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During and after the 2022 Brazilian presidential election, a network of members of former president Jair Bolsonaro's government and of the Brazilian Armed Forces planned to subvert the transition of power to newly elected president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, arrest Supreme Federal Court (STF) justice Alexandre de Moraes and Rodrigo Pacheco (the president of the Federal Senate), and shut down several government institutions, such as the National Congress, the Superior Electoral Court and the STF, in an attempt to keep Bolsonaro in power and consolidate his control over the federal government. [1] [2] The plans, evidence, and individuals involved in planning a coup d'état were gradually revealed in investigations conducted by public agencies and the press in 2023 and 2024. [3] [4]
After the 8 January Brasília attacks, more than 1,400 people were charged for their alleged role in the riots. [5] Valdemar Costa Neto, head of the Liberal Party, and three aides to Bolsonaro were arrested on 8 February 2024. [6] [7] On 21 November 2024, the Federal Police formally accused Bolsonaro and 36 people for an attempt to overthrow Brazil's democratic institutions, including a plot to assassinate Lula, Vice President-elect Geraldo Alckmin and Supreme Court Justice Moraes. [8] On 14 December 2024, Bolsonaro's 2022 running mate and former Chief of Staff, Walter Braga Netto, was arrested. [9] Braga Netto, who was also a former general in the Brazilian Army, was considered a prominent figure in the coup plot. [9] On 18 February 2025, Attorney General Paulo Gonet formally indicted Bolsonaro and 34 others for an attempted coup d'état. On 26 March, the Supreme Court accepted the Attorney General's complaint and considered Bolsonaro and seven other allies as defendants in the case. [10]
The trial took place between 2 and 11 September 2025 before the First Panel of the Supreme Federal Court and resulted in the conviction of all the defendants, with Jair Bolsonaro being sentenced to 27 years and 3 months in prison. [11]
Beginning in July 2025, the Trump administration in the United States began openly clashing with Brazilian authorities, claiming Bolsonaro was the victim of a witch hunt. As a result, the US imposed a 50% tariff on all Brazilian imports, revoked the visas of eight Brazilian Supreme Court justices, and applied the Magnitsky Act against Moraes. [12] [13] [14]
The relationship between the Armed Forces and politics in Brazil has been a significant aspect of the country's history. Since the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, the military has played an important role in political affairs, including direct intervention during the military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985. Even after the democratic transition, the Armed Forces have continued to exert influence in national debates, often presenting themselves as guarantors of stability and order. [15]
In the 21st century, the military's role in politics resurfaced with greater intensity during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022), a former army captain who appointed a large number of active and retired military officers to government positions. This development renewed discussions about the politicization of the Armed Forces and their place within Brazil's democratic framework. [16] [17]
Fake news was an element with special prominence in the elections in Brazil in 2014, 2018 and 2022, and was used by various actors with the objective of convincing and manipulating the electors and their votes. [18] [19] Although fake news is not a new phenomenon, widespread access to digital communication tools and the ease with which messages were massively spread gave false information, in 2022, a leading role in electoral debates and were the focus of containment actions by courts, legislators and media companies. [20] [21]
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The Federal Police found a draft announcement of a coup in a search of former justice minister Anderson Torres's home. The document outlined a plan to implement a state of defense (estado de defesa) [a] that would annul the 2022 election results. It also leveled a series of accusations, such as abuse of power and lack of impartiality, [b] against the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), which had been investigating Bolsonaro and his allies while he was in office. [22]
Upon his return to Brazil, Anderson Torres was arrested [23] and detained for four months while Supreme Court justice Alexandre de Moraes investigated his role in the riots. [c] [24] In his testimony to the Federal Police on 2 February 2023, Torres sought to dismiss the coup draft found in his residence as a document "without legal viability", disposable, according to him. He also stated that it was not he who had placed the draft decree in a folder on his shelf, and that he believed his domestic worker had done so while house cleaning. Torres reaffirmed that he had not drafted the document and did not know who did. [25]
To the accusation of negligence or complicity with the 2022–2023 Brazilian election protests that culminated in the attack on Congress on 8 January, Torres, who took office on 2 January as head of security for the Federal District, [26] claimed he had fulfilled all necessary verification and security measures, relying on reports that did not foresee radical actions by Bolsonaro supporters. Since he thought he had fulfilled his duties, he said, he deemed it appropriate to proceed with a planned family trip to the United States, where he stayed in Orlando, the same city as Bolsonaro, with whom he said he had not coordinated his plans, and with whom he additionally claimed he did not meet. [25]
