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8th Parliament of Sri Lanka | |||||||||||||||||
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![]() The New Parliament building at Kotte | |||||||||||||||||
Overview | |||||||||||||||||
Legislative body | Parliament of Sri Lanka | ||||||||||||||||
Term | 04 August 1977 – 20 December 1988 | ||||||||||||||||
Election | 21 July 1977 | ||||||||||||||||
Senior parliamentarians | |||||||||||||||||
Speaker | Anandatissa de Alwis, UNP (1977–78) Abdul Bakeer Markar, UNP (1978–83) E. L. Senanayake, UNP (1983–88) | ||||||||||||||||
Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Committees | M. A. Bakeer Markar, UNP (1977–78) Norman Waidyaratne, UNP (1978–88) | ||||||||||||||||
Deputy Chairman of Committees | Edmund Samarawickrema, UNP | ||||||||||||||||
Prime Minister | J. R. Jayewardene, UNP (1977–78) Ranasinghe Premadasa, UNP (1978–89) | ||||||||||||||||
Leader of the Opposition | A. Amirthalingam, TULF (1977–83) Anura Bandaranaike, SLFP (1983–88) | ||||||||||||||||
Leader of the House | Ranasinghe Premadasa, UNP (1977–88) Ranil Wickremesinghe, UNP (1989) | ||||||||||||||||
Chief Government Whip | Vincent Perera, UNP | ||||||||||||||||
Chief Opposition Whip | X. M. Sellathambu, TULF (1977–83) Lakshman Jayakody, SLFP (1983–89) | ||||||||||||||||
Structure ![]() | |||||||||||||||||
Sessions | |||||||||||||||||
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This article is part of a series on the |
Politics of Sri Lanka |
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The 8th Parliament of Sri Lanka, known officially as the 1st Parliament of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, was a meeting of the Parliament of Sri Lanka, with the membership determined by the results of the 1977 parliamentary election held on 21 July 1977 and first convened on 4 August 1977. It remained in session until its dissolution on 20 December 1988, making it the longest-serving Parliament in Sri Lankan history. [1] [2]
Dominated by the United National Party (UNP) under the leadership of J.R. Jayewardene, this Parliament is widely regarded as one of the most influential in the country’s political history. It oversaw the transition from a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy to an Executive presidential system with the adoption of the Second Republican Constitution in 1978, and it played a central role in shaping Sri Lanka’s modern political and constitutional framework. Because of its unprecedented longevity consisting of Eight Parliamentary sessions and far-reaching impact, some historians refer to it as the "Long Parliament" of Sri Lanka. [3]
At the 1977 general election, the United National Party (UNP) led by J.R. Jayewardene achieved a historic landslide victory, winning 140 out of 168 seats, thereby securing a supermajority of 5⁄6 seats in Parliament. Following the election, Jayewardene was appointed Prime Minister, and using the overwhelming parliamentary majority, his government passed the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution, which enabled him to assume office as Sri Lanka’s first Executive President on 4 February 1978, marking a pivotal shift in the nation’s system of governance. [4]
In 1982, the Parliament’s term, originally set to expire in 1983, was extended by six more years through a national referendum held on 22 December 1982. This was the first and only referendum of its kind in Sri Lanka’s history, and it allowed the existing Parliament to continue without holding a general election. The move, initiated by President J.R. Jayewardene and backed by the UNP’s supermajority, was widely debated and criticized by opposition parties and civil society groups, who viewed it as a blow to democratic norms.
The period leading up to the 1977 general election in Sri Lanka was marked by significant political, economic, and social unrest. The ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), led by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, had been in power since 1970 after winning a sweeping victory under the United Front coalition. During its term, the government pursued a program of socialist economic reforms, including widespread nationalization, state control over major industries, and restrictions on imports, which led to shortages of essential goods, rising unemployment, and increasing public dissatisfaction.
In 1972, the government adopted a new republican constitution, replacing the Dominion of Ceylon with the Republic of Sri Lanka. The 1972 Constitution created a unicameral National State Assembly, centralized power significantly, and eliminated many of the safeguards that had existed under the Westminster system. While intended to assert national sovereignty and independence, the constitutional changes also led to criticisms of growing authoritarianism and a weakening of institutional checks and balances.
