George Washington's political evolution

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  1. ↑ Colonial Virginia was a royal colony. It was governed by a bicameral legislature comprising a royally appointed governor and council, in whom most of the authority was vested, and a popularly elected House of Burgesses. [4]
  2. ↑ In the articles of surrender signed after the Battle of Fort Necessity, Washington had admitted to the assassination of Joseph Coulon de Jumonville at the Battle of Jumonville Glen who, the French claimed, was on a diplomatic mission. The articles of surrender were, according to John Huske, a former Boston merchant and future British Member of Parliament [28] [29] "the most infamous a British subject ever put his hand to." [30] [31] Washington claimed he would never have knowingly consented to an admission of assassination. He alleged his translator, Jacob Van Braam, had a poor grasp of English and implied that Van Braam acted treacherously to mistranslate the word "assassination" to "death" or "loss". [30] [31] [32]
  3. ↑ The route to be taken by Forbes to Fort Duquesne would generate economic advantages for landowners along that route. Virginians advocated for the existing route cleared by Washington and used by Braddock, while Pennsylvanians advocated for a new, more northerly route through their territory. Washington argued in support of the Virginian cause on the basis that the new route could not be completed before winter, but Forbes suspected him of acting in his own financial and political interests and chose, for military considerations, to take the Pennsylvanian route. [57]
  4. ↑ Washington had leased Mount Vernon from his brother's widow in December 1754 and inherited it on her death in 1761. [66]
  5. ↑ In his petition to the Executive Council and Virginia's new governor, Lord Botetourt in 1769, to make good the promise of land bounty, Washington suggested two hundred thousand acres (eight hundred and ten square kilometres) along the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers. Given that the surveyor for Augusta County, in which the land was located, would be too busy, he suggested someone else should be appointed to complete the surveys. When his suggestions were agreed, he successfully urged the appointment of William Crawford as the surveyor, whom two years previously Washington had commissioned to conduct a surreptitious survey of the land now allocated. Washington then accompanied Crawford on the initial exploratory trip in 1770 and took notes on the best land. As Crawford completed his surveys, he consulted with Washington, without the knowledge of any other officers, before the results were presented to the Executive Council. Washington then met with the officers, who were assured that there was no difference in quality between the various tracts, to agree how the land would be distributed. The Executive Council then allocated specific grants of land based on their recommendations. In this way, eighteen officers secured for themselves seven-eighths of the bounty lands that Dinwiddie had originally intended solely for enlisted men, men who had not been consulted throughout the process, and Washington secured for himself the best land. Some enlisted men complained when they discovered their land was worthless; some of the officers were a "good deal chagrined" when they first saw theirs. [80] Washington defended his actions by saying there would have been no grants of land without his initiative and effort. [81] [82]
  6. ↑ Ferling, like Chernow, cites Washington's frustration at the British military system that subordinated him to men of inferior rank. He also discusses the indignities Washington must have felt in the treatment he received from British officials such as Loudoun; the fact that Virginia's security during the French and Indian War had been dictated by British strategy, not Virginian; that London, not the colonies, controlled Indian diplomacy; that the Ohio Country was opened for settlement on British terms to a British timescale for the benefit of British interests; and that Parliament made all the imperial trade rules for the colonies, while the colonists had no representation and no say in British policy. [103]
  7. ↑ Historians differ as to the role Washington played in formulating the resolves; some credit Mason as the sole author while others suggest Washington had collaborated with Mason. [118]
  8. ↑ In addition to leading the Fairfax militia, Washington accepted command of the Prince William, Fauquier, Richmond and Spotsylvania county militias. He drilled Alexandria's militia, helped the Caroline and possibly Loudoun county militias to get gunpowder, and ordered training manuals, weapons and items of uniform from Philadelphia. [130] [128]
