Corruption in Namibia spans from the pre-colonial era to the present day. [1] [2] [3] After independence in 1990, corruption and fraud issues continued, with cases involving misappropriation of state funds as well as resources, bribery and corruption in government tenders and contracts, and embezzlement of funds meant for social programs and development projects. [4]
Corruption existed in various forms, such as nepotism and embezzlement, within traditional societies. Tribal leaders and elders often abused their power for personal gain. [1] [5] [3]
German and later South African colonial powers exploited Namibia's resources, fostering a culture of corruption. Corruption was institutionalized through apartheid policies, which favored white minority interests. [6] [3]
Colonial powers exploited Namibia's natural resources, such as diamonds, copper, and livestock, for their own benefit. [3] The exploitation of resources during Namibia's colonial times refers to the unfair and abusive extraction of the country's natural resources by colonial powers, particularly Germany and South Africa, for their own benefit. This exploitation was characterized by unfair land deals, where colonizers forcibly took land from indigenous people, often without compensation or consent, and used it for their own gain. Colonizers extracted natural resources such as diamonds, copper, and livestock without regard for environmental or social impacts. They also imposed unequal trade agreements, exploiting Namibia's resources while paying minimal royalties or taxes. Forced labor was another aspect of exploitation, where colonizers forced indigenous people to work in mines, farms, and other industries under harsh conditions and with minimal pay. [3]
German colonial officials such as Governor Heinrich Göring, father of Hermann Göring, oversaw the exploitation of Namibia's resources. South African politicians such as Hendrik Verwoerd implemented policies to maintain apartheid and exploit Namibia's resources. Business leaders such as Sir Ernest Oppenheimer controlled the diamond industry and exploited Namibia's diamond resources. Cecil John Rhodes also played a significant role in the exploitation of Namibia's resources, particularly diamonds and land. [1] [7]
Colonizers seized land from indigenous people, often through forced removals, displacement, and violence, leading to significant dispossession and disenfranchisement. Land expropriation during Namibia's colonial times refers to the forced removal of indigenous people from their land, which was then taken over by colonial powers for their own benefit. This process was often violent and involved the displacement of entire communities, leading to significant dispossession and disenfranchisement. German colonial officials, such as Governor Heinrich Göring, implemented policies aimed at taking control of land from indigenous people. They declared large areas "Crown Land" and forcibly removed people from their ancestral lands, leading to the loss of livelihoods, cultural heritage, and identity. [1] [7]
The Herero and Namaqua Genocide (1904-1907) is a notable example of land expropriation. German colonial troops forcibly removed Herero and Namaqua people from their land, leading to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. Survivors were forced into concentration camps, where they were subjected to forced labor, starvation, and brutal conditions.
The Odendaal Plan (1960s-1970s) is another example as South African officials, including Hendrik Verwoerd and B.J. Vorster, implemented a plan to forcibly remove indigenous people from their land, creating "homelands" or "Bantustans". This led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people, who were forced to live in poverty-stricken areas with limited access to resources.
Individuals involved in land expropriation include German colonial officials such as Heinrich Göring, who oversaw the forced removal of indigenous people from their land. Hendrik Verwoerd and B.J. Vorster implemented policies aimed at displacing indigenous people and taking control of their land. Land speculators and settlers also profited from the displacement of indigenous people and the takeover of their land. [4]
Apartheid policies institutionalized discrimination, with whites holding power and wealth, while blacks were marginalized and excluded from economic opportunities. [4] [8] Namibia's history of racial segregation, also known as apartheid, was a system of institutionalized racial discrimination and oppression enforced by the South African government from 1948 to 1990. This system was characterized by land dispossession, where indigenous people were forcibly removed from their land, which was then given to white settlers. Job reservation restricted certain jobs and industries to white people only. Separate development forced black people to live in poverty-stricken areas with limited access to resources. Pass laws required black people to carry identification documents at all times, restricting their movement. Bantu education provided substandard education to black children, designed to prepare them for menial labor. [8]
Corruption was rampant during this period, with officials embezzling funds meant for development projects and accepting bribes from companies seeking favors. Hendrik Verwoerd, known as the "architect of apartheid," was a key figure in implementing and enforcing racial segregation policies. B.J. Vorster, a former police officer and Minister of Justice, oversaw the enforcement of apartheid laws and was implicated in corruption scandals. P.W. Botha, the last apartheid-era president, attempted to reform the system but ultimately perpetuated it. Magnus Malan, a former Minister of Defense, was involved in corruption and embezzlement related to arms deals. Adriaan Vlok, a former Minister of Law and Order, was implicated in human rights abuses and corruption. [8] [9]
Colonial administrators and officials engaged in corrupt practices, such as embezzlement, fraud, and bribery, with impunity. [4] During apartheid, embezzlement and fraud were used to siphon off funds meant for development projects in black townships, embezzle money from government departments and state-owned enterprises, and fraudulently acquire land and assets from indigenous people.