Ricardo Cappelli, the intervenor Lula put in charge of Brasília's public security after the riots, called 8 January "a structured sabotage operation" adding: [26]
Torres took over as secretary for security (in Brasília), dismissed the whole chain of command and then took a trip. If that's not sabotage, I don't know what is. [26]
Regarding the whereabouts of his phone, Torres claimed to have turned it off after his arrest was ordered, due to the number of calls he received, and lost it shortly afterward. He said he did not know where it was but he said he had not left it in the United States. Torres offered to provide the password to his cloud storage account. [25]
On 15 June 2023, the Federal Police, authorized by Supreme Court justice Alexandre de Moraes, searched residences linked to Senator Marcos do Val, who was investigated for obstructing investigations of the 8 January coup attempt in Brasília. [27] The senator's Twitter account was also blocked. [28]
O Globo had access to the federal police report, revealing that do Val had boasted in a number of WhatsApp groups that he had the fate of two presidents of the republic in his hands: "I have a bomb in hand to destroy Bolsonaro and another one to destroy Lula." [29] He also said he was responsible for Bolsonaro taking refuge in the United States after he lost the 2022 election: "I was invited by him [Bolsonaro] to do this. As member of CCAI [Mixed Intelligence Activities Control Commission], I started to wind it up to see how far it would go. When it was about to happen, I informed him that he would be committing a very serious crime against democracy and, from there, I reported it to the responsible authority. It was because of this that he fled to the USA." [29]
Do Val returned to the Senate on 3 August 2023. [30]
Audio recordings from 15 December 2022, of former major and Liberal Party (PL) candidate, Ailton Gomes, record instructions to then-Army Commander Freire Gomes to do "(...) o que tem que fazer" (what needs to be done), setting the deadline for the following day for him to make a statement in support of the coup; otherwise, it added, the statement would come from Jair Bolsonaro. [1]
In a statement proffered as part of a plea deal approved by Justice Alexandre de Moraes, Mauro Cid stated that Jair Bolsonaro met with the commanders of the Armed Forces' three branches to assess the possibility of carrying out a coup, whose draft declaration had been prepared by his advisors, with the purpose of preventing the change of government. [31] The draft was allegedly delivered by Filipe Martins, advisor for international affairs. [32] Its content anticipated the arrest of political opponents and justice Alexandre de Moraes. [33]
The plan was allegedly accepted by the commander of the Brazilian Navy, Admiral Almir Garnier Santos. However, General Marco Antônio Freire Gomes of the Brazilian Army reportedly refused to participate, leading to abandonment. Bolsonaro's defense team has said that the statements are slanderous. [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] [39]
In addition to the military, Cid would have said that Bolsonaro received, in meetings at the presidential palace, various people with coup plans that involved, among other things, using a misinterpretation of article 142 of the Federal Constitution to entrust the armed forces with exercising the moderating power. Warned about the risks, the then-president would have assumed the sad expression that marked his first public appearance after the end of the elections. [40]
The discovery of the draft caused widespread repercussions in Brazilian politics, society, and judiciary. Jurists debated the inherent illegality of possessing of such a document, regardless of its use or the success of its use. [22] Senator Randolfe Rodrigues called for an inquiry by the Supreme Federal Court into the "attempted coup d'état". [22]
During the media uproar that occurred after the draft's discovery, Torres said on social media that the draft was "most likely" a document that was meant to be discarded and shredded by the Ministry of Justice and Public Security. According to him, the draft was taken without his knowledge and used out of context, fueling "false narratives" against him. [22] Conversely, his lawyers said that the draft had been handed to him by a "citizen", a narrative inconsistent with internal evidence within the document, clearly written by someone very closely following events. [41]
Jair Bolsonaro's defense team moved to exclude the document from a parallel investigation of his attempt to discredit the electoral system. This investigation arose from a speech against the Superior Electoral Court, delivered at a meeting with ambassadors in 2022. The request was denied, and the document remained part of the evidence. [42]
On 30 June 2023, a majority at the Superior Electoral Court declared Jair Bolsonaro ineligible to hold political power until 2030 for his abuse and misuse of communication media during this meeting. [43]
The Federal Police conducted several forensic examinations and investigations regarding the document to trace its circulation among government authorities, among other purposes. According to information gathered by investigators, the draft reached Bolsonaro's aides, as well as members of his reelection committee. [44] An analysis of the various fingerprints found on the document was carried out by the Federal Police. [45] Efforts were made to trace the printer that originated the document via documentology, mainly aiming to verify whether the draft originated from a public agency. The forensic technique in use is only effective for tracing medium or large sized printers, and is less accurate for consumer printers. [46]