  9. ↑ The problems of operating separate provincial armies were manifold and well recognized. The New England provinces did not have the resources to conduct a long-term siege. They considered it unfair that New England should shoulder the main burden of the war effort and believed the conflict should be fought by an army financed, raised and supplied by all provinces. There was some mistrust of a New England army outside of New England. Congressmen attending the Second Continental Congress in May regarded as intolerable the unauthorized march of Massachusetts and Connecticut militias into New York to seize Fort Ticonderoga. [135] [136]
  10. ↑ After his defeat in the Battle of Long Island, Washington adopted a Fabian strategy that relied on evasion and hit-and-run attacks to wear down the enemy rather than a decisive pitched battle to defeat it. [160]
  11. ↑ In fact, Congress never contemplated Washington's removal, and the appointments were aimed at reforming the army, not at Washington. Only a tiny minority of congressmen sought his replacement, and he inspired loyalty in an overwhelming majority of his field officers. [164]
  12. ↑ According to Ferling, Washington played the Marquis de Lafayette, who served on his staff and was well connected with the French monarch, "like a virtuoso". Washington hinted to the young Frenchman that, if successful, the cabal's intrigues might destroy the revolution and all that France hoped to achieve from American independence. Lafayette, who only three months previously had praised his good friend and compatriot Conway as an officer who would "justify more and more the esteem of the army", duly condemned Conway to Congress as someone who possessed neither honor nor principles and who would resort to anything to satisfy his ambition. He also belittled Gates's success at Saratoga. Washington's young aides-de-camp, Alexander Hamilton and John Laurens  – whose father Henry was President of the Continental Congress  – also spoke out against Conway. General Nathanael Greene repeated Washington's accusation that both Mifflin and Gates were intriguing to ruin him. Other officers equated criticism of Washington with treason against the revolution. Suspected critics received visits from officers; Richard Peters was left terrified after a visit from Colonel Daniel Morgan. Conway escaped with a wound to the mouth after a duel with General John Cadwalader; Mifflin lost face when he declined Cadwalader's challenge. [168]
  13. ↑ When Conway arrived to take up his duties at Valley Forge, Washington greeted him icily and informed him he had no authority until written orders arrived. In a written reply, Conway mockingly equated Washington to Frederick the Great, the most esteemed general of the age. Washington simply forwarded the letter to Congress and let outraged indignation at the Frenchman's taunting effrontery to their commander-in-chief run its course. [173]
  14. ↑ The Society of the Cincinnati was a fraternal order of Revolutionary War officers which had attracted suspicion as an aristocratic and politically intrusive organization. Washington's association with the society threatened to sully his reputation. When it refused his attempts to abolish hereditary membership and his request not to elect him president, he sought to distance himself from it by not attending its meetings. Rather than offend his former comrades in arms, he masked his real concerns by stating that he was unable to attend the meeting in May because of business commitments and poor health. [204]
  15. ↑ Rhodehamel writes that after Mackay's arrival, "...Washington began an ill-considered advance from Fort Necessity toward the Forks of the Ohio. He scurried back to Fort Necessity when scouts reported that the French were marching against Great Meadows with a thousand men." [246] According to Longmore, Washington had made the decision to advance before the arrival of the South Carolinians. He moved out of Fort Necessity towards Redstone Creek on June 16 (and may have even entertained hopes of defeating the French at Fort Duquesne alone). By June 28, Washington was still short of the creek but within two days' march of the Forks when he received news that a large French force was approaching. He initially intended to defend the position, but when the South Carolinian contingent caught up with him the next day, Washington and Mackay agreed to fall back, bypassing even Fort Necessity. The whole journey, according to Longmore, took such a toll on the men and their transport that, on reaching Fort Necessity on July 1, they could go no further. [247] According to Ferling, Washington remained at Fort Necessity the entire period between the Battle of Jumonville Glen and the Battle of Fort Necessity. [248] Chernow mentions only that Washington's men were recalled to Fort Necessity on June 28, having been dispersed to build roads. [249]
