of Burgos from 3 to 9 December 1970. The trials prosecuted 16 members of the Basque separatist organisation Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) for their involvement in two murders of police officers in 1968. Causing international outrage and sympathy for the defendants, the trials are best known for the six death sentences handed out by the tribunals which were later commuted to lengthy prison sentences.
Widespread popular support for the defendants among the Basque public manifested itself in the weeks leading up to the trial. A labour strike by around 100,000 Basque workers, and the kidnapping by ETA of a German honorary consul, contributed to the significant media attention around the trials. In their statements, the defendants sought to portray their organisation as an advocate of the working classes. They also detailed incidents of torture they had experienced in prison.
On 28 December, the tribunals found all defendants guilty of the crimes of which they were accused. Six of them were sentenced to death. However, reacting to international pressure, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco commuted the sentences to long imprisonment terms. Sparking condemnations from public figures including Pope Paul VI and Jean-Paul Sartre, the Burgos trials gained notoriety for being "one of the last occasions on which political prisoners were sentenced to [death]." [1]
The trial at Burgos was in part a reaction to ETA's first known murders, committed in 1968. The first incident occurred on 7 June of that year when two of the organisation's members, Txabi Etxebarrieta and Iñaki Sarasketa were stopped by a traffic control near Amasa-Villabona. When prompted to present the car documents by José Pardines, one of the controlling police officers, Etxebarrieta opened fire and killed the officer. On the same day, the men were again stopped by police near Tolosa. Sarasketa was arrested while Etxebarrieta was killed in retaliation for the murder of Pardines. The extrajudicial killing of Etxebarrieta elicited widespread outrage among the Basque populace. [2]
Two months later, on 2 August 1968, ETA committed its first premeditated murder by assassinating Melitón Manzanas, [3] local commander of the Brigada Político-Social accused of torturing Basque detainees, at his residence in San Sebastián. Intended as a retaliation for the death of Etxebarrieta, the murder provoked a harsh reaction from the Spanish authorities: constitutional rights for the province of Gipuzkoa were suspended and by the end of the year many members of ETA had been arrested. [2]
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In August 1970, the Spanish government resolved to hold a military tribunal, whose task was to convict the members of the ETA involved in the crimes of the preceding years. 16 people [4] were accused of complicity in the crimes. [lower-alpha 1] Their occupations were varied: two of the sixteen were priests, and there were several ex-seminarists, as well as manual workers, clerks, and teachers. None were from upper class backgrounds. [5]
The prosecution demanded the death penalty for six defendants [2] for their alleged leadership in the murder of Melitón Manzanas. [5] ETA member Iker Casanova, who was imprisoned from 2000 to 2011 for his activities in connection with the organization, [6] gives their names as Jokin Gorostidi , Teo Uriarte , Mario Onaindia , Xabier Izko , and Larena and Unai Dorronsoro . [7]
With the trial the government sought to continue its successful campaign against ETA which had resulted in the arrest of many of the group's leaders in 1969. [8] Although mainstream media attempted to portray the defendants as "members of an isolated terrorist band", [9] the trial generated widespread popular support for ETA among the Basque public. [9] According to Casanova, this was aided by ETA's efforts to distribute pamphlets and other tokens of protest against the trial in the weeks leading up the trial date. [10] By the time of the trial, about 100,000 workers in the cities of the Basque Country were on strike, while the court-martial proceeded with 15 defendants (one, Maria Aranzazu, had her charges dropped). [4] The situation had escalated to such an extent that the government was forced to enact a state of emergency for the province of Gipuzkoa. [5]
Up until its beginning, ETA tried to compromise the trial through paramilitary action; according to Casanova, a tunnel that they had dug underneath the prison in which the defendants were held failed to break through a concrete wall. [11] On the other hand, efforts to kidnap the West-German honorary consul Eugen Beihl were successful. While ETA demanded that all planned death penalties be commuted, they eventually released Beihl after 25 days without a clear indication that their demands would be met. [12]
The planned military tribunal was convened in the northwestern city of Burgos in Castile and León on 3 December 1970. [13] In a bid to showcase its new internationalist attitude, ETA hired a group of prominent left-leaning lawyers. They included the future co-author of the Spanish constitution Gregorio Peces-Barba, the political theorist José Antonio Etxebarrieta , and the future senator Juan María Bandrés . [14] The defence's strategy was to use the highly publicised trial as a platform for criticism of the regime of Francisco Franco and its oppression of dissenters and ethnic minorities. [15]
