Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community | |
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Type | Treaty setting out terms of withdrawal |
Context | UK withdrawal from the EU (Brexit) |
Drafted | November 2018 October 2019 (revision) |
Signed | 24 January 2020 |
Effective | 1 February 2020 [1] |
Condition | Ratification by the European Union (Council of the European Union after consent of the European Parliament), Euratom (Council of the European Union) and the United Kingdom (Parliament of the United Kingdom). |
Negotiators |
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Signatories | Boris Johnson for the UK Ursula von der Leyen and Charles Michel for the EU and Euratom |
Parties | |
Depositary | Secretary General of the Council of the European Union |
Languages | The 24 EU languages |
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Part of a series of articles on |
UK membership of the European Union (1973–2020) |
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The Brexit withdrawal agreement, officially titled Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, [3] [4] is a treaty between the European Union (EU), Euratom, and the United Kingdom (UK), signed on 24 January 2020, [5] setting the terms of the withdrawal of the UK from the EU and Euratom. The text of the treaty was published on 17 October 2019, [6] and is a renegotiated version of an agreement published in November 2018. The earlier version of the withdrawal agreement was rejected by the House of Commons on three occasions, leading to the resignation of Theresa May as Prime Minister and the appointment of Boris Johnson as the new prime minister on 24 July 2019.
The Parliament of the United Kingdom gave its approval to the agreement on 23 January 2020 and the UK government deposited Britain's instrument of ratification on 29 January 2020. [7] [8] The agreement was ratified by the Council of the European Union on 30 January 2020, following the consent of the European Parliament on 29 January 2020. The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the Union took effect on 11 p.m. GMT on 31 January 2020, and at that moment the Withdrawal Agreement entered into force, as per its article 185.
The Agreement covers such matters as money, citizens' rights, border arrangements and dispute resolution. It also contains a transition period and an outline of the future relationship between the UK and the EU. Published on 14 November 2018, it was a result of the Brexit negotiations. The agreement was endorsed by the leaders of the 27 remaining EU countries [9] and the British Government led by Prime Minister Theresa May, but faced opposition in the British parliament, whose approval was necessary for ratification. Approval by the European Parliament would also have been required. On 15 January 2019, the House of Commons rejected the withdrawal agreement by a vote of 432 to 202. [10] The Commons rejected the agreement again on 12 March 2019, on a vote of 391 to 242, [11] and rejected a third time of 29 March 2019 by 344 votes to 286. On 22 October 2019 the revised withdrawal agreement negotiated by Boris Johnson's government cleared the first stage in Parliament, but Johnson paused the legislative process when the accelerated programme for approval failed to achieve the necessary support, and announced his intention to call a general election. [12] On 23 January 2020, Parliament ratified the agreement by passing the Withdrawal Agreement Act; on 29 January 2020, the European Parliament gave its consent to the withdrawal agreement. It was subsequently concluded by the Council of the European Union on 30 January 2020.
The withdrawal agreement, in Part Four, [13] provided for a transition or implementation period [14] until 00:00 Central European Time on 1 January 2021 (11p.m. Greenwich Mean Time on 31 December 2020 in the UK) [15] (referred to as "IP completion day" in British law and state terminology [16] [17] [18] ), during which time the UK remained in the single market, in order to ensure frictionless trade until a long-term relationship was agreed. If no agreement was reached by this date, then the UK would have left the single market without a trade deal on 1 January 2021. Closely connected to the withdrawal agreement is a non-binding political declaration on the future EU–UK relationship.
