Maricopa language

Last updated
Maricopa
Piipaash chuukwer / Xalychidoma chuukwer
Native toUnited States
Region Maricopa County, Arizona
Ethnicity800 Maricopa and Halchidhoma (2007) [1]
Native speakers
35 (2015 census) [2]
Yuman
Language codes
ISO 639-3 mrc
Glottolog mari1440
ELP Maricopa
Lang Status 40-SE.svg
Maricopa is classified as Severely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

Maricopa or Piipaash is spoken by the Native American Maricopa people on two reservations in Arizona: the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community and the Gila River Indian Community. Most speakers live in Maricopa Colony. The language is considered severely endangered by UNESCO. [3]

Contents

Although the Maricopa now live among the Pima, [4] their language is completely unrelated. It is a Yuman language, related to other languages such as Mohave, Cocopah, Havasupai, Yavapai and Kumeyaay, while the Pima speak a Uto-Aztecan language.

According to the Ethnologue, language shift is occurring at Maricopa Colony: "The child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves, but it is not being transmitted to children." At Salt River, it is nearly extinct: "The only remaining users of the language are members of the grandparent generation or older who have little opportunity to use the language. [5]

There are about 100 speakers out of an ethnic population of 800. Salt River's cultural resources department estimates that there are around 15 fluent native speakers remaining in the Salt River community. [6] There are many more with varying degrees of fluency, including many who can understand but not speak Maricopa.

The modern Maricopa people are actually an amalgamation of five separate but related groups, with different dialects. There are now two dialects of Maricopa: Piipaash and Xalychidom. Most Piipaash reside at Maricopa Colony on the Gila River Indian Community, and most Xalychidom reside at Salt River. However, all remaining dialect differences are fairly minor. [4] Xalychidom is the dialect spoken by the formerly distinct Xalychidom people.

There is a language revitalization program at Salt River, the O'odham Piipaash Language Program, offering immersion classes, language-based cultural arts classes, community language-based social activities, and assistance with translation, cultural information and language learning. [7]

Phonology

All claims and examples in this section come from Gordon (1986) unless otherwise noted.

Consonants

Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
plain pal. plain lab. pal. plain lab.
Stop ptʈkqʔ
Affricate t͡ʃ
Fricative voiceless (f)sʂx
voiced vð
Nasal mnɲ(ŋ)
Approximant ljw
Trill r

Phonemes /f/ and /ŋ/ occur only in loanwords like kafe/kafe/'coffee' and narangk/naraŋk/'orange',[ bad example, as that could be assimilation with the ŋ ] both from Spanish. [ŋ] also occurs as an allophone of /ɲ/.

Vowels

Maricopa has 10 phonemic vowels made up of 5 pairs of corresponding long and short vowels with the cross-linguistically common five-way quality contrast:

Front Central Back
High iu
Mid eo
Low a


There are falling diphthongs that glide from one vowel sound into another. [7] Diphthongs can also be long or short: /ej/ and /eːj/ are both found.

Diphthongs are

/ajaːjejeːjojoːjujuːjawaːweweːw/,

as in kwidui/kwiduj/ and mahai/maxaj/.

Stress and intonation

Stress within a word falls on the final root vowel (they are capitalized):

/XOT-k/[ˈxotɪk]
/m-XOT-k/[məˈxotɪk]
/XʷET-xot-m/[ˈxʷetxotɪm]

Declarative sentences have a falling intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Interrogative sentences have a rising intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Epenthesis

Epenthesis of vowels to relieve consonant clusters is a major and complicated issue in Maricopa. It is not completely understood, but some general statement can be made.

Epenthetic vowels can have the quality of any other vowel as well as some reduced vowel qualities. However, the form is basically predictable from the local context:

Sequences of three non-syllabic consonants never surface without epenthesis. Sequences of two consonants sometimes cause epenthesis, depending on the consonants in question.

