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Residential school denialism is negationist and anti-Indigenous racist ideology that trivializes, downplays or misrepresents the effects of the Canadian Indian residential school system. [1] Despite decades of recognition and acknowledgments denialism claims is a factor within Canadian society. [2] [3] [4] Residential school denialism often includes claims that the number of reported deaths have been inflated by the "reconciliation industry", [5] that sexual abuse was not systematic, and that survivors many be untrustworthy and just seeking compensation. [6] [7] Some scholars contend that the school system was a progressive former of state intervention, that provided an education and vastly improved the health of the students. [8]
Similar to Holocaust denial, residential school denialism is often presented in a pseudo-scholarly manner. Organizations such as the Indian Residential Schools Research Group (IRSRG) have been created in order to combat what denialists have described as "poor standards of research and reporting on the residential school system". [9] [10] It has also been spread online through online communities. [11] [12]
Kisha Supernant and Sean Carleton responded to denialists, stating that "[t]here is no big lie or deliberate hoax", but is instead "the complicated nature of what the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada calls the 'complex truth". [13] Residential school denialism has sparked debates over policy. NDP MP Leah Gazan has proposed that the federal government of Canada criminalize residential school denialism under hate speech. [11] However, legal scholars have previously asserted that legislation restricting "freedom of expression" would likely not pass a constitutional challenge under the Canadian Charter. [14]
Residential school denialism does not actually deny the existence of Canadian Indian residential schools, but rather misinterprets, excuses, and downplays the impacts of residential schools on survivors and Indigenous communities. [1] [15] Ian Gentles has expressed that Indigenous peoples in Canada have faced significant mistreatment. However, using the term genocide inaccurately distorts history and creates a divide, labeling Indigenous peoples only as victims and non-Indigenous as criminals. [2]
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Support for residential school denialism can be motivated by many beliefs. [3] [1] Many subscribe to the ideology of residential school denialism due to the belief that the Indigenous peoples of Canada need to be continually assimilated into settler colonial culture in order for them to meaningfully participate in society. [16] Despite current views that might define the system of residential schools as racist or genocidal, [8] many scholars contend that they were seen as progressive at the time, a form of state intervention. [17]
Many also believe in what Lee Maracle termed the "myth of benevolence" which describes the myth that Indigenous peoples receive extensive access to many social services which settlers and immigrants do not receive. Those who believe in the myth of benevolence attribute this to an ''opportunistic culture" amongst Indigenous peoples, enabled through freeloading on Canadian government and society. [16] [18]
Pseudo-scholarly texts such as Frances Widdowson and Albert Howard's Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry:The Deception Behind Indigenous Cultural Preservation, promote the idea that there exists an "Aboriginal Industry" comprised of corrupt figures in Aboriginal leadership such as Indigenous lawyers, scholars, and consultants, and that such an industry is ineffective at furthering the development of Indigenous communities, as well as acting as a threat to educational freedom and freedom of speech. [19] [20]
In 2022, Gregory Stanton, former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, issued a report stating Canada is in the "denial stage" of the ten stages of genocide;"The perpetrators... deny that they committed any crimes...". [21]
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Although Canadian history has evolved significantly over the years, with early interpretations often downplaying or denying the extent of violence and harm inflicted on Indigenous peoples. [22] [23] Kimberly Murray, from the Office of the Independent Special Interlocutor, released a report in 2023 stating: "a core group of Canadians continue to defend the Indian Residential Schools System … some still deny that children suffered physical, sexual, psychological, cultural, and spiritual abuses, despite the TRC's indisputable evidence to the contrary. Others try to deny and minimize the destructive impacts of the Indian Residential Schools. They believe Canada's historical myth that the nation has treated Indigenous Peoples with benevolence and generosity is true." [24]
Murray's report prompted Leah Gazan, an NDP Member of Parliament, to introduce Bill C-413 in 2024, which would ban residential school denialism. [25] [26] However, legal scholars have previously asserted that a bill of this nature probably would not pass a constitutional challenge under the Canadian Charter. [14]