Amidst growing economic hardship, food scarcity, and political repression, public confidence in the SLFP government began to erode. Ethnic tensions between the Sinhala majority and Tamil minority also worsened during this period, particularly with the introduction of policies such as the Sinhala Only Act and university standardization, which disproportionately affected Tamil students and professionals. [5] [6]
In this climate of unrest, the United National Party (UNP), under the leadership of J.R. Jayewardene, campaigned on a platform of economic liberalization, administrative reform, and ethnic reconciliation. The party promised to restore stability, open up the economy, and create job opportunities through free-market policies. The UNP also pledged to restore democracy by curbing excessive state control and introducing a more efficient system of governance.
These factors contributed to a dramatic shift in voter sentiment, culminating in the 1977 general election, which saw the UNP achieve an overwhelming victory and the SLFP suffer a historic defeat, winning only a handful of seats. The outcome marked a decisive turning point in Sri Lankan political history and laid the groundwork for major constitutional and structural changes in the years that followed.
The 8th parliamentary general election in Sri Lanka was held on 21 July 1977 to elect members to the National State Assembly, which later became the 1st Parliament of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The election took place amidst widespread public discontent with the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and resulted in a landslide victory for the opposition United National Party (UNP) led by Junius Richard Jayewardene. [7] [8]
The UNP secured 140 out of 168 seats, gaining more than 83% of the seats in Parliament—a supermajority of over five-sixths. This was the largest parliamentary majority ever achieved in a Sri Lankan election. The SLFP, which had held 91 seats after the 1970 election, suffered a crushing defeat, winning only 8 seats. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), advocating for Tamil rights and autonomy, emerged as the main opposition party with 18 seats, marking the first time a Tamil nationalist party held that role in Parliament. [9]
Other leftist parties such as the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka also suffered major losses. Many prominent ministers of the previous government lost their parliamentary seats.
This was also the last general election held under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, before it was replaced by a system of proportional representation (PR) under the 1978 Constitution.
The 1977 General election was the only one ever held under the 1972 constitution. [10]
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Party | Votes | % | Seats | |
United National Party | 3,179,221 | 50.92 | 140 | |
Sri Lanka Freedom Party | 1,855,331 | 29.72 | 8 | |
Tamil United Liberation Front | 421,488 | 6.75 | 18 | |
Lanka Sama Samaja Party | 225,317 | 3.61 | 0 | |
Communist Party of Sri Lanka | 123,856 | 1.98 | 0 | |
Ceylon Workers' Congress | 62,707 | 1.00 | 1 | |
Mahajana Eksath Peramuna | 22,639 | 0.36 | 0 | |
Independents | 353,014 | 5.65 | 1 | |
Total | 6,243,573 | 100.00 | 168 | |
Registered voters/turnout | 6,667,589 | – | ||
Source: Kusaka Research Institute |
Following the election, J.R. Jayewardene was sworn in as Prime Minister on 23 July 1977 by President William Gopallawa, and the new Parliament convened on 4 August 1977. With an overwhelming mandate, the UNP government moved swiftly to implement sweeping political and constitutional reforms.
The 1st Parliament of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka was one of the most legislatively active and transformative in the country’s history. Empowered by a supermajority, the United National Party (UNP) government, led by J.R. Jayewardene, passed several landmark constitutional amendments and introduced significant structural reforms that reshaped Sri Lanka’s political system, electoral process, and ethnic relations.
Shortly after assuming office, the government introduced the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution, which allowed the Prime Minister to assume the newly created office of Executive President. This amendment set the stage for the transition from a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy to a presidential system, centralizing executive power in a directly elected Head of State. Under its Provisions, Prime Minister Jayawardene assumed the office of the President of Sri Lanka on 4 February 1978, succeeding William Gopallawa. Two days later, he appointed Ranasinghe Premadasa as the new Prime Minister.
On 7 September 1978, the Second Republican Constitution was adopted, replacing the 1972 Constitution and officially renaming the country the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The new Constitution:
This Constitution, while seen as modernizing the political system, also concentrated substantial power in the executive, raising concerns over accountability and democratic checks and balances.
In 1982, the Third Amendment was passed, allowing a sitting President to seek re-election after completing four years in office, rather than serving the full six-year term. [13] [14] This enabled President Jayewardene to call an early presidential election, which was held on 20 October 1982. He was re-elected for a second term, defeating the SLFP’s Hector Kobbekaduwa. [15]
Later that year, the government held the first and only national referendum on 22 December 1982, seeking public approval to extend the life of Parliament by six more years without holding a general election. The referendum narrowly passed, allowing the existing Parliament—originally elected in 1977—to remain in office until 1989, avoiding the scheduled 1983 general election. This move was criticized by opposition parties and civil society as a blow to democratic tradition and electoral accountability.
