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Aikhenvald (1999)[full citation needed] considers the three main varieties to be dialects; Kaufman (1994)[full citation needed] considers them to be distinct languages, in a group he calls "Karu". They are:
Various (sub)dialects of all three are called tapuya, a BrazilianPortuguese and Nheengatu word for non-Tupi/non-Guarani Indigenous peoples of Brazil (from a Tupi word meaning "enemy, barbarian"). All are spoken by the Baniwa people. Ruhlen lists all as "Izaneni"; Greenberg's Adzánani (= Izaneni) presumably belongs here.
Ramirez (2020) gives the following classification for three separate dialect chains:[4]:44
When short, the vowels /ieao/ are realized as [ɪɛəʊ]. Vowels are nasalized when adjacent to nasal consonants; nasal /aː/ is realized as [ɐ̃ː], while the other vowels show little change in their place of articulation when nasalized.
More precisely, stressed vowels are nasalized before simple nasal consonants, and vowels on either side of voiceless nasals are nasalized regardless of whether they are stressed.
Sequences of vowels may reduce to diphthongs and triphthongs, for example [nwajˈnidzonɪ] for /nu-aiˈnidzu-ni/.[6] The resulting [j] behaves differently than the consonant /j/.
Most sounds are found in both Baniwa and Kuripako; where they differ, the Kuripako sounds are set off in parentheses. (Kuripako apparently has both /β/ and /w/, though possibly the difference is allophonic, where Baniwa has only /w/ in those words; Baniwa has both /dz/ and /j/ where Kuripako has only /j/.)
[ŋ] occurs preceding a velar consonant.
Lateral [ɺ] varies with median [ɾ], though the lateral allophones is preferred.[8]
Palatalization
Palatalization is more productive in Baniwa than in Karipako. In Baniwa, /ts/ and /dz/ are pronounced [tʃ] and [dʒ] before /i/. In Kuripako, they are pronounced [tʃ] and as the approximant [j] before all vowels.
In both dialects, /h/ is pronounced [ç] before /i/. In Baniwa, when /h/ occurs after consonantal /j/ (but not the [j] allophone of the vowel /i/), the sequence is pronounced [ʃ]; this is [ç] in Kuripako.[9]
Voiceless nasals
A sequence /Nh/ (where 'N' is a nasal) may be realized as a voiceless nasal, [m̥n̥ɲ̥], or as a (glottal) fricative [ɸhç] with nasalization on adjacent vowels.
The /h/ may be in the following syllable, as in [n̥õʷə] from /nuha/ 'I'.[10] Other authors have analyzed these sounds differently, and there are similar processes in other Arawakan languages.
Aspirated consonants
Similarly, a sequence /Ȼh/ (where 'Ȼ' is a plosive or affricate) is aspirated: [pʰ,t̪ʰ,tʰ,kʰ,tsʰ,tʃʰ]. The /h/ may be in the following syllable.
Other effects of /h/
The other sonorants are similarly devoiced under the influence of /h/, for [ɺ̥ʂʃw̥] in Baniwa.
Kuripako /β/ becomes [ɸ] and /j/[ç].
Grammar
Alignment system
Baniwa has active–stative alignment.[11] This means that the subject of an intransitive clause is sometimes marked in the same way as the agent of a transitive clause, and sometimes marked in the same way as the patient of a transitive clause. In Baniwa alignment is realized through verbal agreement, namely prefixes and enclitics.
The differences between active and stative intransitive clauses can be illustrated below:
Transitive: ri-kapa-ni 'He sees him/it'
Active Intransitive: ri-emhani 'He walks'
Stative Intransitive: hape-ka-ni 'He is cold'
Noun classification system
Baniwa has an interesting system of noun classification that combines a gender system with a noun classifier system.[12] Baniwa has two genders: feminine and nonfeminine. Feminine gender agreement is used to refer to female referents, whilst nonfeminine gender agreement is used for all other referents. The two genders are only distinguished in third person singular. Aihkenvald (2007) considers the bipartite gender system to be inherited from Proto-Arawak.[12]
In addition to gender, Baniwa also has 46 classifiers. Classifiers are used in three main contexts:[12]
As a derivational suffix on nouns, e.g.
tʃipaɾa-api
metal.object-CL.hollow
tʃipaɾa-api
metal.object-CL.hollow
'pan'
With numerals, e.g.
apa-api
one-CL.hollow
mawapi
blowgun+CL.long.thin
apa-api mawapi
one-CL.hollow blowgun+CL.long.thin
'one blow gun'
With adjectives, e.g.
tʃipaɾa-api
metal.object-CL.hollow
maka-api
big-CL.hollow
tʃipaɾa-api maka-api
metal.object-CL.hollow big-CL.hollow
'big pan'
Aihkenvald (2007) divides Baniwa classifiers into four different classes. One set of classifiers is used for humans, animate beings and body parts. Another set of classifiers specify the shape, consistency, quantification or specificity of the noun. Two more classes can be distinguished. One is only used with numerals and the other is only used with adjectives.[12]
Different varieties have different negative markers. This is so prominent that speakers identify Kurripako dialects according to the words for 'yes' and 'no'.[3]
Dialect
Spoken in
Yes
No
Aha-Khuri
Colombia, Venezuela & Brazil
Aha
Khuri
Ehe-Khenim
Venezuela
Ehe
Khenim
Oho-Karo
Colombia & Brazil
Oho
Karo
Oho-Ñame
Colombia & Brazil
Oho
Ñame
The independent negative markers come before the verb. They are used as clausal negators in declarative and interrogative sentences. They are also used to link clauses.[3]
The privative suffix is attached to nouns to derive a verb which means 'lacking' the noun from which it was derived. The opposite of the privative prefix is the attributive prefix ka-. This derives a verb which means 'having' the noun from which it was derived.[3] The difference can be illustrated below:
Attributive: ka-iipe > keepe 'be fat' (lit. have meat)
The prefix is used in combination with the restrictive suffix -tsa to form negative imperatives, e.g. ma-ihnia-tsa 'don't eat!'. A privative prefix is also reconstructed in Proto-Arawak privative as *ma-.[13]
Word order
Granadillo (2014) considers Kurripako a VOS language.[3]
Further reading
Gonçalves, Artur Garcia. 2018. Para uma dialetologia baniwa-koripako do rio Içana. M.A. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília.
↑Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999.
123456Aikhenvald, Alexandra (2007). "Classifiers in Multiple Environments: Baniwa of Içana/Kurripako—A North Arawak Perspective on JSTOR". International Journal of American Linguistics. 73 (4): 475. doi:10.1086/523774.
de Souza, Erick Marcelo Lima (2012). Estudo Fonológico da Língua Baniwa-Kuripako[Phonological Analysis of the Baniwa-Kuripako language](PDF) (Master's thesis) (in Brazilian Portuguese). University of Campinas. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2016-03-11. Retrieved 2017-06-24.
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Brazil (São Gabriel da Cachoeira)