In the Conservative Party's manifesto for the United Kingdom general election in May 2015, the party promised an EU referendum by the end of 2017. [19] [20]
The referendum, held on 23 June 2016, resulted in a 51.9% to 48.1% majority vote for leaving the European Union. [21]
The proposed 2018 withdrawal agreement, which ran to 599 pages, covered the following main areas: [22]
The agreement also set up a transitional period, which lasted until 31 December 2020 with a provision for extension by mutual consent. During the transitional period, EU law continued to apply to the UK (including participation in the European Economic Area, the single market, and the customs union), and the UK continued to pay into the EU budget, but the UK was not represented in the decision-making bodies of the EU. The transition period gave businesses time to adjust to the new situation and time for the British and EU governments to negotiate a new trade deal between the EU and UK. [23] [24]
On the Irish border question, the Irish backstop was appended to the agreement setting a fall-back position if effective alternative arrangements failed to be agreed to avoid a hard border before the end of the transition period, with the UK shadowing the EU's Common external tariff and Northern Ireland keeping in aspects of the Single Market. [25]
The governance will be through a Joint Committee with representatives of both the European Union and the British government. There will be a number of specialised committees reporting to the Joint Committee.
The withdrawal agreement also includes provisions for the UK to leave the Convention Defining the Statute of the European Schools, with the UK bound by the Convention and the accompanying regulations on Accredited European Schools until the end of the last academic year of the transition period, i.e. the end of the spring semester of 2020–2021. [26]
The more important elements of the draft agreement are these: [27]
The Agreement assists the arrangements of withdrawing the UK from the European Union and Euratom (Art. 1), provides a clear definition for the territorial scope of the United Kingdom (Art. 3), and assures the legal liability of the Agreement (Art. 4). Additionally, it states that by the end of the transition period, the UK shall be denied access to "any network, any information system and any database established on the basis of Union law" (Art. 8).
The Agreement defines and provides the personal scope of citizens, family members, frontier workers, host states, and nationals. Article 11 deals with continuity of residence and Article 12 discusses non-discrimination (i.e., it would be prohibited to discriminate on grounds of nationality).
British nationals and European Union citizens, family members who are British nationals or European Union citizens and family members who are neither of those two shall maintain the right to reside in the host State (Art. 13). The host State may not limit or condition the persons for obtaining, retaining or losing residence rights (Art. 13). Persons with valid documentation[ clarification needed ] would not require entry and exit visas or equal formalities and would be permitted to leave or enter the host state without complications (Art. 14). In case the host State demands "family members who join the Union citizen or United Kingdom national after the end of the transition period to have an entry visa", the host State is required to grant necessary visas through an accelerated process in appropriate facilities free of charge (Art. 14). The Agreement further deals with the issuance of permanent residence permits during and after the transition period, as well as its restrictions. Moreover, it clarifies the rights of workers and self-employed individuals, and provides recognition and identification of professional qualifications.
This title discusses special cases, administrative cooperation, legal adaptations and development of Union laws.
The Agreement defines the goods, services and the processes connected to them. It claims that any good or service that was lawfully placed in the market prior to the withdrawal from the Union may be further made available to the consumers in the UK or the Union States (Art. 40 & 41).
This title addresses the custom procedures of goods moving from the customs territory of the UK to the customs territory of the Union and vice versa (Art. 47). The processes that start before the end of the transition period "shall be treated as an intra-Union movement regarding importation and exportation licensing requirements in Union law". The Agreement also addresses the ending of temporary storage or customs procedures (Art. 49).
The VAT applies to goods that are exchanged between the Union and the UK. By way of derogation from previous Articles, the Title permits access to information systems that are necessary for the application or processing of the VAT (Art. 51).
There are ten annexes to the draft. The first is a protocol to maintain an open border between the EU and the UK on the island of Ireland (generally known as the 'Irish backstop'). The second covers the arrangements for a common customs territory to operate between the EU and the UK, until a technical solution can be found that delivers both an open border and independent customs policies. The third covers operations of the joint customs territory. The fourth covers 'good governance in the area of taxation, environmental protection, labour and social standards, state aid, competition, and state-owned undertakings'. The fifth to eighth cover relevant provisions in EU law. The ninth and tenth details procedures arising from main sections of the draft.