On 8 February 2024, the Federal Police executed thirty-three search and seizure warrants and four preventive detention warrants in Operation Tempus Veritatis ("time of truth", in Latin). Former special advisor to Bolsonaro, Filipe G. Martins, retired colonel Marcelo Câmara, and Major Rafael Martins were arrested. The targets of the search and seizure measures included the president of the Liberal Party, Valdemar Costa Neto, generals Braga Netto, Augusto Heleno, and Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, Admiral Almir Garnier Santos, former minister Anderson Torres, and Bolsonaro himself, who had his passport seized. [47] [48]
The following day, on 9 February 2024, a meeting held on 5 July 2022, at which President Bolsonaro was recorded instructing ministers on the need to act before the elections to avoid a possible "guerrilla" in Brazil, was made public. The video, found on Mauro Cid's computer, was released by journalist Bela Megale, of the newspaper O Globo . Bolsonaro allegedly ordered the dissemination of fraudulent information to try to reverse the situation in the electoral dispute, alleging supposed electoral frauds that were never proven. The meeting also involved other ministers, including the serving minister of defense, who reportedly stated that the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) was an "enemy" of the Bolsonarist group. The recording is part of an investigation into an attempted coup involving military personnel and former ministers. [49] [50]
During a meeting, the minister of the Institutional Security Bureau (GSI), General Augusto Heleno, expressed the intention to infiltrate agents from the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin) into both Bolsonaro's and Lula da Silva's electoral campaigns. Heleno mentioned the importance of acting before the elections as to avoid possible upheavals, using terms such as "turning the table" and highlighting the need for decisive action before the ballot. President Bolsonaro interrupted Heleno to express concern about leaks and suggested that such matters be discussed in a private meeting. [51]
On 19 November 2024, the Federal Police launched Operation Counterattack, investigating a plan called "Green and Yellow Dagger", drawn up in 2022 to prevent the inauguration of president-elect Lula da Silva and vice president-elect Alckmin. The plan included the murder of Lula, Alckmin and Supreme Court Justice Moraes. [52] Five suspects were arrested, including four Army special forces soldiers – known as "black kids" – and a federal police officer. Notable among the military arrests was the reserve general Mario Fernandes, a former member of the Bolsonaro government and parliamentary adviser to Eduardo Pazuello. The operation also involved searches and seizures, suspension of public functions of those involved and other precautionary measures. [53]
The investigation found that the plan relied on detailed military tactics, such as clandestine monitoring and illicit use of public resources. According to the investigation, the "Green and Yellow Dagger" plan — which foresaw the assassination of Lula, Alckmin, and Moraes — began to be elaborated on 12 November 2022, at the home of Walter Braga Netto, at the time the defeated vice-presidential candidate on the ticket headed by Jair Bolsonaro. [54] Evidence was recovered from the electronic devices of Colonel Mauro Cid, Jair Bolsonaro's former aide-de-camp. The operation was part of a larger investigation into anti-democratic acts linked to the 2022 elections and the 8 January 2023 attacks, including violations of the rule of law and embezzlement of public assets. [55]
Operation 142 was an action plan devised between November and December 2022 to halt the presidential transition process, prevent Lula da Silva from taking office, annul the 2022 elections and decisions of the Supreme Court (STF), prepare a new vote, extend Bolsonaro's mandate, and replace all members of the Supreme Court. The Federal Police found the operation's planning document at the headquarters of the Liberal Party (PL), on the desk of Colonel Flávio Botelho Peregrino, who was then an aide to Braga Netto. The name of the coup plan refers to the thesis of constitutional military intervention, which misinterprets Article 142 of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution as granting a "moderating power" to the Armed Forces. [56]
On 21 November 2024, the Federal Police formally accused Bolsonaro and 36 people for an attempt to overthrow Brazil's democratic institutions, which included planning and ordering the assassination of President-elect Lula, Vice-president-elect Geraldo Alckmin and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes in 2022 in order to keep Bolsonaro in power after the legal end of his term. [57] [58] Most of the accused are top ranking Brazilian military officers who were appointed to government positions during Bolsonaro's presidency. [8] The report submitted to the Court by the police stated that Bolsonaro had "full knowledge" about an assassination plot against Lula. [59] That same day, Lula acknowledged that he was thankful that an attempt to "poison" him failed. [60]
On 14 December 2024, retired army general Walter Braga Netto, who was also Jair Bolsonario's running mate in the 2022 Brazilian presidential election, was arrested and held in Rio de Janeiro after being accused of hindering an investigation, as well as having a role, in the 2022 coup attempt. [9] Leading up to his arrest, searches were carried out at Braga Netto's residence in Rio de Janeiro and also the home of retired colonel Flavio Botelho Peregrino in Brasília. [9]