Nasals and liquids are least likely to accompany epenthesis, as they often syllabify instead, particularly in the following circumstances:

In most other initial two-consonant cluster, epenthesis occurs:

/mxan-k/[məxanɪk]
/ʔ-mxan-k/[ʔəmxanɪk]

Some final clusters are allowed, but others are broken up. The distinction seems to rest partially on the number of syllables in the word as well as the particular sequence of consonants:

/wiʂ-k/[wiʂk]
/uːwiʂ-k/[uːwiʂɪk]

Assimilation and other phonological changes

Non-initial sequences of identical oral consonants, other than /ʂ/, geminate:

/mðiːlʲ-lʲa/[mðiːlʲːa]
/nak-k/[nakː]

The sequence /ʂʂ/ can surface as [tʂ]. Thus, /ʔiːpaʂ-ʂ/ may surface as [ʔiːpatʂ] or [ʔiːpaʂɪʂ].

When /t͡ʃ/ follows any segment except /ʂ/ and precedes any unstressed segment, it deaffricates to /ʂ/: /t͡ʃmɲaː-k/ surfaces as [t͡ʃɪmɪɲaːk], but /m-t͡ʃmɲaː-k/ surfaces as [mɪʂɪmɪɲaːk].

For less conservative speakers, /t͡ʃ/ can surface as /ʂ/ before any unstressed segment other than /s/.

Unstressed high vowels can lower to the corresponding mid vowel.

[u] is inserted between a rounded consonant and a round or labial consonant. A rounded consonant can delabialize before any other consonant.

/ɲ/ assimilates to [ŋ] before a velar or post-velar consonant. After a morpheme boundary, [ŋ] is preceded by [ɪ].

Between a back vowel and any following vowel, [w] is inserted:

/juː-uːm/[juːwuːm]
/maː-uːm/[maːwuːm]

Between a front vowel and a background vowel, /j/ is inserted:

/siː-uːm/[siːjuːm]
/mɲe-uːm/[mɪɲejuːm]

Morphology

Case marking

Maricopa has a subject marker -sh but no marker for the direct object.

mat-v-sh

earth-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

'or'or-m

round-REAL

mat-v-sh 'or'or-m

earth-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT round-REAL

"The world (near) is round." [8]

'iipaa-ny-sh

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

qwaaq

deer

kyaa-m

shoot-REAL

'iipaa-ny-sh qwaaq kyaa-m

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT deer shoot-REAL

"The man shot the deer." [9]

There are four other cases: comitative ("with, about"), adessive/allative ("at, towards"), inessive/illative ("in, on, into"), and general locative or directional ("to, from").

-m: comitative ("with"), instrumental ("with, by means of").

Grace-sh

Grace-SUBJECT

Bonnie-m

Bonnie-COMITATIVE

uudav-k

be=with-REAL

Grace-sh Bonnie-m uudav-k

Grace-SUBJECT Bonnie-COMITATIVE be=with-REAL

"Grace is with Bonnie." [10]

-ii: locative with adessive ("at") and allative ("to, toward") meanings.

h'a-sh

tree-SUBJECT

ha-s-ii

water-DEMONSTRATIVE-LOCATIVE

v'aw-m

stand-REAL

h'a-sh ha-s-ii v'aw-m

tree-SUBJECT water-DEMONSTRATIVE-LOCATIVE stand-REAL

"The tree is by the water (distant, out of sight)." [11]

-ly: locative with inessive ("in, on") and illative ("into, to") meanings.

iipaa-ny-sh

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

Flagstaff-ly

Flagstaff-LOCATIVE

yem-k

go-REAL

iipaa-ny-sh Flagstaff-ly yem-k

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT Flagstaff-LOCATIVE go-REAL

"The man went to Flagstaff." [11]

-k: general locative and directional ("to, from").