  16. ↑ In a letter to Dinwiddie after the Battle of Jumonville Glen and following the appointment of Innes, Washington expressed his regret at losing the opportunity to gain more laurels now that "...a Head will soon arrive to whom all Honour[ sic ] and Glory must be given". [250] The provincial frontier officer William Johnson criticized Washington's aggression and accused him of "being too ambitious of acquiring all the honour[ sic ], or as much as he could, before the Rest joined him...". [33]
  17. ↑ In a letter to his wife written shortly after his appointment to the command of the Continental Army, Washington wrote, "so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it..." [275] [276] In a letter to his brother John Augustine two days later, he wrote that the appointment was "an honor I neither sought after, nor desired..." [277] [278] In another letter, written to William Gordon in 1778, he wrote, "I did not solicit the command, but accepted it after much entreaty." [273] His protestations were not limited to private correspondence; the same sentiments are reflected in a public letter he sent to officers of the independent companies of Virginia militia he commanded and published in newspapers. [279] Chernow and Longmore both recognise Washington's protestations of inadequacy were not baseless – where he had previously led a provincial regiment he was now tasked with leading a continental army. [276] [280]
  18. ↑ In September 1788, Hamilton advised Washington that a refusal would risk the fame which "must be ...dear to you." [290]

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  230. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 236–237
  231. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 353–359
  232. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 365–366
  233. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 5–6
  234. ↑ Lantzer 2001 p. 35
  235. ↑ Richard 1995 p. 70
  236. ↑ Wood 1992 p. 206
  237. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. xxi
  238. ↑ Longmore 1988 p. 1
  239. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 6
  240. ↑ Ferling 2010 p. 58
  241. ↑ "Faculty and Staff: Pete Henriques". History and Art History Faculty and Staff. George Mason University. Retrieved January 25, 2019.
  242. ↑ Henriques 2008 p. 1
  243. ↑ "George Washington – Yale University Press". Yale University Press. Yale University. Retrieved January 25, 2019.
  244. ↑ Rhodehamel 2017 p. 24
  245. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 21
  246. ↑ Rhodehamel 2017 p. 53
  247. ↑ Longmore 1988 pp. 21–23
  248. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 23
  249. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 75
  250. ↑ Longmore 1988 p. 22
  251. ↑ Longmore 1988 pp. 168–170
  252. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 88–89
  253. 1 2 Wood 1992 p. 207
  254. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 182–183
  255. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 87
  256. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 70–71
  257. ↑ Longmore 1988 pp. 32–33
  258. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 89
  259. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 616
  260. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 257
  261. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 153–154
  262. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 256
  263. ↑ Chernow 2010 pp. 679–680
  264. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 220–221
  265. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 176
  266. ↑ Longmore 1988 p. 67
  267. 1 2 Longmore 1988 p. 32
  268. ↑ Washington Vol. 1, p. 186
  269. ↑ Washington Vol. 1, p. 185
  270. ↑ Washington Vol. 1, p. 181
  271. ↑ Chernow 2010 pp. 97, 128
  272. ↑ Longmore 1988 pp. 168, 170
  273. 1 2 3 Chernow 2010 p. 248
  274. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 86–87
  275. ↑ Washington Vol. 2 p. 484
  276. 1 2 Longmore 1988 p. 168
  277. ↑ Washington Vol. 2 p. 491
  278. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 89
  279. ↑ Longmore 1988 p. 174
  280. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 251
  281. ↑ Ferling 2009 p. 87
  282. ↑ Longmore 1988 pp. 169–170, 171–182
  283. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 676
  284. ↑ "Undelivered First Inaugural Address: Fragments, 30 April 1789". National Archives Founders Online. 17. Retrieved February 6, 2019.
  285. ↑ Chernow 2010 pp. 678–680
  286. ↑ Ellis 2004 p. 171
  287. ↑ Chernow 2010 p. 708
  288. ↑ Ferling 2009 pp. 273–274
  289. ↑ Henriques 2008 pp. 49, 208
  290. 1 2 Ferling 2009 p. 274
  291. ↑ Ellis 2004 pp. 182, 187

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