The Northern Ireland Protocol, known familiarly as the "Irish backstop", was an annex to the November 2018 draft agreement that described the provisions to prevent a hard border in Ireland after the United Kingdom leaves the European Union. The Protocol included a safety-net provision to handle the circumstances where satisfactory alternative arrangements remain to come into operation at the end of the transition period.
This created considerable difficulties for the government, particularly with the Democratic Unionist Party on which the government depended on for votes.
This draft was replaced in the 2019 negotiations by a new Northern Ireland Protocol.
The agreement was subject to revisions under the Johnson ministry's renegotiation in 2019. The amendments adjust approximately 5% of the text. [28]
In the agreement, protocols also exist for the 'Sovereign Base Areas in Cyprus' and Gibraltar.
The Irish backstop was removed, and replaced by a new protocol on Northern Ireland/Ireland. This new protocol meant that Great Britain could fully leave the European Single Market and the EU Customs Union but that Northern Ireland would be out of the EU Customs Union de jure but not de facto. [29] [30] Another difference was a unilateral exit mechanism for the Northern Ireland Assembly which has a vote every four years on whether to continue with these arrangements, for which a simple majority is required. [31]
A continuity with the backstop was providing for the application of EU-law in the area of goods and electricity and a role for the European Court of Justice with regards to procedures in case of non-compliance as well as the possibility and requirement for UK courts to ask for preliminary rulings on the application of EU law and related parts of the protocol. [32]
The 2019 revisions also adjusted elements of the political declaration, replacing the word "adequate" with "appropriate" in regard to labour standards. According to Sam Lowe, trade fellow at the Centre for European Reform, the change excludes labour standards from dispute settlement mechanisms. [33] In addition, the level playing field mechanism has been moved from the legally-binding withdrawal agreement to the political declaration, [29] and the line in the political declaration that “the United Kingdom will consider aligning with union rules in relevant areas” has been removed. [31]
Article 164 establishes a joint committee for the implementation of the agreement, which is co-chaired by the EU and the UK and has 6 specialised committees. The Withdrawal Agreement delegated some arrangements relating to the UK's separation from the EU to the Joint Committee to decide upon. A Joint Committee is a commonly used process within deeper trade treaties to manage tensions.
There is equal representation from both sides with no casting vote and the ability to go to an international arbitration panel if there is no agreement. There are a number of specialist subcommittees that report to the main committee, of which the 'Northern Ireland subcommittee' (dealing with the Northern Ireland Protocol) attracted most news-media attention in Spring 2021, because of the controversy over what became known as the Irish Sea border.
As of 21 February 2022 [update] , the Joint Committee has met nine times. [34]
The Specialised Committee on Citizens' Rights was established to monitor the implementation and application of citizens' rights under the agreement. As of 15 June 2022 [update] , it has met ten times. [35]
The reception of the agreement in the House of Commons ranged from cool to hostile and the vote was delayed more than a month.[ citation needed ]
On 15 November 2018, the day after the agreement was presented and received backing from the cabinet of the British government, several members of the government resigned, including Dominic Raab, Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union. [36]
Following an unprecedented vote on 4 December 2018, MPs ruled that the British government was in contempt of parliament for refusing to provide to Parliament the full legal advice it had been given on the effect of its proposed terms for withdrawal. [37] The key point within the advice covered the legal effect of the "backstop" agreement governing Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and the rest of the UK, in regard to the customs border between the EU and UK, and its implications for the Good Friday agreement which had led to the end of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, and specifically, whether the UK would be certain of being able to leave the EU in a practical sense, under the draft proposals.