Following the Black July riots of 1983 and escalating tensions with Tamil separatist movements, the government enacted the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution on 6 August 1983. This amendment required all Members of Parliament and public officials to take an oath renouncing support for a separate state. As a result, the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) MPs led by the Leader of the Opposition, A. Amirthalingam, who had campaigned for Tamil self-determination, refused to take the oath and forfeited their seats in Parliament. [16] [17] The amendment aimed to uphold the unitary status of Sri Lanka but was seen by many Tamils as repressive and undemocratic. Due to this incident, Sri Lanka Freedom Party led by Anura Bandaranaike became the official opposition. The Government decided not to hold By-elections for the vacated seats of TULF MPs, keeping them vacant until the Dissolution of Parliament in 1988.
Amid growing ethnic violence and international pressure, the government signed the Indo–Lanka Accord with India on 29 July 1987. As part of the agreement, the Sri Lankan government agreed to devolve power to the provinces and recognize Tamil as an official language, in exchange for the withdrawal of Indian support for Tamil militant groups.
This led to the enactment of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act, which created a system of devolved provincial governments. The Northern and Eastern Provinces were temporarily merged into a single administrative unit. The 13th Amendment remains one of the most controversial and debated pieces of legislation in Sri Lankan constitutional history, hailed by some as a step toward ethnic reconciliation and devolution, and condemned by others as foreign-imposed and threatening to national unity.
The term of this Parliament was marked by profound political and economic transformations that reshaped the nation’s trajectory. These developments, driven largely by the unprecedented parliamentary dominance of the United National Party (UNP), were both celebrated and criticized for their lasting impacts.
One of the most significant constitutional developments was the establishment of the Executive Presidency. In 1977, following the passage of the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution, Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene assumed office as the first Executive President of Sri Lanka on 4 February 1978. This reform marked a shift from the Westminster parliamentary system to a presidential system, concentrating extensive powers in the hands of the Head of State, including control over the Cabinet, Parliament, and key appointments. This transformation was justified by the government as necessary to ensure strong and stable leadership, but critics warned of growing authoritarianism and weakening of democratic checks. [18] [19]
Before the Creation of the Executive Presidency, William Gopallawa served as the President since Sri Lanka became a Republic in 1972, as the Nominal Head of State.
The establishment of the Executive Presidency marked a significant shift in Sri Lanka’s system of governance, introducing a centralized leadership model intended to ensure political stability and effective decision-making. While it was seen by many as a necessary response to the inefficiencies of the previous parliamentary system, the role has remained a subject of ongoing national debate. Over the years, several successive Presidents such as Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksha, Maithripala Sirisena and Anura Kumara Dissanayake and some other political leaders have pledged to reform or abolish the Executive Presidency, often citing the need for better checks and balances. [20] However, no government has successfully carried out such reforms, and the office remains a central feature of Sri Lanka’s political structure. [21] [22] [23]
Under Jayewardene's leadership, Sri Lanka became the first South Asian country to liberalize its economy, departing from decades of socialist-oriented policies. [24] The government dismantled state monopolies, reduced import restrictions, promoted foreign investment, and launched large-scale infrastructure development projects such as the Accelerated Mahaweli Development Programme. The shift to an open market economy was hailed for revitalizing economic growth and reducing shortages, but also led to rising income inequality, privatization of public services, and labor unrest. [25] [26]
In a highly controversial move in 1980, Parliament passed a resolution to strip former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike of her civic rights for seven years, based on findings of the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry that accused her of abuse of power during her 1970–1977 tenure. This effectively barred her from contesting in elections or holding public office, eliminating a key opposition figure from the political arena. The decision was widely criticized as politically motivated and an abuse of the UNP’s supermajority. Bandaranaike, who served as the Prime Minister from 1960 to 1965, and again from 1970 to 1977, A member of Parliament for Attanagalla since 1965, was removed from Parliament on 16 October 1980. [27] [28] [29]
Plans were initiated to construct a new parliamentary complex to accommodate the evolving needs of the legislature. The existing Old Parliament Building in Galle face, Colombo, built in 1931, during the British colonial period, was considered inadequate for the expanding functions of government. Under the direction of President J.R. Jayewardene, a modern Parliament building was constructed in Sri Jayawardenepura Kotte, the administrative capital, symbolizing a shift in national governance and identity. Designed by renowned architect Geoffrey Bawa, the new complex was officially opened on 29 April 1982. The Old Parliament Building in Colombo was thereafter repurposed and continues to serve as the Presidential Secretariat, housing the offices of the President and senior administrative staff. [30] [31]
President Jayawardene ceremoniously opened the 2nd Session of the 8th Parliament of Sri Lanka on 29 April 1982, from the Newly constructed Parliamentary Complex in Kotte, after it was prorogued on 26 March 1982. [32] [33]
In 1982, the government enacted the Third Amendment to the Constitution, allowing the sitting President to seek re-election after completing four years of the six-year term. [34] This enabled President Jayewardene to call an early Presidential Election, which was held on 20 October 1982. Despite his party’s dominance in Parliament, Jayewardene faced unexpectedly strong competition from SLFP candidate Hector Kobbekaduwa, ultimately securing a narrow victory with just over 52% of the vote. [35] [36] The close margin surprised many observers and revealed cracks in the UNP’s popular support base. [37] Jayawardene was sworn in for a Second term on 4 February 1983.