The Federal Police and the Attoney General identified four organizational groups in the coup plot. [61] [62] [63]
The trial of Group 1 took place between 2 and 11 September 2025 before the First Panel of the Supreme Federal Court. The charges submitted to trial were:
The justices presiding over the case voted in the following order:
Justices Alexandre de Moraes, Flávio Dino, Cármen Lúcia and Cristiano Zanin voted for the conviction of Jair Bolsonaro and all the other defendants on every charge brought against them, with Dino voting for lighter sentences for Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, Augusto Heleno, and Alexandre Ramagem, on the grounds that they had a lesser degree of involvement in the scheme. [64] [65] Moraes also highlighted the importance of Jair Bolsonaro as the leader of the criminal organization, as well as its cohesion, hierarchy, division of tasks, and unity of purpose. [66] [67]
Justice Luiz Fux, in a vote that lasted more than 11 hours, decided to uphold some preliminary objections raised by the defense, such as the Supreme Court's lack of jurisdiction over the case, the First Panel's lack of jurisdiction vis-à-vis the Full Bench, and the violation of the right to defense due to the practice of document-dumping. On this basis, he argued for the annulment of the case. Nevertheless, he voted to uphold the validity of Mauro Cid's plea bargain. He also advocated for suspending the proceedings on all charges against Alexandre Ramagem until the end of his term as congressman. He further held that the crime of Coup d'État automatically absorbs the crime of violent abolition of the democratic rule of law, with the merits to be assessed only in relation to the former. As for the merits, he voted only to convict Mauro Cid and Braga Netto for attempted violent abolition of the democratic rule of law and to acquit all the other defendants on all charges. [68] [69]
In the sentence, the justices took into account the degree of participation of each convicted defendant in each crime, as well as mitigating and aggravating circumstances. Owing to his plea bargain agreement, the justices decided to apply the minimum sanction of two years in an open regime to Mauro Cid. By contrast, due to his leadership role in the criminal organization, Jair Bolsonaro was sentenced to 27 years and 3 months in prison. [70] The justices also declared all the defendants ineligible to run for office for eight years after serving their sentences and decided to revoke Alexandre Ramagem’s congressional mandate. Finally, they sent an official notice to the Superior Military Court so that it may decide on the loss of rank of all the convicted military officers with a prison sentence exceeding 2 years.
Defendants | Criminal charges | Sentence | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Abolition of the democratic rule of law | Coup d'état | Criminal organization | Qualified damage | Deterioration of protected heritage property | ||
Jair Bolsonaro | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 27 years, 3 months |
Walter Braga Netto | Guilty 5–0 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 26 years |
Anderson Torres | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 24 years |
Almir Garnier | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 24 years |
Augusto Heleno | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 21 years |
Paulo Sérgio Nogueira | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 19 years |
Alexandre Ramagem | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | charges temporarily suspended [d] | 16 years, 1 month | |
Mauro Cid | Guilty 5–0 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | Guilty 4–1 | 2 years (open regime) |
Minister of Defense | Commander of the Army | Commander of the Navy | Commander of the Air Force |
---|---|---|---|
Fernando Azevedo e Silva (2019–2021) | Edson Pujol (2019–2021) | Ilques Barbosa (2019–2021) | Antonio Carlos Moretti Bermudez (2019–2021) |
Walter Braga Netto (2021–2022) | Paulo Sérgio Nogueira (2021–2022) | Almir Garnier Santos (2021–2022) | Carlos Almeida Baptista Junior (2021–2022) |
Paulo Sérgio Nogueira (Apr – Dec 2022) | Marco Antonio Freire Gomes (Apr – Dec 2022) |
Harvard political scientist Steven Levitsky assessed the trial of former president Jair Bolsonaro as a milestone of institutional resilience in Brazil, arguing that by holding an authoritarian leader accountable, the country demonstrates a degree of democratic maturity surpassing that of the United States in some respects. [137]
The Economist likewise emphasized the solidity of Brazil's judiciary in the face of external pressures, viewing Washington's application of the Magnitsky Act as excessive and noting that, in contrast to authoritarian trends in other democracies, Brazil offers an example of institutions committed to operating within the rules and upholding the rule of law. [138] At the same time, the magazine portrayed Justice Alexandre de Moraes as "the judge who would rule the internet", recognizing his central role in curbing far-right online speech but cautioning that judicial overreach could erode public trust in Brazil's democracy. [139]
The Washington Post similarly framed Bolsonaro's trial as unprecedented in Brazilian history, noting that for the first time a former president had been brought to justice for an attempted coup and underscoring the judiciary's role in confronting such threats despite diplomatic frictions with the United States. [140]