Former government minister Andimba Toivo ya Toivo was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misappropriation of government funds. Ex-SWAPO politician Tessie Willemse was convicted of embezzling funds meant for social programs. [10] Former CEO of the Namibia Development Corporation Kenneth Silver was accused of embezzling millions of dollars in government funds. Former Minister of Finance Gert Hanekom was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misuse of government funds. [10]
Colonizers favored their own kin and allies, awarding contracts and positions without merit or transparency. During the apartheid era, nepotism and cronyism were used to maintain white minority rule, with positions of power reserved for those with connections to the ruling party. After independence in 1990, nepotism and cronyism continued, with the ruling SWAPO party accused of appointing party loyalists and family members to key positions, often without proper qualifications. [5]
Former President Sam Nujoma appointed his son, Zack Nujoma, to various high-profile positions, including CEO of the state-owned Namibia Development Corporation. Former President Hifikepunye Pohamba appointed his son, Kaupu Pohamba, as head of the Namibia Revenue Agency. Former Minister of Mines and Energy, Isak Katali, awarded mining licenses to companies linked to his family members. Former Minister of Finance, Calle Schlettwein, appointed his brother, Andreas Schlettwein, as head of the Namibia Investment Center. [5]
These appointments often led to allegations of favoritism, corruption, and mismanagement, undermining the country's economic development and perpetuating inequality. Nepotism and cronyism have also led to the marginalization of qualified individuals and the perpetuation of a patronage system, where loyalty to the ruling party is rewarded with positions of power and influence. [11]
Colonial powers brutally suppressed anti-colonial resistance, using force, intimidation, and coercion to maintain control. Namibia's corruption associated with suppression of resistance refers to the use of corrupt practices by those in power to silence and suppress opposition, dissent, and resistance. This has been a persistent feature of Namibia's history, particularly during the apartheid era and early years of independence. [12]
During apartheid, the South African government and its agents in Namibia used corruption to suppress resistance from anti-apartheid activists and organizations. This included bribing officials to turn a blind eye to human rights abuses, embezzling funds meant for development projects to finance propaganda campaigns and using state resources to intimidate and silence opponents. After independence in 1990, corruption continued to be used to suppress resistance, with the ruling SWAPO party accused of using state resources to silence opposition voices. This included appointing loyalists to key positions, awarding government contracts to party-linked businesses, and using state media to propagate party propaganda.
Examples of individuals involved in corruption associated with suppression of resistance include former President Sam Nujoma, who was accused of using state resources to silence opposition voices and intimidate critics. Former Minister of Home Affairs, Jerry Ekandjo, was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misuse of government funds to finance party political activities. Former Police Commissioner, General Sebastian Ndeitunga, was accused of using police resources to suppress opposition protests and intimidate activists.
