Abdoulaye Wade is a Senegalese politician who served as the third president of Senegal from 2000 to 2012. He is also the Secretary-General of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), having led the party since it was founded in 1974. Assuming office at 74, Wade was the oldest person to occupy the post.
Karim Meïssa Wade is a Senegalese politician who served in the government of Senegal as Minister of State for International Cooperation, Regional Development, Air Transport, and Infrastructure from May 2009 to April 2012. He is the son of Abdoulaye Wade, who was President of Senegal from 2000 to 2012. Before joining the government, Karim Wade was President of the National Agency for the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and served as an advisor to his father. He was widely seen as a possible successor to his father as president, and his father was widely believed to be grooming him for the position.
Corruption in Botswana is usually regarded as one of the lowest in Africa. However, corruption is not eradicated and can still be seen in many different governmental sectors and in differing forms. Despite attempts at combating corruption, corruption in Botswana has started to get worse. The most common forms of corruption are nepotism or patronage.
Corruption in Zimbabwe has become endemic within its political, private and civil sectors.
Aminata Touré is a Senegalese politician who served as the Prime Minister of Senegal from 1 September 2013 to 4 July 2014. She was the second female Prime Minister of Senegal after Mame Madior Boye, and she previously served as Justice Minister from 2012 to 2013. While campaigning for the upcoming elections in February 2024, she was arrested by the police and detained for six hours though never charged with any crime.
Both grand and petty corruption are serious problems in Tanzania yet various comprehensive laws are in place to prevent corruption. It is largely due to a weak internal control and low or non-compliance with anti-corruption regulations within different government agencies. For instance, public procurement, taxation, and customs service are areas that are prone to corruption.
Corruption in Uganda is characterized by grand-scale theft of public funds and petty corruption involving public officials at all levels of society as well as widespread political patronage systems. Elite corruption in Uganda is through a patronage system which has been exacerbated by foreign aid. Aid has been providing the government with large amounts of resources that contribute to the corrupt practices going on within the country. The style of corruption that is used is to gain loyalty and support so that officials can remain in power. One of the more recent forms of corruption is through public procurement because of the lack of transparency with transactions that happen within the government.
Since independence, corruption has been more than prevalent in Cameroon. In fact, corruption has become pervasive and has affected all sectors of the government and civil society including the executive, judiciary, police, and even the private sector. The main causes being a deep lack of political will to fight corruption and neopatrimonialism. Other causes include; personal interests and absence of duty conscience, weak judiciary and almost nonexistent opposition in the legislative, nepotism and favouritism, ineffective system of accountability, among others.
There are several sectors in Ethiopia where businesses are particularly vulnerable to corruption. Land distribution and administration is a sector where corruption is institutionalized, and facilitation payments as well as bribes are often demanded from businesses when they deal with land-related issues.
Despite several steps taken by the previous government in order to fight corruption in Zambia, there has not been a dramatic improvement in the public perception of anti-corruption efforts over the past years. Corruption remains pervasive in the country, yet in April 2014 the Business Anti-Corruption Portal reported that the situation in Zambia is relatively better than that of other countries in the region.
Corruption in Sudan is substantial, as it is considered one of the most corrupt nations in the world. On the 2010 World Bank Worldwide Governance Indicators, on one hundred point scale, it scored in the single digits in every category, including 0.9 for political stability, 6.2 for rule of law, 7.2 for regulatory quality, 6.7 for government effectiveness, and 4.3 for control of corruption. In 2011 Freedom House named Sudan as one of the worst nations for human rights.
Corruption is endemic at every level of Liberian society, making Liberia one of the most politically corrupt nations in the world. As such, corruption is not specifically a punishable crime under Liberian law, which further exacerbates the nature of corruption present in the country. When President Sirleaf took office in 2006, she announced that corruption was “the major public enemy.”
Corruption in Guinea-Bissau occurs at among the highest levels in the world. In Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2023, Guinea-Bissau scored 22 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Guinea-Bissau ranked 158th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. However, Guinea-Bissau's score has either improved or remained steady every year since its low point in 2018, when it scored 16. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score in 2023 was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11. In 2013, Guinea-Bissau scored below the averages for both Africa and West Africa on the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s Index of African Governance.
Corruption in Chad is characterized by nepotism and cronyism. Chad received a score of 20 in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Chad ranked 162nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
Corruption is endemic in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone is widely considered to be one of the most politically and economically corrupt nations in the world and international rankings reflect this. Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index scored Sierra Leone at 35 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Sierra Leone ranked 108th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11. The 2018 Global Competitiveness Report ranked Sierra Leone 109th out of 140 countries for Incidence of Corruption, with country 140 having the highest incidence of corruption. Corruption is prevalent in many aspects of society in Sierra Leone, especially in the aftermath of the Sierra Leone Civil War. The illicit trade in conflict diamonds funded the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) forces during the civil war, leading to fighting between the Sierra Leone Army and the RUF for control of the diamond mines. Widespread corruption in the health care sector has limited access to medical care, with health care workers often dependent on receiving bribes to supplement their low pay.
Corruption in the Comoros follows the familiar patterns of state-based corruption, namely government officials abusing their political powers for private gain in the country of Comoros.
Corruption in Malawi has a long and complex history with rapid evolvement over time. During the colonial era, corruption was prevalent, with colonial officials embezzling funds and engaging in other corrupt practices. After independence in 1964, Hastings Kamuzu Banda's regime perpetuated corruption, using state resources for personal gain and suppressing any opposition.
Corruption in Niger has a long history in pre-colonial and colonial era, as well as in the current state and has been a pervasive issue in the country's political, economic, and social landscape. The colonial administration mismanaged public funds, leading to inefficiencies and waste. Corrupt officials often went unpunished, perpetuating a culture of corruption.
Corruption in Namibia spans from the pre-colonial era to the present day. After independence in 1990, corruption and fraud issues continued, with cases involving misappropriation of state funds as well as resources, bribery and corruption in government tenders and contracts, and embezzlement of funds meant for social programs and development projects.
Corruption in Lesotho has always been a problem since when it was a British protectorate during its early days. However, the situation only became worse and more entrenched in the nation's political and economic systems around 1980s and 1990s. King Moshoeshoe II (1938-1996) presided over an era of pervasive corruption and nepotism, with allegations of misappropriation of state funds and awarding government contracts to friends. Nevertheless, by embracing multi-party democracy in the 1990’s, the nation managed to address some issues that existed before this time. Among those who are suspected of stealing money meant for developmental projects under Ntsu Mokhehle’s government (1993-1998), there were accusations of corruption related to his administration. At the same time, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili’s term (1998-2012) is also remembered due to various serious corrupt practices such as bribery regarding the Lesotho Highlands Water Project being a contentious issue. Under Prime Minister Thomas Thabane (2017-2020), corruption has remained one of Lesotho's biggest challenges; hence his regime faced many cases involving misuse of funds including looting COVID-19 relief money which appropriately reflects this nature.