The following day, the advice was published. The question asked was, "What is the legal effect of the UK agreeing to the Protocol to the Withdrawal Agreement on Ireland and Northern Ireland in particular its effect in conjunction with Articles 5 and 184 of the main Withdrawal Agreement?" The advice given was that: [37]
Immediately following announcement of a revised withdrawal agreement on 17 October 2019, Labour, the Liberal Democrats, and DUP said that they could not support the new deal. [38]
On 15 January 2019, the House of Commons voted down the Brexit withdrawal agreement by 230 votes, [10] the largest vote against the United Kingdom government in history. [39] The May government survived a confidence vote the following day. [10] On 12 March 2019, the Commons voted down the agreement a second time by 149 votes, the fourth-largest defeat of the government in the history of the Commons. [40] [41] A third vote on the Brexit withdrawal agreement, widely expected to be held on 19 March 2019, was refused by the Speaker of the House of Commons on 18 March 2019 on the basis of a parliamentary convention dating from 2 April 1604 that prevents British governments from forcing the Commons to repeatedly vote on an issue that the Commons has already voted upon. [42] [43] [44] A cut-down version of the withdrawal agreement, where the attached political declaration had been removed, passed the speaker's test for 'substantial change', so a third vote was held on 29 March 2019, but was voted down by 58 votes. [45]
On 22 October 2019, the House of Commons agreed by 329 votes to 299 to give a Second Reading to the revised withdrawal agreement (negotiated by Boris Johnson earlier that month), but when the accelerated timetable which he proposed failed to gain the necessary parliamentary support, Johnson announced that the legislation would be paused. [46] [12]
On 20 December 2019, following the Conservative victory in the 2019 United Kingdom general election, the House of Commons passed the second reading of the Withdrawal Agreement Bill by a margin of 358–234. After amendments proposed by the House of Lords and ping-pong between the two houses, the bill received royal assent on 23 January 2020, enabling ratification on the British side. [47]
On the part of the European Union, the European Parliament gave its consent to the ratification of the Agreement also on 29 January 2020, [48] and the Council of the European Union approved the conclusion of the Agreement on 30 January 2020 [49] by written procedure. [50] Accordingly, also on 30 January 2020, the European Union deposited its instrument of ratification of the Agreement, thus concluding the deal, [51] and allowing it to enter into force at the moment of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the Union at 11 p.m. GMT on 31 January 2020.
The Declaration on Future European Union–United Kingdom Relations, also referred to as the Political Declaration, is a non-binding declaration that was negotiated and signed along with the binding and more comprehensive Withdrawal Agreement in connection with the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU), colloquially known as Brexit, and the planned end of the transitional period.
According to evidence presented by lobby group "British in Europe" (representing British citizens resident in EU countries) to the Brexit Select Committee of the House of Commons in June 2020, "as many as 23 EU member states [had] yet to implement systems to document the future rights of the estimated 1.2 million British citizens already living on the continent, who are in the dark over their future rights and obligations". [52] "The UK launched its [registration] system for EU citizens last March [2020], with more than 3.3 million people granted pre-settled or settled status to remain in the country after Brexit", the Committee was told. [52]
Also, Brexit removed British resident living in EU countries the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament and the right to work in another EU country. [53]
On 6 September 2020, the Financial Times reported that the British government planned to draw up new legislation that would bypass the withdrawal agreement's Northern Ireland Protocol. [54] [55] The new law would give ministers the power to define what state aid needs to be reported to the EU, and define what products that at risk of being brought into Ireland from Northern Ireland (the withdrawal agreement states that in the absence of a mutual agreement, all products should be considered at risk). [56] The government defended the move, saying the legislation was compliant with the protocol and merely "clarified" ambiguity in the protocol. [57] Ursula von der Leyen warned Johnson not to break international law, saying that the UK's implementation of the withdrawal agreement was a "prerequisite for any future partnership". [58] On 8 September, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis told the British Parliament that the government's planned Internal Market Bill will "break international law". [59]
On 1 October 2020, the European Commission sent a letter of formal notice to the British government as the first step in an infringement procedure, as the UK's Internal Market Bill would be "in full contradiction" to the Northern Ireland Protocol if adopted as-is. [60] Following discussions of the EU-UK Joint Committee on 8 December 2020, the two sides reached an agreement in principle on all issues regarding the implementation of the withdrawal agreement, and the UK agreed to withdraw the offending clauses of the Internal Market Bill. [61]
