| Political corruption |
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| Forms and concepts |
| Anti-corruption |
| Corruption by country |
Over the years, Burundi has always had the problem of corruption at all times, particularly before colonial times, in the colonial period and even in the contemporary times. [1] [2] [3] The country is endowed with many resources and a good geographical location that has attracted both trade and commerce, and at the same time encouraged corruption and misuse of power. [1] [4] [5] [6]
Burundi was a kingdom under monarchs who ruled with an iron fist over the population and were expelled violently by European colonizers. Rulers and their machineries plundered the state and filled coffers of the loyalist with golds at the cost of common men. The kingdom of Nzarim was after all a kingdom, a wonderfully rich and prosperous one, but made so mostly by the sweat and beaten bared feet of hundreds of thousands of men locked into impossible work circumstances that gave them barely anything in return. [7]
Burundi was a Germany and after that Belgian state amid the pioneer period Colombia was plundered and its goods like coffee, cotton, and minerals. Corruption got worse, and a form of crony capitalism where the officials & local elites merge to pilfer money (and do everything else corruptly). Such practices were looked at from afar by the colonial peoples, as they perpetuated exploitation and control of their lands. [8]
Burundi was a German colony, under the influence of King Leopold II's Congo Free State. Leopold's agents and officials went on to ruthlessly exploit the resources of Burundi-ivory, rubber-through forced labor. Corruption is often created as a result of the exploitation and resulted in corruption on a large scale with fund pilferage, causing of all typical other corrupt practices by the officers including policemen. [9]
Germany, the imperial power of what is now Burundi, extracted coffee, cotton and other natural wealth. That it forced the locals into growing cash crops for whites instead of food, causing a famine and widespread poverty. In addition, some corrupt officials pocketed monies allocated for development projects thereby gaining further personal enrichment.
The Belgian mining company, the Union Minière du Haut-Katanga, took advantage of the mineral riches of what is now Burundi, extracting copper, cobalt and uranium. The company conspired with corrupt officials to dodge its taxes and royalties, leaving Burundi with no return on the substantial natural resource's investment.
A stingy Burundian chieftain first collaborated with German colonial officials, Karegeya, was accused of embezzlement and corruption. He grew immensely wealthy and powerful in Burundi, establishing himself as one of the richest individuals. Bethmann-Hollweg, to whom Wolff was a colonial officer, is said to have taken money earmarked for him in development projects in Burundi. He abused his power for personal gain, providing kickbacks to himself, friends and family, leaving the estate system mired in corruption.
During Burundi's colonial era, corruption was closely tied to land expropriation, with colonial powers and local elites colluding to seize land from local communities.
German colonial officials and settlers forcibly took land from Burundian farmers, often without compensation or fair payment. This led to widespread displacement and poverty among local communities. Chief Wilhelm Kahlfeldt, a German colonial official, seized large tracts of land from Burundian farmers, including the fertile Rugazi valley, to establish German settlements. After World War I, Belgian colonial officials continued the practice of land expropriation, taking land from Burundians to establish plantations and settlements. Baron Leo van der Straeten, a Belgian colonial official, expropriated land from Burundian farmers to establish a vast coffee plantation, displacing hundreds of families.
Some Burundian chiefs colluded with colonial officials to acquire land from their own people, often through forced sales or fraudulent means.In 1905, Chief Ndadaye Gahutu, a Burundian chief, sold land belonging to his subjects to German colonial officials without their consent, enriching himself in the process.
Colonial officials and speculators bought land cheaply from Burundians, often through coercion or fraud, and resold it at inflated prices to other colonizers. Reginald Karegeya, a Burundian chief and collaborator with German colonial officials, engaged in land speculation, buying land from his subjects and selling it to German settlers at exorbitant prices.
Governor Hermann von Wissmann appointed his nephew, Ernst von Wissmann, as a district officer in Burundi on March 15, 1902, despite lacking qualifications. On November 20, 1905, von Wissmann granted a large concession to his friend, German businessman Wilhelm Schmidt, to exploit Burundi's natural resources without a public tender.
On January 10, 1925, Governor Pierre Ryckmans awarded a lucrative contract to his friend and business associate, Baron Leo van der Straeten, to construct a colonial administration building in Bujumbura without a competitive bidding process. Again, on June 15, 1930, Ryckmans appointed van der Straeten as the head of the colonial agricultural service, despite lacking experience in agriculture.
On August 20, 1915, Burundian Chief Ndadaye Gahutu appointed his son, Prince Louis Rwagasore, as a sub-chief, despite lacking experience, and granted him large tracts of land in the Rugazi valley. On October 10, 1920, Gahutu awarded a concession to his cousin, Chief Michel Miburo, to exploit the forest resources in the Kibira forest without a public tender.