Concerned that the UNP might lose its overwhelming parliamentary majority in a general election, President Jayewardene proposed a referendum to extend the life of the Parliament by six more years, thereby postponing the scheduled 1983 general election. The referendum was held on 22 December 1982 and was passed with just over 54% of the vote. [38] This decision marked the first and only national referendum in Sri Lanka’s history and was widely criticized by opposition parties and civil society as undemocratic, effectively denying the electorate their right to choose a new Parliament through a general election.
Many observers and opposition parties alleged that the vote was neither free nor fair, citing widespread malpractice, intimidation of voters, misuse of state resources, and biased state media coverage in favor of the ruling party. The political atmosphere was charged, and reports of electoral corruption, vote rigging, and suppression of dissent further damaged the credibility of the process. Despite the criticism, the referendum narrowly passed, enabling the United National Party to maintain its parliamentary supermajority without facing fresh elections. [39]
Following the results of the 1982 Referendum, President J. R. Jayewardene made the unexpected decision to hold by-elections in 14 constituencies where the majority of voters had rejected the extension of Parliament. Although the national result of the referendum secured the continuation of the legislature, Jayewardene argued that democratic transparency and respect for dissenting electorates required additional validation. He declared that holding by-elections in those "No-voting" constituencies would demonstrate the government’s commitment to democracy and public accountability. The constituencies selected were Mahara, Maharagama, Kesbewa, Matugama, Kalutara, Ambalangoda, Baddegama, Rathgama, Akmeemana, Habaraduwa, Hakmana, Kamburupitiya, and Dewinuwara. These by-elections were conducted on May 18, 1983, but they were marred by serious allegations of corruption, violence, and intimidation, with widespread accusations that they were neither free nor fair. Of the 14 seats contested, the United National Party (UNP) managed to win 10, while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) won 3, and Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) claimed the remaining seat. The results helped the UNP maintain its political dominance, but further deepened public skepticism about the regime’s commitment to genuine democracy. [40]
These by-elections marked the entrance of new MPs such as Dinesh Gunawardene (Maharagama), Gamini Lokuge (Kesbewa), Richard Pathirana (Akmeemana) and Mahinda Yapa Abeywardene (Hakmana).
In July 1983, Sri Lanka witnessed one of the darkest chapters in its post-independence history. Following the killing of 13 Sri Lankan soldiers by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Jaffna, anti-Tamil riots broke out across the country—most violently in Colombo. What began as spontaneous outrage quickly escalated into coordinated attacks against Tamil civilians, resulting in the deaths of between 400 to 3,000 Tamils, thousands injured, and over 100,000 displaced. [41] [42] Tamil homes, businesses, and institutions were looted and burned with little to no intervention from state authorities. The violence—later known as Black July—shattered national unity and is widely recognized as the spark that ignited the Sri Lankan civil war. [43] [44] [45]
In response to rising separatist sentiment and the violence that followed, the government introduced the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution in August 1983, which prohibited any person or political party from supporting or advocating for a separate state. This directly targeted Tamil political representation, particularly the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) which were the official opposition led by A. Amirthalingam, which had earlier called for a separate Tamil state. Under the pressure of the new amendment and threats from Tamil militant groups, the TULF Members of Parliament began boycotting Parliament. After three months of continuous absence, those 18 MPs were legally expelled, effectively removing the only moderate Tamil voice from the national legislature and deepening ethnic polarization. By-elections or replacements for these seats were never held, keeping them vacant until the Parliament's dissolution in 1988. [46] [47]