On 3 March 2021, without having used the Joint Committee process, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland informed the UK Parliament of the Government's intention to extend unilaterally (beyond 31 March 2021) the grace period for post-Brexit checks on some goods entering Northern Ireland from Great Britain. [62] The EU objected to this and threatened to resort to legal action over what it said was the second time the UK had sought to breach international law in relation to the Northern Ireland Protocol. On 4 March 2021, Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney supported the Commission's threat of legal action if the UK "cannot be trusted" to implement the Protocol. [63] [64] The European Parliament, which had yet to ratify the agreement, has postponed its decision pending a resolution to the proposed infringement. [64]
The Windsor Framework, announced on 27 February 2023 and formally adopted by both parties on 24 March 2023, changes aspects of the Protocol's operation, particularly to ease custom checks on goods arriving from Great Britain. [65] The Framework came into effect on 1 October 2023 and provides a new basis for trusted traders to move their goods through a new “green lane” between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, gives the UK government more control over VAT rates applying in Northern Ireland and states that medicines placed on the market Northern Ireland will be regulated by the UK and not the EU. [66] It gives the Northern Ireland administration and UK government a mechanism to object to, pause, and potentially disapply updated and amended EU laws, mainly concerning goods. [67]
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The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 is an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom to repeal the European Communities Act 1972, and for parliamentary approval to be required for any withdrawal agreement negotiated between the Government of the United Kingdom and the European Union. Initially proposed as the Great Repeal Bill, its passage through both Houses of Parliament was completed on 20 June 2018 and it became law by Royal Assent on 26 June.
Between 2017 and 2019, representatives of the United Kingdom and the European Union negotiated the terms of Brexit. The UK's planned its withdrawal from membership of the EU. These negotiations arose following the decision of the Parliament of the United Kingdom to invoke Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, following the UK's EU membership referendum on 23 June 2016.
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The Irish backstop was a proposed protocol to a draft Brexit withdrawal agreement that never came into force. It was developed by the May government and the European Commission in December 2017 and finalised in November 2018, and aimed to prevent an evident border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland after Brexit.
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The EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) is a free trade agreement signed on 30 December 2020, between the European Union (EU), the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), and the United Kingdom (UK). It provisionally applied from 1 January 2021, when the Brexit transition period ended, before formally entering into force on 1 May 2021, after the ratification processes on both sides were completed: the UK Parliament ratified on 30 December 2020; the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union ratified in late April 2021.
The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 is an act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed in December 2020. Its purpose is to prevent internal trade barriers within the UK, and to restrict the legislative powers of the devolved administrations in economic matters. It is one of several pieces of legislation concerning trade that were passed following the European Union membership referendum, as after Brexit the UK is no longer directly subject to EU law.
The Irish Sea border is an informal term for the trade border between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. It was specified by the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol of the Brexit withdrawal agreement, was refined by the Joint Committee in December 2020, and came into effect on 1 January 2021 following the end of the Brexit transition period. As a result of the Agreement, Northern Ireland remains aligned to the European Single Market in a limited way for goods, whilst remaining part of the United Kingdom customs territory and the UK internal market. Its effect is that the need for customs checks on the Irish border has been avoided, and a hard border has not been re-established.
The United Kingdom–Crown Dependencies Customs Union or customs arrangements with the Crown Dependencies is a customs union that covers the British Islands.
The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill 2022–23 was a proposed Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom that sought to unilaterally override parts of the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP). The NIP is the part of the Brexit withdrawal agreement that governs some aspects of trade in goods between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, as well as between Northern Ireland and the European Union. The bill was introduced to address what the government call 'unacceptable barriers to trade' that the protocol introduced within the UK internal market. The bill was criticised by most members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, by the European Commission, and by member states of the European Union. It was characterised in the UK and abroad as a breach of international law.