Sean Carleton and Andrew Woolford contend that dissent and debate from what they name as "the fringe" are actually strategies used by genocide denialists to create doubt and undermine consensus. [27] Ian Gentles has expressed concern over what he referred to as academic "activists" stating that discussing and debating genocide is actually a "tool of genocide". [8] Scholars such as Christopher Dummitt, Margaret MacMillan, Terry Copp, Frédéric Bastien, J. L. Granatstein, Robert J. Young and Susan Mann reiterate that the government's documented goal was integration, not elimination. They criticized attempts to shut down debate or discredit dissent as well as portraying those who disagree or diverge from activist language as prejudiced or outdated. [28] [29]
Specific residential school reports and survivor testimonies are often cherry picked in order to support denialists' claims. [30] One such example is Cree author Tomson Highway, who credited his residential school education for his success despite being molested regularly while in attendance. [9] [31]
In the wake of the discovery of over 200 anomalies by ground-penetrating radar at the former Kamloops Indian Residential School which were labelled as potential unmarked graves, many denialists cite the lack of evidence for true gravesites as supporting their claims that reported death tolls have been inflated. [9] Denialists have claimed that mainstream media reported the presence of "mass graves" at residential school sites despite lack of archaeological evidence, in order to mislead the public. This has been described as the "Mass Grave Hoax". [32] This has also resulted in denialists going to the ground on which the anomalies were discovered, carrying shovels, attempting to prove that there are no human remains on the site. [33] On National Truth and Reconciliation Day in 2023, prime minister Justin Trudeau stating that denialism was on the rise after disputes regarding the conclusiveness of the evidence of Indian residential schools gravesite discoveries. [34] [35] [36]
The Canadian Museum for Human Rights (CMHR) received criticism upon its opening in 2014 because it did not use the term genocide to describe the history of colonialism in Canada. [37] Two years after its opening, Rita K. Dhamoon critiqued the museum's focus on the Holocaust, frame of residential schools as assimilationist and not genocidal, and denial of the genocidal nature of settler colonialism. [38] In 2019, the museum reversed its policy and officially recognizes genocide of Indigenous peoples in Canada in its content. [39]
In 2021, Senator Lynn Beyak generated controversy and was accused of genocide denial in the Canadian Indian residential school system after she voiced disapproval of the final Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada report, saying that it had omitted the positives of the schools. [40] [41] [42] Similarly, former Conservative Party leader Erin O'Toole said that the residential school system educated Indigenous children, [43] but then changed his view: "The system was intended to remove children from the influence of their homes, families, traditions, and cultures". Former newspaper publisher Conrad Black and others have also been accused of denial. [44]
In 2022, Frances Widdowson was discharged from Mount Royal University for voicing her views on what she called the "dominant residential school narratives." [45] She knowledges that residential schools hurt people and children died, but she disagrees with the findings about potentially graves at the Kamloops Indian Residential School, stating no need for "hysteria." [46] In 2025, she co-produced a documentary about residential school gravesites titled What Remains: Exposing the Kamloops Mass Grave Deception’s. [47]
In 2025, Dallas Brodie made posts on X that read in part: "The number of confirmed child burials at the former Kamloops Indian Residential School site is zero. Zero. No one should be afraid of the truth. Not lawyers, their governing bodies, or anyone else." [48] The Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs responded with a statement condemning the posts and calling on Brodie to apologize "for promoting abhorrent rhetoric which minimizes the harms of Residential Schools and for misleading and emboldening the public against Indigenous people". [49] [48] On March 7, 2025, Brodie was removed from the Conservative Party of BC caucus as a result of her decision to publicly mock and belittle testimony from former residential school students. [50]
The existence of a very small group of naysayers — the vast majority of them not members of the Canadian Historical Association and some of them openly engaging in residential school denialism — does not invalidate the fact that there is a general scholarly agreement, or broad consensus, that the term genocide applies to Canada.
I contend that the curatorial decision of the CMHR to not use the label of genocide in the title of the core gallery on Indigenous perspectives was specifically a form of interpretive denial.