In April 1985, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher paid an official visit to Sri Lanka, marking a significant moment in the history of diplomatic relations between the two countries. During her visit, she became the first British Prime Minister to address the Parliament of Sri Lanka on 13 April 1985, an event that underscored the strong historical and Commonwealth ties between the United Kingdom and Sri Lanka. [48] Her address focused on themes of democracy , economic cooperation, and regional stability, praising Sri Lanka's commitment to democratic governance and expressing the UK's continued support for its development. Thatcher's speech was well-received and seen as a gesture of goodwill at a time when Sri Lanka was entering a turbulent period in its political and social history. Her visit symbolized a reaffirmation of the bilateral relationship and was widely covered in both local and international media. [49] [50]
As the civil war intensified and international attention mounted, particularly from India, President Jayewardene was pushed to seek a diplomatic solution. After intense negotiations with Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed on 29 July 1987. [51] The agreement aimed to devolve power to the provinces, recognize Tamil as an official language, and ensure an end to hostilities. A key element of the Accord was the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka to disarm militant groups, especially the LTTE. This movement was widely opposed by Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa, mentioning that "Problems of our household should be taken care by us, instead of seeking help from the neighbors." [52]
However, the Accord was controversial and deeply unpopular among many Sinhalese nationalists, and the LTTE, despite initial agreement, refused to disarm, eventually clashing with the IPKF. The Tamil population saw the Accord as insufficient, while many Sinhalese viewed it as an imposition on national sovereignty.
To implement the Indo-Lanka Accord, the government passed the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in November 1987. [53] This legislation established Provincial Councils in all nine provinces of Sri Lanka, devolving powers over education, agriculture, health, and local governance. It also recognized Tamil as an official language alongside Sinhala. The North-Eastern Provincial Council was temporarily merged as part of the Accord's provisions, with the intention of providing greater autonomy to Tamil-majority regions.
Despite these legal reforms, actual devolution remained limited, and central control persisted in many areas. The 13th Amendment remains one of the most debated pieces of legislation in Sri Lankan political history, hailed by some as a necessary step toward reconciliation and condemned by others as a threat to national unity. [54] [55]
The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) began arriving in Sri Lanka shortly after the signing of the Accord, with over 100,000 troops deployed at its peak. Initially tasked with ensuring peace and disarming militant groups, the IPKF soon became entangled in a brutal conflict with the LTTE, which rejected the conditions of the Accord. Civilians in the North and East began to resent the IPKF’s heavy-handed tactics, leading to widespread hostility toward the Indian presence. [56] [57]
By 1990, under the new government of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, Sri Lanka requested the withdrawal of the IPKF, which was completed in March 1990. The intervention left behind a legacy of mistrust, deepening the complexity of the civil war and straining India–Sri Lanka relations for years to come. [58] [59] [60]
During the final years of the 8th Parliament, Sri Lanka experienced one of the most violent internal uprisings in its post-independence history. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist party that had earlier staged an insurrection in 1971, launched a second armed revolt between 1987 and 1989, targeting the state apparatus, security forces, and civilians perceived to be aligned with the government. [61]
The insurrection was largely driven by opposition to the Indo–Sri Lanka Accord signed in 1987 and the subsequent deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The JVP portrayed the Accord as a threat to national sovereignty and rallied support primarily in the southern Sinhala-majority regions, capitalizing on growing public discontent, youth unemployment, and nationalist sentiments.