Lynn-sh

Lynn-SUBJECT

Yuma-k

Yuma-LOCATIVE

dii-k

come-REAL

Lynn-sh Yuma-k dii-k

Lynn-SUBJECT Yuma-LOCATIVE come-REAL

"Lynn came from Yuma." [12]

Case markers can be clitics in verbs as if they were applicative markers.

tdish

corn

mat

earth

ily-k-shvaw-k

LOCATIVE-IMPERATIVE-put-REAL

tdish mat ily-k-shvaw-k

corn earth LOCATIVE-IMPERATIVE-put-REAL

"Plant the corn in the ground." [13]

'ii

wood

hat

dog

ny-m-'-aham-m

DEMONSTRATIVE-INSTRUMENTAL-FIRSTPERSON-hit-REAL

'ii hat ny-m-'-aham-m

wood dog DEMONSTRATIVE-INSTRUMENTAL-FIRSTPERSON-hit-REAL

"I hit the dog with the stick." [13]

Negative

Verbs are negated by adding the circumfix (w)aly-...-ma.

chii-sh

fish-SUBJECT

ha=han-ly

river-LOCATIVE

aly-dik-ma-k

NEGATIVE-lie-NEGATIVE-REAL

chii-sh ha=han-ly aly-dik-ma-k

fish-SUBJECT river-LOCATIVE NEGATIVE-lie-NEGATIVE-REAL

"(There) aren't (any) fish in the river." [14]

waly-'-tpuy-ma-k

NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-kill-NEGATIVE-REAL

waly-'-tpuy-ma-k

NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-kill-NEGATIVE-REAL

"I didn't kill him." [14]

Heather-sh

Heather-SUBJECT

va

house

aly-k-di-ma-k

NEGATIVE-LOCATIVE-come-NEGATIVE-REAL

Heather-sh va aly-k-di-ma-k

Heather-SUBJECT house NEGATIVE-LOCATIVE-come-NEGATIVE-REAL

"Heather didn't come from the house." [15]

In copulative sentences (those with the verb "to be"), the negative element is placed on the predicate noun.

'iipaa-sh

man-SUBJECT

waly-'-do-ma-k

NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-be-NEGATIVE-REAL

'iipaa-sh waly-'-do-ma-k

man-SUBJECT NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-be-NEGATIVE-REAL

"I am not a man." [14]

aly-'iipaa-ma-sh

NEGATIVE-man-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT

(duu-m)

be-REAL

aly-'iipaa-ma-sh (duu-m)

NEGATIVE-man-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT be-REAL

"She is not a man." [15]

The first element of the negative circumfix is sometimes omitted, such as a sentence with nominalization.

nyip

me

'-ny-kwr'ak

FIRSTPERSON-POSSESSIVE-old.man

pakyer-ma-sh

cowboy-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT

nyip '-ny-kwr'ak pakyer-ma-sh

me FIRSTPERSON-POSSESSIVE-old.man cowboy-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT

"My husband is not a cowboy." [15]

harav

liquour

uusish-ma-sh

drink+NOMINATIVE-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT

hot-k

good-REAL

harav uusish-ma-sh hot-k

liquour drink+NOMINATIVE-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT good-REAL

"Not drinking liquor is good." [16]

There are constructions with a variable placement of the negative morpheme. In reflexives, the reflexive morpheme mat- can precede or follow the first part of the negative circumfix.

waly-mat-'-shoot-ma-ksh

NEGATIVE-REFLEXIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT

waly-mat-'-shoot-ma-ksh

NEGATIVE-REFLEXIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT

"I didn't hurt myself." [15]

mat-aly-'-shoot-ma-ksh

REFLEXIVE-NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT

mat-aly-'-shoot-ma-ksh

REFLEXIVE-NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT

"I didn't hurt myself." [15]

Maricopa has no unique word for "never." The language uses the verb aly-'aa-ma-k'NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL' and the event that did not occur as a subordinate clause.

man-sh

you-SUBJECT

m-shmaa-m

SECONDPERSON-sleep-m

aly-m-'aa-ma-k

NEGATIVE-SECONDPERSON-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL

man-sh m-shmaa-m aly-m-'aa-ma-k

you-SUBJECT SECONDPERSON-sleep-m NEGATIVE-SECONDPERSON-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL

"You never sleep." [17]

Bonnie

Bonnie

'-yuu-k

FIRSTPERSON-see-SAMESUBJECT

waly-'aa-ma-k

NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL

Bonnie '-yuu-k waly-'aa-ma-k

Bonnie FIRSTPERSON-see-SAMESUBJECT NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL

"I never see Bonnie." [17]

There is a special verb kuvar, meaning "to be none," to express the meaning of "there isn't."

mash-sh

food-SUBJECT

kuvar-k

none-REAL

mash-sh kuvar-k

food-SUBJECT none-REAL

"There is no food." [17]

man-sh

you-SUBJECT

shyaal

money

m-kuvar-k

SECONDPERSON-none-REAL

man-sh shyaal m-kuvar-k

you-SUBJECT money SECONDPERSON-none-REAL

"You have no money." [17]

Negative adverbs vary in scope depending on their position relative to the negative circumfix. For example, the adverb -haay'still, yet' is outside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is ma-haay. On the other hand, 'still' is inside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is haay-ma. [18]

'iikway

cow

dany

DEMONSTRATIVE

aly-shveesh-ma-haay-k

NEGATIVE-milk+DUAL.SUBJECT-NEGATIVE-yet-REAL

'iikway dany aly-shveesh-ma-haay-k

cow DEMONSTRATIVE NEGATIVE-milk+DUAL.SUBJECT-NEGATIVE-yet-REAL

"They haven't milked the cow yet." [18]

'ayuu

something

waly-m-evsh-haay-ma-k

NEGATIVE-ASC-work+DUAL.SUBJECT-yet-NEGATIVE-REAL

'ayuu waly-m-evsh-haay-ma-k

something NEGATIVE-ASC-work+DUAL.SUBJECT-yet-NEGATIVE-REAL

"They are not still working." [18]

Interrogative words

The following is a summary of interrogative words:

mki'who'mki'where'mkip'which'kawish'what'
Subjectmkishmkipshkawitsh
Objectmkinymkipkawish
Commitative and instrumental (with) -mmkinymmkipmkawishm
Adessive and allative (at, to, towards) -iimkiimkipii
Inessive and illative (in, into) -lymkilymkiply
General locative (to) -kmkinykmkikmkipk

Mki-sh

who-SUBJECT

m-ashham-m?

3RDSUBJECT+2NDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE+QUESTION

Mki-sh m-ashham-m?

who-SUBJECT 3RDSUBJECT+2NDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE+QUESTION

"Who hit you?" [19]

Mkip-sh

which-SUBJECT

v'aw-m

stand-REAL

duu?

be

Mkip-sh v'aw-m duu?

which-SUBJECT stand-REAL be

"Who is standing there?" [20]

Mki-ny

who-OBJECT

m-ashham-k?

2NDSUBJECT+3RDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE-QUESTION

Mki-ny m-ashham-k?

who-OBJECT 2NDSUBJECT+3RDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE-QUESTION

"Who did you hit?" [19]

Kawit-sh

what-SUBJECT

ka-do-t-uum?

QUESTION-be-EMPHATIC-INC

Kawit-sh ka-do-t-uum?

what-SUBJECT QUESTION-be-EMPHATIC-INC

"What would happen?" [21]

Syntax

Gender

Maricopa does not make a grammatical gender distinction.

No word for "and"

David Gil reports that the Maricopa managed quite well despite having no equivalent for "and". The various relevant relations are solved by using different linguistic structures. However, whether the absence of a lexeme constitutes a lexical gap depends on not a theory but the shared verbal habits of the people using the relevant conceptualization.

Accordingly, it is not valid to say that speakers of Maricopa lack the lexeme "and". Rather, it is speakers of, for example, English who would experience the lack. [22]

Word order

The basic word order for transitive sentences is subject–object–verb. Intransitive sentences are subject-verb. Ditransitive sentences are subject-dative-object-verb.

mhay-ny-sh

boy-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

qwaaq

deer

tpuy-m

kill-REAL

mhay-ny-sh qwaaq tpuy-m

boy-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT deer kill-REAL

"The boy killed a deer." [23]

sny'ak-sh

woman-SUBJECT

ashvar-k

sing-REAL

sny'ak-sh ashvar-k

woman-SUBJECT sing-REAL

"The/A woman sang." [8]

Heather-sh

Heather-SUBJECT

Pam

Pam

kwnho

basket

aay-m

give-REAL

Heather-sh Pam kwnho aay-m

Heather-SUBJECT Pam basket give-REAL

"Heather gave a basket to Pam." [24]

Possessive words precede nouns. There are inalienable nouns such as clothing items, which must bear possessive markers.