Incidents of corruption associated with suppression of resistance include the infamous "Koevoet scandal" of the 1980s, in which South African military officers embezzled funds meant for development projects to finance their military campaigns against anti-apartheid activists. In the 1990s, the SWAPO party was accused of using government funds to finance its election campaigns and silence opposition voices. In recent years, there have been allegations of corruption and intimidation against opposition activists and journalists who have spoken out against government corruption and human rights abuses. [12]
Namibia's corruption associated with economic inequality refers to the use of corrupt practices by those in power to perpetuate and exacerbate economic disparities, enriching themselves and their allies at the expense of the broader population. This has been a persistent feature of Namibia's history, particularly during the apartheid era and early years of independence. During apartheid, the South African government and its agents in Namibia used corruption to entrench economic inequality, enriching white elites while impoverishing black Namibians. [13] This included embezzling funds meant for development projects, awarding government contracts to white-owned businesses, and using state resources to exploit Namibia's natural resources for the benefit of apartheid-era elites. [14] [15] [16]
After independence in 1990, corruption continued to perpetuate economic inequality, with the ruling SWAPO party accused of using state resources to enrich party loyalists and allies. This included awarding government contracts to party-linked businesses, appointing loyalists to key positions in state-owned enterprises, and using state resources to finance lavish lifestyles for the elite. [17] [18] [15]
Examples of individuals involved in corruption associated with economic inequality include former President Hifikepunye Pohamba, who was accused of using state resources to enrich himself and his members. Former Minister of Mines and Energy, Isak Katali, was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the awarding of mining licenses to companies linked to himself and other ruling party officials. Former CEO of the Namibia Development Corporation, Kenneth Silver, was accused of embezzling millions of dollars in government funds meant for development projects. [14]
Incidents of corruption associated with economic inequality include the "Fishrot scandal" of 2019, in which high-ranking government officials were accused of accepting bribes from Icelandic fishing companies in exchange for fishing quotas. The "Esaugate scandal" of 2020, in which former Minister of Fisheries, Bernhard Esau, was accused of corruptly awarding fishing quotas to companies linked to himself and other ruling party officials. [19] [14]
Colonizers erased indigenous cultures, languages, and traditions, imposing their own values and beliefs. Namibia's corruption associated with cultural destruction refers to the use of corrupt practices by those in power to erode and destroy the cultural heritage and identity of the Namibian people. This has been a persistent feature of Namibia's history, particularly during the apartheid era and early years of independence. [20]
During apartheid, the South African government and its agents in Namibia used corruption to suppress and erase Namibian cultural identity, imposing white Afrikaner culture and values on the population. This included the forced removal of indigenous people from their land, the suppression of traditional languages and customs, and the destruction of cultural artifacts and historical sites. After independence in 1990, corruption continued to threaten Namibian cultural heritage, with the ruling SWAPO party accused of using state resources to promote a narrow, party-defined version of Namibian culture. This included the appropriation of traditional cultural symbols and practices for political gain, the suppression of dissenting cultural voices, and the neglect and destruction of cultural heritage sites. [21]
Such individuals involved in corruption associated with cultural destruction include former President Sam Nujoma, who was accused of using state resources to promote his own cultural and political agenda. Former Minister of Culture, Kazenambo Kazenambo, was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misuse of government funds meant for cultural preservation. Former Director of the Namibia National Museum, Pauline Mbundu, was accused of corruptly selling cultural artifacts to private collectors.
Incidents of corruption associated with cultural destruction include the controversial "Heroes' Acre" monument, built in 2002 to honor Namibia's independence struggle. Critics accused the government of using state resources to promote a partisan version of history and erase the cultural heritage of marginalized communities. The destruction of the historic "Omburu" cultural site in 2019, allegedly to make way for a luxury tourist development, sparked outrage among cultural activists and community leaders. The incidents have contributed to the erosion of Namibia's cultural heritage, threatening the very identity and soul of the nation.
Namibia gained independence in 1990, but corruption persisted. The ruling SWAPO party has been accused of cronyism, nepotism, and embezzlement. High-profile corruption cases involve government officials, politicians, and business leaders. [4]
President Sam Nujoma's regime was marked by allegations of corruption, nepotism, and embezzlement. Nujoma himself was accused of corruptly acquiring wealth and properties. In the 1990s, the "Koevoet scandal" involved high-ranking government officials and police officers embezzling funds meant for development projects. Former Minister of Home Affairs, Jerry Ekandjo, was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misuse of government funds. The "Esaugate scandal" in 2020 implicated former Minister of Fisheries, Bernhard Esau, and former CEO of the Namibia Fishing Corporation, Mike Nghipunya, in corruptly awarding fishing quotas to companies linked to themselves and other ruling party officials.
Former President Hifikepunye Pohamba was accused of corruptly enriching himself and his allies through corrupt land deals and mining licenses. His son, Kaupu Pohamba, was implicated in a corruption scandal involving the misuse of government funds.