The violence escalated dramatically by 1988, with political assassinations, general strikes (hartals), sabotage of public infrastructure, and enforced boycotts. The JVP also established a clandestine armed wing known as the Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya (Patriotic People's Movement) and carried out systematic attacks on politicians, intellectuals, trade unionists, and media personnel. [62]
In response, the government under President Ranasinghe Premadasa launched a brutal counterinsurgency campaign. Paramilitary groups and state-aligned death squads, some unofficially sanctioned, were widely implicated in enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and torture. Thousands of people—many of them youths—were abducted or killed during this period, leading to widespread fear and a near breakdown of civil society in parts of the country. [63]
The insurrection was eventually crushed by late 1989 following the killing of JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera in November of that year. Though peace was restored, the suppression of the uprising left a lasting impact on Sri Lankan society and politics, with enduring debates on human rights, state violence, and the balance between national security and civil liberties. [64]
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Colombo North | M. Vincent Perera | Elephant |
Colombo Central | R.Premadasa | Elephant |
Colombo Central | M.Jabir A. Cader | Eye |
Colombo Central | M.Haleem Ishak | Hand |
Borella | M.H.Mohomed | Elephant |
Colombo East | A.Edmund Samarawickrema | Elephant |
Colombo West | J.R.Jayewardene | Elephant |
Dehiwala | S. de S. Jayasinghe | Elephant |
Ratmalana | Lalith Athulathmudali | Elephant |
Kolonnawa | Weerasinghe Mallimaratchchi | Elephant |
Kotte | Ananda Tissa de Alwis | Elephant |
Kaduwela | M.D.H. Jayawardana | Elephant |
Awissawella | M.D.Premarathna | Eephant |
Homagama | Gamani Jayasuriya | Elephant |
Maharagama | Premaratne Gunasekera | Elephant |
Kesbewa | Dharmasena Attigalle | Elephant |
Moratuwa | Tyronne Fernando | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Wattala | D. Shelton Jayasinghe | Elephant |
Negambo | N. Denzil Fernando | Elephant |
Katana | Wijayapala Mendis | Elephant |
Divulapitiya | Ariyaratne Jayatillake | Elephant |
Mirigama | Mahendra Wijeratne | Elephant |
Minuwangoda | Bennet Gunasekera | Elephant |
Attanagalla | Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias | Hand |
Gampaha | S. D. Bandaranayake | Hand |
Ja-ela | Joseph Michael Perera | Elephant |
Mahara | Tudor Gunasekera | Elephant |
Dompe | Sarathchandra Rajakaruna | Elephant |
Biyagama | Ranil Wickremasinghe | Elephant |
Kelaniya | Kaluwadewage Cyril Mathew | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Panadura | Neville Fernando | Elephant |
Bandaragama | Senaraja Samaranayake | Elephant |
Horana | Indradasa Hettiarachchi | Elephant |
Bulathsinhala | O.S. Perera | Elephant |
Mathugama | Reginold V. Wijegooneratne | Elephant |
Kalutara | V.L.Wijemanne | Elephant |
Beruwala | Bakeer Markar Abduli | Elephant |
Agalawatta | Merill Kariyawasam | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Dambulla | K. W. R. M. Ekananayake | Elephant |
Laggala | K. Y. M. Wijeratne Banda | Elephant |
Matale | Alick Aluvihare | Elephant |
Rattota | P. B. Kaviratne | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Galagedara | W. M. G. T. Banda | Elephant |
Harispattuwa | Abdul Cader Sahul Hameed | Elephant |
Harispattuwa | R. Premachandra Wijesiri | Umbrella |
Pathadumbara | T. B. Werapitiya | Elephant |
Udadumbara | R. B. Attanayake | Elephant |
Teldeniya | Gamini Rajapakse | Elephant |
Kundasale | D. M. Chandrapala | Elephant |
Hewaheta | Anura Daniel | Elephant |
Senkadagala | Shelton Ranaraja | Elephant |
Mahanuwara | E. L. Senanayake | Elephant |
Yatinuwara | Sunil Subasiri Abeysundara | Elephant |
Udunuwara | D. B. Wijetunga | Elephant |
Gampola | W. P. B. Dissanayake | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Navalapitiya | Chandradra Karunaratne | Elephant |
Nuwaraeliya Maskeliya | Gamini Dissanayake | Elephant |
Nuwaraeliya Maskeliya | Anura Bandaranaike | Hand |
Nuwaraeliya Maskeliya | S. Thondaman | Cockerei |
Kothmale | Ananda Dassanayake | Hand |
Hanguranketha | George Abeygoonasekera | Elephant |
Walapane | Renuka Herath (Mrs.) | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Balapitiya | Norman Waidyaratna | Elephant |
Ambalangoda | Raitor Thilakasekara | Elephant |
Karandeniya | Bandulahewa Senadheera | Elephant |
Bentara-Elpitiya | Rupasena Karunatilake | Elephant |
Hiniduma | M.S. Amarasiri | Elephant |
Baddegama | E.D. Wickrematilaka | Elephant |
Rathgma | Edwin Thilakaratne | Elephant |
Galle | Albert de Silva | Elephant |
Akmeemana | Sumanadasa Abeywickrama | Elephant |
Habaraduwa | P. Sumathiratne | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Hakmana | Harshanath Wanigasekara | Elephant |