Bonnie

Bonnie

s'aw

offspring

ime

leg

Bonnie s'aw ime

Bonnie offspring leg

"Bonnie's baby's leg." [25]

m-kpur

2NDPERSON-hat

m-kpur

2NDPERSON-hat

"Your hat." [25]

Bonnie

Bonnie

avhay

dress

Bonnie avhay

Bonnie dress

"Bonnie's dress." [25]

Determiners are expressed as suffixes or independent words following the noun.

posh-v-sh

cat-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

ii'ily-k

be=infested-REAL

posh-v-sh ii'ily-k

cat-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT be=infested-REAL

"This cat (near, at hand) has fleas." [25]

chyer

bird

vany-a

DEMONSTRATIVE-EPENTHETICVOWEL

shviily-sh

feather-SUBJECT

hmaaly-m

white-REAL

chyer vany-a shviily-sh hmaaly-m

bird DEMONSTRATIVE-EPENTHETICVOWEL feather-SUBJECT white-REAL

"That bird's feathers are white." [25]

No independent adjective category

The language has no independent adjective category: "Intransitive verbs in their unmarked forms (with no nominalizing morphemes) can be used as attributive adjectives with an NP." [26] Furthermore, it appears that there is no difference between the attributive and the predicative form of adjectival forms.

'iipaa

man

hmii

tall

sper-sh

strong-SUBJECT

ny-wik-k

THIRD/FIRSTPERSON-help-REAL

'iipaa hmii sper-sh ny-wik-k

man tall strong-SUBJECT THIRD/FIRSTPERSON-help-REAL

"A tall, strong man helped me." [26]

'iipaa-ny-sh

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT

hmii-k

tall-REAL

'iipaa-ny-sh hmii-k

man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT tall-REAL

"The man is tall." [27]

Yes/no questions

Questions are marked by "rising intonation and by the structure of the verb" [28] For most verbs, the question suffix is -m or a zero morpheme.

M-mii?

2NDPERSON-cry

M-mii?

2NDPERSON-cry

"Did you cry?" [29]

M-mii-m?

2NDPERSON-cry-QUESTION

M-mii-m?

2NDPERSON-cry-QUESTION

"Did you cry?" [29]

'Ayuu-'-maa-(m)?

something-1STPERSON-eat-QUESTION

'Ayuu-'-maa-(m)?

something-1STPERSON-eat-QUESTION

"Did I eat something?" [30]

Pam-sh

Pam-SUBJECT

'ayuu-maa-(m)?

something-eat-QUESTION

Pam-sh 'ayuu-maa-(m)?

Pam-SUBJECT something-eat-QUESTION

"Did Pam eat something?" [30]

If a zero morpheme is used to mark the question and the root of the verb is consonant-final, an epenthetic -ii is added.

M-nmak-ii?

2NDPERSON-leave-EPENTHETICVOWEL

M-nmak-ii?

2NDPERSON-leave-EPENTHETICVOWEL

"Did you leave it?" [29]

M-nmak-m?

2NDPERSON-leave-QUESTION

M-nmak-m?

2NDPERSON-leave-QUESTION

"Did you leave it?" [29]

To form a question in the second person ("you"), some verbs can have a -k or -m for questions.

M-yoq-k?

2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION

M-yoq-k?

2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION

"Did you vomit?" [31]

M-yoq-m?

2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION

M-yoq-m?