The "Fishrot scandal" in 2019 involved high-ranking government officials, including former Minister of Justice, Sacky Shanghala, and former CEO of the Namibia Investment Center, James Hatuikulipi, accepting bribes from Icelandic fishing companies in exchange for fishing quotas. [4]
In Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Namibia scored 49 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Namibia ranked 59th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. [22] For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11 (ranked 180). [23] For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries [Note 1] was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11. [24]
Media, civil society, and resistance have played a crucial role in exposing and combating corruption in Namibia. [25] It has been instrumental in uncovering corruption scandals, with investigative journalism and media outlets like The Namibian, Namibia Today, and New Era consistently reporting on corruption cases, keeping the public informed and holding those in power accountable. [26] [27] [28]
Civil society organizations such as the Namibia Civil Society Forum, the Namibia Non-Governmental Organizations Forum, and the Anti-Corruption Coalition of Namibia have actively campaigned against corruption, mobilizing public protests, petitions, and awareness campaigns, pushing for accountability and transparency. [26] [29] [30]
Resistance from whistleblowers, activists, and ordinary citizens has been crucial, with individuals risking personal safety and livelihoods to expose corruption and wrongdoing. Online platforms and social media have amplified the voices of citizens, allowing them to share their experiences and demand accountability. Notable individuals and organizations include journalist and editor Gwen Lister, civil society leader Pauline Mbundu, whistleblower Johannes Stefansson, and the Namibia Transparency and Accountability Forum. The efforts have contributed to increased public awareness and engagement on corruption issues, pressure on government to establish anti-corruption institutions and laws, investigations and prosecutions of high-profile corruption cases, and international attention and support for Namibia's anti-corruption efforts. [31] [25]
Namibia's money laundering laws aim to prevent and combat money laundering and terrorist financing. The country has implemented various laws and regulations, including the Financial Intelligence Act of 2012, the Prevention of Organized Crime Act of 2004, and the Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism Regulations of 2019. [32]
Control agencies in Namibia responsible for combating corruption and money laundering include the Financial Intelligence Centre, the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Namibia Revenue Agency, the Namibia Police Force, and the Directorate of Enforcement and Prevention of the Anti-Corruption Commission. The agencies work together to investigate suspicious transactions, freeze and seize assets linked to money laundering and corruption, prosecute offenders, and conduct public awareness campaigns. [32]
Political change in Namibia has led to the establishment of the Anti-Corruption Commission and the Financial Intelligence Centre, the enactment of the Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism Regulations, the ratification of international conventions against corruption and money laundering, and the implementation of measures to increase transparency and accountability in government and public institutions. [32]
While Namibia has made significant progress in combating corruption and money laundering, continued efforts are needed to address the evolving nature of these crimes. [32]
The history of Namibia has passed through several distinct stages from being colonised in the late nineteenth century to Namibia's independence on 21 March 1990.
Kleptocracy, also referred to as thievocracy, is a government whose corrupt leaders (kleptocrats) use political power to expropriate the wealth of the people and land they govern, typically by embezzling or misappropriating government funds at the expense of the wider population. One feature of political-based socioeconomic thievery is that there is often no public announcement explaining or apologizing for misappropriations, nor any legal charges or punishment levied against the offenders.
The South West Africa People's Organisation, officially known as the SWAPO Party of Namibia, is a political party and former independence movement in Namibia. Founded in 1960, it has been the governing party in Namibia since the country achieved independence in 1990. The party continues to be dominated in number and influence by the Ovambo ethnic group.
Samuel Shafiishuna Daniel Nujoma, is a Namibian revolutionary, anti-apartheid activist and politician who served three terms as the first President of Namibia, from 1990 to 2005. Nujoma was a founding member and the first president of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in 1960. Before 1960, SWAPO was known as the Ovambo People's Organisation (OPO). He played an important role as leader of the national liberation movement in campaigning for Namibia's political independence from South African rule. He established the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) in 1962 and launched a guerrilla war against the apartheid government of South Africa in August 1966 at Omugulugwombashe, beginning after the United Nations withdrew the mandate for South Africa to govern the territory. Nujoma led SWAPO during the lengthy Namibian War of Independence, which lasted from 1966 to 1989.
Hifikepunye Lucas Pohamba is a Namibian politician who served as the second president of Namibia from 21 March 2005 to 21 March 2015. He won the 2004 presidential election overwhelmingly as the candidate of SWAPO and was reelected in 2009. Pohamba was the president of SWAPO from 2007 until his retirement in 2015. He is a recipient of the Ibrahim Prize.
Hage Gottfried Geingob was a Namibian politician who served as the third president of Namibia and Commander-in-Chief of the Namibian Defence Force (NDF) from 2015 until his death in February 2024. Geingob was the first Prime Minister of Namibia from 1990 to 2002, and served as prime minister again from 2012 to 2015. Between 2008 and 2012 Geingob served as Minister of Trade and Industry. In November 2014, Geingob was elected president of Namibia by an overwhelming margin. In November 2017, Geingob became the third president of the ruling SWAPO Party after winning by a large margin at the party's sixth Congress. He served as the party's president until his death. In August 2018, Geingob began a one-year term as chairperson of the Southern African Development Community.