Akuressa | Dayananda Wickremasinghe | Elephant |
Kamburupitiya | Don Edwin Malawaraarachchi | Elephant |
Devinuwara | Ronnie de Mel | Elephant |
Matara | S.K. Piyadasa | Elephant |
Weligama | Montague Jayawickrema | Elephant |
Deniyaya | Keerthi Abeywickrama | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Mulkirigala | T.D.Fransisku | Elephant |
Beliatta | Ranjith Atapattu | Elephant |
Tangalle | Jinadasa Weerasinghe | Elephant |
Tissamaharama | P.M.B. Cyril | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Kayts | K.P. Ratnam | Sun |
Waddukkodai | T. Thirunavukarasu | Sun |
Kankesanthurai | A. Amirthalingam | Sun |
Kopai | S. Kathiravelupillai | Sun |
Udduppidi | T. Rasalingam | Sun |
Point-Pedro | K. Thurairatnam | Sun |
Chavakachcheri | V.N. Navaratnam | Sun |
Nallur | M. Sivasithamparam | Sun |
Jaffna | V. Yogeswaran | Sun |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Kilinochchi | V. Anandasangary | Sun |
Mannar | P.S. Soosaithasan | Sun |
Mulativu | X.M.Sellathambu | Sun |
Vavuniya | T. Sivasithamparam | Sun |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Seruvila | H.D.L. Leelaratne | Elephant |
Trincomalee | R. Sampathan | Sun |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Mutur | M.E.H. Maharoof | Elephant |
Kalkudah | K.W. Devanayagam | Elephant |
Batticaloa | C.Rajadurai & Farid Meeralebbai | Sun & Elephant |
Paddiruppu | P. Ganeshalingam | Sun |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Ampara | P. Dayaratna | Elephant |
Sammanthurai | M. A. Abdul Majeed | Elephant |
Kalmunai | Abdul Rasak Mansoor | Elephant |
Potuvil | M.A.M. Jalaldeen & C.Kanagaratnam | Elephant & -Sun |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Puttalam | M.H.M. Neina Marikkar | Elephant |
Anamaduwa | Ashoka Wadigamangawa | Elephant |
Chilaw | Harindra Corea | Elephant |
Nattandiya | Harold Herath | Elephant |
Wennappuwa | Festus Perera | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Galgamuwa | H.M.A. Lokubanda | Elephant |
Nikaweratiya | H.B. Wanninayake | Elephant |
Yapahuwa | H.B. Abeyratne | Elephant |
Hiriyala | S.B. Herath | Elephant |
Wariyapola | Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake | Elephant |
Panduwasnuwara | Kalubanda Ratnayake | Elephant |
Bingiriya | J.L. Sirisena | Elephant |
Katugampola | Gamini Jayawickrama Perera | Elephant |
Kuliyapitiya | Lionel Jayatillake | Elephant |
Dambadeniya | Ukkubanda Wijekoon | Elephant |
Polgahawela | J.A.D.S. R. Jayakody | Elephant |
Kurunegala | Dingiri Banda Welagedera | Elephant |
Mawathagama | G.M. Premachandra | Elephant |
Dodangaslanda | S.W. Alawatuwala | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Medawachchiya | Maithripala Senanayake | Hand |
Horoupothana | E. L. B. Hurulle | Elephant |
Anuradhapura East | W.Y. Herath | Elephant |
Anuradhapura West | K.D.M.C. Bandara | Elephant |
Kalawewa | A.M.S. Adikari | Elephant |
Mihintale | Dayaratne Walagambahu | Elephant |
Kekirawa | G.D. Mahindsoma | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Minneriya | Merril de Silva | Elephant |
Medirigiriya | A.D.B. Ekanayake | Elephant |
Polonnaruwa | H.G.P. Nelson |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Mahiyangana | C.P.J.Seneviratne | Elephant |
Viyaluwa | Weerawanni Samaraweera | Elephant |
Passara | W.M. Karunaratne | Elephant |
Badulla | D. Vincent Perera | Elephant |
Hali-ela | R.M. Abeykoon | Elephant |
Uva-paranagama | R.M. Karunaratne | Elephant |
Welimada | Percy Samaraweera | Elephant |
Bandarawela | R.M.Apphamy | Elephant |
Haputale | W.J.M.Lokubandara | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Bibile | R.M.Dharmadasa Banda | Elephant |
Moneragala | R.M. Punchi Bandara | Elephant |
Wellawaya | J.M. Kumaradasa | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Dedigama | Nissanka Parakrama Wijayaratne | Elephant |
Galigamuwa | Wimala Kannangara (Mrs.) | Elephant |
Kegalle | N.A. Seneviratne | Elephant |
Rambukkana | Asoka Karunaratne | Elephant |
Mawanella | C.R. Beligammana | Elephant |
Aranayaka | Wasantha Udayaratne | Elephant |
Yatiyantota | K. Vincent Perera | Elephant |
Ruwanwella | P.C. Imbulana | Elephant |
Deraniyagala | A.K.D. Wanigaratne | Elephant |
Electorate | Name of the Elected | Symbol |
---|---|---|
Ehaliyagoda | Mervyn Kularatne | Elephant |
Ratnapura | G.V. Punchinilame | Elephant |
Pelmadulla | Chandrasekera Gankanda | Elephant |
Balangoda | M.L.M.Aboosally | Elephant |
Rakwana | H. Kularatne | Elephant |
Nivitigala | Gamini Athukorale | Elephant |
Kalawana | Abeyratna Pilapitiya | Elephant |
Kolonna | Caluwadewage Nanda Mathew | Elephant |
Under the Second Republican Constitution of 1978, Sri Lanka transitioned from the first-past-the-post electoral system to a Proportional Representation (PR) system. One significant consequence of this shift was the abolition of by-elections, as parliamentary seats were now allocated based on district-level party lists rather than individual constituencies.