2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION

"Did you vomit?" [31]

Notes

  1. Maricopa language at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  2. Maricopa at Ethnologue (19th ed., 2016) Closed Access logo transparent.svg
  3. "UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in danger". www.unesco.org. Retrieved 2017-08-31.
  4. 1 2 Antone, Caroline (2000). Piipayk M'iim (PDF). Salt River, Arizona: O'odham Piipaash Language Program. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2015-10-12.
  5. "Welcome to the O'odham Piipaash Language Program". Salt River-Pima Maricopa Indian Community. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 12 April 2018.
  6. Washington, Michelle (16 February 2012). "Piipaash Elders Determined to Keep Language Alive". AU-AUTHM Action News. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
  7. 1 2 "Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community: Cultural Resources". O'odham Piipaash Language Program. Salt River Pima Maricopa Indian Community. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2015-10-12.
  8. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 37.
  9. Gordon 1986, p. 41.
  10. Gordon 1986, p. 43.
  11. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 45.
  12. Gordon 1986, p. 46.
  13. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 50.
  14. 1 2 3 Gordon 1986, p. 72.
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 Gordon 1986, p. 73.
  16. Gordon 1986, p. 74.
  17. 1 2 3 4 Gordon 1986, p. 81.
  18. 1 2 3 Gordon 1986, p. 142.
  19. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 335.
  20. Gordon 1986, p. 326.
  21. Gordon 1986, p. 204.
  22. Gil 1991.
  23. Gordon 1986, p. 15.
  24. Gordon 1986, p. 42.
  25. 1 2 3 4 5 Gordon 1986, p. 31.
  26. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 51.
  27. Gordon 1986, p. 53.
  28. Gordon 1986, pp. 13, 331.
  29. 1 2 3 4 Gordon 1986, p. 332.
  30. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 333.
  31. 1 2 Gordon 1986, p. 334.

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Southern Oromo, or Borana, is a variety of Oromo spoken in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya by the Borana people. Günther Schlee also notes that it is the native language of a number of related peoples, such as the Sakuye.

The Wuvulu-Aua language is an Austronesian language which is spoken on the Wuvulu and Aua Islands and in the Manus Province of Papua New Guinea.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nukak language</span> Endangered indigenous language of Colombia

The Nukak language is a language of uncertain classification, perhaps part of the macrofamily Puinave-Maku. It is very closely related to Kakwa.

Marra, sometimes formerly spelt Mara, is an Australian Aboriginal language, traditionally spoken on an area of the Gulf of Carpentaria coast in the Northern Territory around the Roper, Towns and Limmen Bight Rivers. Marra is now an endangered language. The most recent survey was in 1991; at that time, there were only 15 speakers, all elderly. Most Marra people now speak Kriol as their main language. The remaining elderly Marra speakers live in the Aboriginal communities of Ngukurr, Numbulwar, Borroloola and Minyerri.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Paya language</span> Chibchan language of Honduras

Pech or Pesh is a Chibchan language spoken in Honduras. It was formerly known as Paya, and continues to be referred to in this manner by several sources, though there are negative connotations associated with this term. It has also been referred to as Seco. There are 300 speakers according to Yasugi (2007). It is spoken near the north-central coast of Honduras, in the Dulce Nombre de Culmí municipality of Olancho Department.

Warndarrang (waɳʈaraŋ), also spelt Warndarang, Wanderang, Wandaran, and other variants is an extinct Aboriginal Australian language in the Arnhem family, formerly spoken by the Warndarrang people in southern Arnhem Land, along the Gulf of Carpentaria. The last speaker was Isaac Joshua, who died in 1974, while working with the linguist Jeffrey Heath.

Bukiyip (Bukiyúp), or Mountain Arapesh, is an Arapesh language (Torricelli) spoken by around 16,000 people between Yangoru and Maprik in the East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea. Bukiyip follows the SVO typology. The Arapesh languages are known for their complex noun-phrase agreement system.

Grass Koiari (Koiali) is a Papuan language of Papua New Guinea spoken in the inland Port Moresby area. It is not very close to the other language which shares its name, Mountain Koiali. It is considered a threatened language.

Tamashek or Tamasheq is a variety of Tuareg, a Berber macro-language widely spoken by nomadic tribes across North Africa in Algeria, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. Tamasheq is one of the three main varieties of Tuareg, the others being Tamajaq and Tamahaq.

Neveʻei, also known as Vinmavis, is an Oceanic language of central Malekula, Vanuatu. There are around 500 primary speakers of Neveʻei and about 750 speakers in total.

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