Political corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2017, Ghana's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has improved slightly from its low point that year, a score of 40 on a scale from 0 to 100. Ghana's score rose to 43 by 2020 and has remained there until the present, 2023. When ranked by score among the 180 countries in the 2023 Index, Ghana ranked 70th, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
Heroes' Acre is an official war memorial of the Republic of Namibia. Built into the uninhabited hills 10 kilometres (6 mi) south of the city centre of Windhoek, Heroes' Acre opened on 26 August 2002. It was created to "foster a spirit of patriotism and nationalism, and to pass [this] to the future generations of Namibia".
Corruption in South Africa includes the improper use of public resources for private ends, including bribery and improper favouritism. Corruption was at its highest during the period of state capture under the presidency of Jacob Zuma and has remained widespread, negatively "affecting criminal justice, service provision, economic opportunity, social cohesion and political integrity" in South Africa.
Bernhardt Martin Esau is a Namibian politician. A member of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), Esau has been a member of the National Assembly since being nominated by President Sam Nujoma and subsequently elected in the 1994 Namibian general election.
Since independence, corruption has been more than prevalent in Cameroon. In fact, corruption has become pervasive and has affected all sectors of the government and civil society including the executive, judiciary, police, and even the private sector. The main causes being a deep lack of political will to fight corruption and neopatrimonialism. Other causes include; personal interests and absence of duty conscience, weak judiciary and almost nonexistent opposition in the legislative, nepotism and favouritism, ineffective system of accountability, among others.
On Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Senegal scored 43 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Senegal ranked 70th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, Senegal's score was also the average score in 2023; the best score was 90 and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
Corruption in Sudan is substantial, as it is considered one of the most corrupt nations in the world. On the 2010 World Bank Worldwide Governance Indicators, on one hundred point scale, it scored in the single digits in every category, including 0.9 for political stability, 6.2 for rule of law, 7.2 for regulatory quality, 6.7 for government effectiveness, and 4.3 for control of corruption. In 2011 Freedom House named Sudan as one of the worst nations for human rights.
Corruption in South Sudan is among the worst in the world. The nation's elites have developed a kleptocratic system that controls every part of the South Sudanese economy. This system has taken shape quickly in a relatively short period, South Sudan having won self-rule in 2005 while remaining part of Sudan, and having been accorded full sovereignty in 2011.
Sisa Namandje is a Namibian lawyer prominent for representing high profile Namibian figures. He has represented all three Namibian presidents Sam Nujoma, Hifikepunye Pohamba and Hage Geingob.
Corruption in the Comoros follows the familiar patterns of state-based corruption, namely government officials abusing their political powers for private gain in the country of Comoros.
Corruption in Malawi has a long and complex history with rapid evolvement over time. During the colonial era, corruption was prevalent, with colonial officials embezzling funds and engaging in other corrupt practices. After independence in 1964, Hastings Kamuzu Banda's regime perpetuated corruption, using state resources for personal gain and suppressing any opposition.
Corruption in Niger has a long history in pre-colonial and colonial era, as well as in the current state and has been a pervasive issue in the country's political, economic, and social landscape. The colonial administration mismanaged public funds, leading to inefficiencies and waste. Corrupt officials often went unpunished, perpetuating a culture of corruption.
Corruption in Lesotho has always been a problem since when it was a British protectorate during its early days. However, the situation only became worse and more entrenched in the nation's political and economic systems around 1980s and 1990s. King Moshoeshoe II (1938-1996) presided over an era of pervasive corruption and nepotism, with allegations of misappropriation of state funds and awarding government contracts to friends. Nevertheless, by embracing multi-party democracy in the 1990’s, the nation managed to address some issues that existed before this time. Among those who are suspected of stealing money meant for developmental projects under Ntsu Mokhehle’s government (1993-1998), there were accusations of corruption related to his administration. At the same time, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili’s term (1998-2012) is also remembered due to various serious corrupt practices such as bribery regarding the Lesotho Highlands Water Project being a contentious issue. Under Prime Minister Thomas Thabane (2017-2020), corruption has remained one of Lesotho's biggest challenges; hence his regime faced many cases involving misuse of funds including looting COVID-19 relief money which appropriately reflects this nature.
Over the years, Burundi has always had the problem of corruption at all times, particularly before colonial times, in the colonial period and even in the contemporary times. The country is endowed with many resources and a good geographical location that has attracted both trade and commerce, and at the same time encouraged corruption and misuse of power.