However, the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in 1983, introduced an important exception. It allowed for by-elections to be held in cases where a seat became vacant and the political party failed to nominate a replacement from its national list or district list within a specified time frame. This amendment aimed to preserve democratic representation and prevent prolonged vacancies in Parliament.
As a result, several by-elections were held throughout the tenure of the 8th Parliament, marking rare instances where voters directly elected their representatives under the PR system. Notably, this period became historically significant as it was the last Parliament in Sri Lanka to hold by-elections, with future replacements being filled entirely through party list under the prevailing constitutional framework.
Following the controversial 1982 referendum that extended the life of Parliament without a general election, the term of the legislature was scheduled to end on 4 August 1989. However, as the political situation in the country grew increasingly unstable—with mounting violence, an escalating civil war, and rising public discontent—debates emerged on when to dissolve Parliament and hold fresh elections. President J. R. Jayewardene, who was nearing the end of his second term, initially hinted at seeking a third term by amending the constitution ahead of the 1988 Presidential Election. However, citing his advanced age and the fragile political climate, Jayewardene eventually abandoned these plans and chose to endorse Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa as the United National Party (UNP) candidate.
Meanwhile, the Opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), led by Sirimavo Bandaranaike, repeatedly called on the President to dissolve Parliament and hold general elections before the Presidential poll, arguing that the extended legislature had lost its democratic legitimacy. However, Prime Minister Premadasa strongly preferred to keep the Parliament intact. His reasoning was strategic—if elected President, he would inherit a parliamentary majority without having to face a new election immediately. [69]
Caught between the opposition's demands and Premadasa’s political interests, Jayewardene delayed making a decision. The Presidential Election was held on 19 December 1988, and Premadasa emerged victorious, becoming the second Executive President of Sri Lanka. The very next day, on 20 December 1988, President Jayewardene dissolved Parliament and issued writs for a General election to be held on 15 February 1989. [70] This marked the end of the Parliament elected in 1977—the longest-serving Parliament in Sri Lankan history and the last elected under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system. Jayawardene left office on 2 January 1989, after Premadasa assumed the office of the President.
The 8th Parliament of Sri Lanka, elected in 1977, holds a unique and unparalleled place in the nation’s parliamentary history. Serving for over 11 years, it remains the longest-serving legislature in Sri Lanka’s political timeline—outliving multiple crises, constitutional transformations, and even the electoral norm through the controversial 1982 referendum, which extended its term without a fresh general election. [71] [72]
This Parliament oversaw some of the most profound constitutional and political changes in Sri Lankan history. It witnessed the adoption of the Second Republican Constitution in 1978, which transformed Sri Lanka from a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy into an Executive presidential system. Under the leadership of President J. R. Jayewardene, it also introduced the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system, replacing the long-standing First-Past-the-Post method, thereby laying the groundwork for a more representative—but complex—democratic structure. [73]
In addition to constitutional reforms, this Parliament enacted sweeping economic liberalization policies, marking Sri Lanka’s shift from a state-controlled to a market-oriented economy. It also navigated through intensifying ethnic tensions, the emergence of separatist conflict in the North and East, and the early stages of the civil war, thus becoming a central actor in shaping the state's modern response to national security and governance challenges.
Despite the controversies surrounding its extended tenure and the centralization of power under the executive presidency, the 1977 Parliament set the foundation for the modern Sri Lankan state. Its legislative legacy continues to influence the country's institutional frameworks, political culture, and democratic processes well into the 21st century. [74]
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