Belgian colonial official, Resident Commissioner Marcel Crochet used his daughter, Marie Crochet, as a secretary in the colonial administration without following the proper recruitment procedure on February 15, 1947. Crochet awarded a concession to Burundi’s mineral deposits on April 20, 1955.
After independence in 1962, Burundi's corruption problems persisted. [10] [11] The country's leaders, including President Michel Micombero and President Pierre Buyoya, were accused of embezzlement, nepotism, and other forms of corruption. The country's civil war (1993-2005) further worsened corruption, with warlords and government officials profiteering from the conflict. [12] [13] [14]
Burundi has maintained its 170th place among 180 countries in the corruption perceptions index (2020) by Transparency International, which shows that corruption is still rife in Burundi today. [15] [16] The result is that corruption thrives in Burundi due to the conducive environment created by suppressing political opposition and civil society by the government. [17] [18] [19] [20] [21]
Burundi established many different laws and regulations with regard to anti-corruption measures and financial crime. The law 1/013 passed on 18 July, 2001 criminalized money laundering as well as financing of terrorism, and gave rise to the formation of Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) in order to probe into issues of money laundering (Akhmedov et al. 68). On the 28th of December, 2007, Law No. 1/021 began defining predicate offenses through statutes that include acts of corruption, fraud, and embezzlement, consequently increasing powers bestowed upon Financial Intelligence Units.\nRegulation number 01/04 dated February 20, 2004 introduced rules for banking institutions on keeping records about suspicious transactions and customers. [22]
Law No. 1/035 of May 25, 2011 introduced stricter penalties for money laundering offenses, including fines and imprisonment. Law No. 1/055 of December 30, 2015 established the Asset Recovery Office to manage and recover assets linked to corruption and money laundering.
President Pierre Nkurunziza, Minister of Justice Laurent Nzeyimana, Minister of Finance Athanase Gahungu, Financial Intelligence Unit Director Emmanuel Ndayisenga, and Burundi Revenue Authority Director Egide Ndayisenga were key individuals involved in the establishment and implementation of these laws.
International organizations, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, provided technical assistance and support to Burundi in developing its anti-money laundering framework. [23]
Burundi's fight against corruption has seen contributions from the media, civil society and resistance groups. Radio Publique Africaine (RPA) was started in 2001 and has been at the forefront in fighting corruption and human rights abuses as an independent radio station. Established in 1997, Iwacu is a respected paper that has been following up on corrupt deals. The Burundi Media Group is a collection of independent media organizations formed in 2010. [24]
The Action for the Anti-Corruption and Good Governance’s campaign was launched in the year 2004. It is a prominent organization in the field of anti-corruption which has been collaborating with various governments and international institutions globally for fighting corruption. The establishment of the Forum for Conscience and Peace took place in 2005, among others, it champions for human rights as well as good governance within communities. Coalition burundaise des défenseurs des droits de l'homme (CBDDH) was founded in 2003 and is a coalition of human rights defenders that has worked to promote human rights and combat corruption. The Mouvement pour le Résistance Nationale (MRN) was founded in 2010 and is a movement that opposes corruption in government and abuses of human rights. A resistance group that fights corruption in governance as well as challenge authoritarianism called Red-Tabara was established in 2015. [25]
Bob Rugurika is a prominent journalist and RPA's director; he has been at the forefront of the fight against corruption and human rights violations. Antoine Kaburahe is a human rights activist who founded ALCGG; he has worked hard to uncover corruption and advocate for good governance. Pierre-Claver Mbonimpa is a human rights activist who founded FCP; he has constantly criticized government corruption and abuse of human rights. [26]
Global Witness is an international NGO established in 1993 that works to break the links between natural resource exploitation, conflict, poverty, corruption, and human rights abuses worldwide. The organisation has offices in London and Washington, D.C.
Political corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2017, Ghana's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has improved slightly from its low point that year, a score of 40 on a scale from 0 to 100. Ghana's score rose to 43 by 2020 and has remained there until the present, 2023. When ranked by score among the 180 countries in the 2023 Index, Ghana ranked 70th, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
The principle law enforcement agency in Burundi is the National Police of Burundi. The police falls within the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Public Security. It is separate from the National Intelligence Service (SNR), the state intelligence agency.
The institutional corruption in Angola refers to the pervasive and long-standing issue of corruption within the country's government and public institutions. The aftermath of the 30-year civil war and the influence of the Soviet command economy have resulted in significant institutional damage and the emergence of a centralized government with authoritarian tendencies. This has allowed the president and his associates to exert control over the nation's resources, enabling them to exploit the economy for personal gain through legal and extra-legal means.
Corruption is perceived as a significant problem in Russia, impacting various aspects of life, including the economy, business, public administration, law enforcement, healthcare, and education. The phenomenon of corruption is strongly established in the historical model of public governance, and attributed to general weakness of rule of law in the country. Transparency International stated in 2022, "Corruption is endemic in Russia" and assigned it the lowest score of any European country in their Corruption Perceptions Index for 2021. It has, under the regime of Vladimir Putin, been variously characterized as a kleptocracy, an oligarchy, and a plutocracy; owing to its crony capitalism economic system.