As the trial focused on events which occurred between 1968 and 1969, it was "not generally understood" that ETA had since split into several factions. Splinter groups ETA-V and ETA-IV issued contradictory reports to the press, which "only added to the confusion". [13]
During its first four days, the trial heard statements from the defendants. In a 2015 book, the historian John Sullivan said:
[The statements] seemed to show that ETA had been transformed into a Marxist-Leninist organization which, while it confined its activities to Euskadi, sympathised equally with the oppressed elsewhere in Spain, and had completely abandoned anti-Spanish chauvinism. [16]
Some, however, took a "more traditional nationalist stance", including declaring that ETA was a "movement of national liberation". [16] They also recounted incidents of torture experienced at the hands of the Spanish military police. [17] According to historian Luis Castells, the trials thus became "a milestone in the anti-Franco struggle", generating "an unreleased mobilization in the Basque Country, in Spain and internationally". [18]
On 7 December, the trial was interrupted because one of the presiding officers had fallen ill. When proceedings resumed the following day, the tribunal adopted a more rigid approach, suppressing statements not related to the accessions to prevent further digressions by the defendants. In response, most of them exercised their right to remain silent. However, the final defendant to speak, Mario Onaindia attempted to attack the tribunal with an axe. Onaindia was overpowered quickly; during the struggle, the rest of the prisoners stood up and sang the Basque soldiers' anthem, and the incident became subject to significant foreign media coverage. [19] Afterwards, the court was reconvened, with the press and public excluded. [19]
After proceedings had ended on 9 December 1970, the tribunal took several days to deliberate and announced its verdict on 28 December. [2] All the prosecution's demands were granted: six defendants were sentenced to death, and three were sentenced to a symbolic "second execution". [2] The remaining defendants were sentenced to lengthy prison terms. However, domestic and international observers, including the Vatican, criticised the Spanish government for what was perceived as an exceedingly harsh judgement. [2] [20]
On 30 December, Franco commuted all death penalties to prison sentences of 30 years, except the "double death sentences", which were commuted to 60-year sentences, to which were added various other sentences ranging from 20 to 30 years. [2] [20] While some of the sentences reached 80 to 90 years, the New York Times described these as "theoretical", noting that Spanish law at the time prohibited prison sentences longer than 30 years.
The Burgos trials turned out to be a debacle for the Spanish government. ETA, a separatist organisation of little relevance outside Spain before the trial, became a symbol of the opposition against the dictatorship for the international public. [21] The group began to attract support from civil society, including the Basque Nationalist Party, the Spanish Communist Party and the Catholic Church. [22] Franco's decision to commute the proposed death penalties was greeted with relief by the international community. The Holy See was reported to have received the news "with particular satisfaction" after Pope Paul VI had advocated for the defendants' lives. [20] The trials nevertheless gained notoriety for being "one of the last occasions on which political prisoners were sentenced to death." [1] In the preface to a book (Le procès de Burgos) published soon after the events, [23] the philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre praised the defendants for showcasing the predicament of the Basque people to the world. [22]
In the decade following the trials, ETA continued its attacks on public sector targets. In December 1973, the group planted a bomb that killed Luis Carrero Blanco, the Prime Minister of Spain and likely successor to Franco. [3] The following year, an explosion at a Madrid bar frequently visited by police officers, killing at least 12 people, was attributed to its members. [3] Despite the condemnation of the Burgos trials, a similar trial was held against two members of ETA and three members of Frente Revolucionario Antifascista y Patriótico (FRAP) in September 1975, resulting in the execution of five people (including ETA members Juan Paredes Manot and Ángel Otaegui). These executions were the last use of capital punishment in Spain. [24]
ETA, an acronym for Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, was an armed Basque nationalist and far-left separatist organization in the Basque Country between 1959 and 2018, with its goal being independence for the region. The group was founded in 1959 during the era of Francoist Spain, and later evolved from a pacifist group promoting traditional Basque culture to a violent paramilitary group. It engaged in a campaign of bombings, assassinations, and kidnappings throughout Spain and especially the Southern Basque Country against the regime, which was highly centralised and hostile to the expression of non-Castilian minority identities. ETA was the main group within the Basque National Liberation Movement and was the most important Basque participant in the Basque conflict.
GAL were death squads illegally established by officials of the Spanish government during the Basque conflict to fight against ETA, the principal Basque separatist militant group. They were active from 1983 to 1987 under Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)-led governments.