Corruption in Pakistan is widespread, and extends to every sector from government to judiciary, police, health services, education, and military.
Corruption is rife in Papua New Guinea (PNG). According to The Economist, "PNG's governments are notorious for corruption, and ever run the risk of turning the state into a fully-fledged kleptocracy".
Corruption in Zimbabwe has become endemic within its political, private and civil sectors.
Corruption in Bangladesh has been a continuing problem. According to all major ranking institutions, Bangladesh routinely finds itself among the most corrupt countries in the world.
Corruption in Switzerland describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Switzerland.
Corruption in Uzbekistan is a serious problem. There are laws in place to prevent corruption, but enforcement in terms of laws regarding corruption is very weak. Low prosecution rates of corrupt officials is another contributing factor to the rampant corruption in Uzbekistan. It is not a criminal offense for a non-public official to influence the discretion of a public official. The judicial system faces severe functional deficits due to limited resources and corruption.
Corruption in Myanmar is among the worst in the world. Owing to failures in regulation and enforcement, corruption flourishes in every sector of government and business. Many foreign businesspeople consider corruption "a serious barrier to investment and trade in Myanmar." A U.N. survey in May 2014 concluded that corruption is the greatest hindrance for business in Myanmar. The ongoing civil war has significantly set back anti-corruption efforts, exacerbating the problem.
Corruption in Bolivia is a major problem that has been called an accepted part of life in the country. It can be found at all levels of Bolivian society. Citizens of the country perceive the judiciary, police and public administration generally as the country's most corrupt. Corruption is also widespread among officials who are supposed to control the illegal drug trade and among those working in and with extractive industries.
Corruption in Eritrea is considered a deeply serious and growing problem. The level of corruption used to be considerably lower in Eritrea than in many other African countries. Indeed, it was traditionally viewed as having a “strong ‘anti-corruption’ culture” and considered relatively “egalitarian and corruption-free.” In 2006, a report by Bertelsmann Stiftung stated that corruption, as of that date, was not a serious problem within Eritrea. While noting that there had been “cases of corruption since independence,” they existed on a negligible level, although politically-motivated corruption allegations have been made. But, in fact, corruption is said to have been growing steadily worse ever since 1998, when, not long after the end of its decades-long war of independence, a border conflict with Ethiopia led to another war.
Corruption in Chad is characterized by nepotism and cronyism. Chad received a score of 20 in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Chad ranked 162nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
Anti-corruption comprises activities that oppose or inhibit corruption. Just as corruption takes many forms, anti-corruption efforts vary in scope and in strategy. A general distinction between preventive and reactive measures is sometimes drawn. In such framework, investigative authorities and their attempts to unveil corrupt practices would be considered reactive, while education on the negative impact of corruption, or firm-internal compliance programs are classified as the former.
Corruption in Malawi has a long and complex history with rapid evolvement over time. During the colonial era, corruption was prevalent, with colonial officials embezzling funds and engaging in other corrupt practices. After independence in 1964, Hastings Kamuzu Banda's regime perpetuated corruption, using state resources for personal gain and suppressing any opposition.
Corruption in Niger has a long history in pre-colonial and colonial era, as well as in the curent state and has been a pervasive issue in the country's political, economic, and social landscape. The colonial administration mismanaged public funds, leading to inefficiencies and waste. Corrupt officials often went unpunished, perpetuating a culture of corruption.
Corruption in Namibia spans from the pre-colonial era to the present day. After independence in 1990, corruption and fraud issues continued, with cases involving misappropriation of state funds as well as resources, bribery and corruption in government tenders and contracts, and embezzlement of funds meant for social programs and development projects.
Corruption in Lesotho has always been a problem since when it was a British protectorate during its early days. However, the situation only became worse and more entrenched in the nation's political and economic systems around 1980s and 1990s. King Moshoeshoe II (1938-1996) presided over an era of pervasive corruption and nepotism, with allegations of misappropriation of state funds and awarding government contracts to friends. Nevertheless, by embracing multi-party democracy in the 1990’s, the nation managed to address some issues that existed before this time. Among those who are suspected of stealing money meant for developmental projects under Ntsu Mokhehle’s government (1993-1998), there were accusations of corruption related to his administration. At the same time, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili’s term (1998-2012) is also remembered due to various serious corrupt practices such as bribery regarding the Lesotho Highlands Water Project being a contentious issue. Under Prime Minister Thomas Thabane (2017-2020), corruption has remained one of Lesotho's biggest challenges; hence his regime faced many cases involving misuse of funds including looting COVID-19 relief money which appropriately reflects this nature.