The Einsatzgruppen trial was the ninth of the twelve trials for war crimes and crimes against humanity that the US authorities held in their occupation zone in Germany in Nuremberg after the end of World War II. These twelve trials were all held before US military courts, not before the International Military Tribunal. They took place in the same rooms at the Palace of Justice. The twelve US trials are collectively known as the "Subsequent Nuremberg trials" or, more formally, as the "Trials of War Criminals before the Nuremberg Military Tribunals" (NMT).
Arnaldo Otegi Mondragón is a politician from the Basque Country who has been the General Secretary of Basque nationalist party EH Bildu since 2017. He was member of the Basque Parliament for both Herri Batasuna and Euskal Herritarrok. He was a convicted member of the ETA, a banned armed separatist group organization, in his early years. He was one of the key negotiators during the unsuccessful peace talks in Loiola and Geneva, in 2006.
José Miguel Beñaran Ordeñana was a Basque militant and a key figure in the political evolution of the Basque separatist organization Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA). Often known by his nom de guerreArgala (Slim), he took part in the so called Operation Ogre, which consisted in the assassination of Luis Carrero Blanco, Spain's Prime Minister, in 1973. Five years later, he was in turn assassinated by a car bomb in Anglet, French Basque Country, by a group directed by far right members inside the Spanish Navy. This group reportedly received assistance from people such as former OAS member Jean Pierre Cherid, former Triple A Argentine member José María Boccardo and Italian neofascist Mario Ricci, member of Avanguardia Nazionale.
Txabi Etxebarrieta, also known as Xabier Etxebarrieta Ortiz, was a Basque nationalist and one of the founders of the armed pro-independence organization Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA). He was the perpetrator of the first assassination carried out by this group, and also the first ETA militant killed in a confrontation with the Civil Guard, for which he became an icon within the inner circle of the group and its supporters.
Egunkaria for thirteen years was the only fully Basque language newspaper in circulation until it was closed down on 20 February 2003 by the Spanish authorities due to allegations of an illegal association with ETA, the armed Basque separatist group. After seven years, on 15 April 2010 the defendants were acquitted on all charges related to ties to ETA. The issue of damages for the closure of the newspaper remains open, as well as the alleged torture of the members of the newspaper's executive board during detention.
Manuel Carrasco i Formiguera, was a Spanish lawyer and Christian democrat Catalan nationalist politician. His execution, by order of Francisco Franco, provoked protests from Catholic journalists such as Joseph Ageorges, the President of the International Federation of Catholic Journalists. Ageorges wrote, "Even more than the death of the Duke of Enghien stained the memory of Napoleon, the death of Carrasco has stained the reputation of Franco". Such protests, in turn, provoked the anger of the Francoist press. His funeral in Paris on 27 April 1938 was attended by many notable people, including Joan Miró, Ossorio y Gallardo, Josep M. de Sagarra, Joaquim Ventalló and Jacques Maritain and his wife Raissa.
The Basque conflict, also known as the Spain–ETA conflict, was an armed and political conflict fought from 1959 to 2011 by the Basque National Liberation Movement, a group of Basque nationalist organizations which sought independence for the Basque Country, against Spain and France through various social, political, and terrorist means. The movement was largely built around Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), a terrorist organization which launched a campaign of attacks against Spanish administrations from 1959 onwards. ETA was proscribed as a terrorist organization by the Spanish, British, French and American authorities at different moments.
The Cafetería Rolando bombing was an attack on 13 September 1974 at the Rolando cafe in Calle del Correo, Madrid, Spain which killed 13 people and wounded 71. Though no claim of responsibility was made, the attack is widely believed to have been carried out by the armed Basque separatist group ETA.
The 1978 Spanish Constitution bans capital punishment in Spain, except for wartime offences. Spain completely abolished capital punishment for all offenses, including in times of war, in October 1995.
The Monbar Hotel attack was carried out by the Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL), a Spanish state-sponsored death squad, on 25 September 1985 in Bayonne, Pyrénées-Atlantiques, France. The targets were four members of the Basque separatist terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), whom the Spanish government believed to be senior figures in the organization, itself proscribed as a terrorist group in Spain and France. All four people were killed, with a fifth person, apparently unconnected to ETA, injured in the shooting. This represented the deadliest attack carried out by the GAL. Although two of the participants were apprehended shortly after the shooting, controversy surrounded the possible involvement of senior figures in the Spanish police.
Basque National Liberation Movement prisoners are all those people who have been imprisoned, placed on remand, or otherwise kept in custody due to their illegal activity in support of the Basque National Liberation Movement.
Events in the year 1970 in Spain.
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