Corruption in Nicaragua

Last updated

Corruption is a serious and growing problem for doing business in Nicaragua. [1]

Contents

Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index gave Nicaragua a score of 17 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Nicaragua ranked 172nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. [2] For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11 (ranked 180). [3] For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among the countries of the Americas [Note 1] was 76, the average score was 43 and the lowest score was 13. [4]

According to Freedom House, since the election of Daniel Ortega in 2006, corruption had increased in Nicaragua. [5] Nicaragua is ranked 133 of 140 countries in the World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index (2022). [6]

Analysis

According to Foreign Policy , following his loss in the 1990 presidential election, Daniel Ortega spent the next decade building alliances with former political enemies, which helped him win the 2006 presidential election. After assuming the presidency, Ortega used various means to maintain his power in Nicaragua. Ortega "used devious legal measures to harass those who refused to align with him", which included former allies and members of the Sandinista front. [7]

Ortega then built an uneasy alliance with the business community, specifically Nicaragua's business organization COSEP, which resulted in less antagonism between his government and private business. [7] [8] This move by Ortega was similar to tactics used by the Somoza family dictatorship which ruled Nicaragua for the decades prior to Ortega's ascent. [8]

According to Freedom House, Nicaragua was among its Largest 10-Year Score Declines list in its Freedom in the World 2017 report, [5] [9] with the human rights organization stating: [10]

The election of Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega in 2006 began a period of democratic deterioration in Nicaragua that continues today. President Ortega has consolidated all branches of government under his party’s control, limited fundamental freedoms, and allowed unchecked corruption to pervade the government. In 2014, the National Assembly approved constitutional amendments that paved the way for Ortega to win a third consecutive term in November 2016.

Bribery

Some businesses have suggested that facilitation payments are demanded from the authorities when conducting commercial activities in Nicaragua and the government often shows favoritism towards certain well-connected companies. [11]

Cronyism

The New York Times reports that when rising to power, Ortega often used union groups to protest and for other political motives. After taking power, he granted union leaders good positions within the Nicaraguan government. [12]

According to Foreign policy prior to his re-election in the 2016 election, Ortega's wife Rosario Murillo had gained power over much of the Nicaraguan government, controlling all of the social programs of the country. [7] When Murillo became involved in politics, Nicaraguans began to compare President Ortega's family and political practices to that of the Somoza family dictatorship. [8]

By the time of the 2018–2020 Nicaraguan protests, The New York Times stated that Ortega and his wife hold power of the branches of government and media in Nicaragua. With this power, Ortega influenced judges and legislators to get rid of constitutional term limits, allowing Ortega to maintain power. Both opponents and supporters agreed that Ortega's wife, who was named vice president, held power over him. The New York Times asserted, "Few decisions seem to be made without her approval, making it clear that she is calling the shots". [12] Ortega's children have also been rewarded powerful positions within the government. [5]

Anti-corruption efforts

Generally, Nicaragua has a well-developed legislative framework preventing and criminalizing corruption. Nicaragua has also signed several international agreements, such as the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement and the United Nations Convention against Corruption. [13] In practicality, Nicaragua's anti-corruption institutions are highly subject to political influences. [14]

See also

Notes

  1. Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, United States, Uruguay, Venezuela

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Daniel Ortega</span> President of Nicaragua (1985–1990 and 2007–present)

José Daniel Ortega Saavedra is a Nicaraguan politician and the 58th president of Nicaragua since 10 January 2007. Previously, he was leader of Nicaragua from 18 July 1979 to 25 April 1990, first as Coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction from 19 July 1979 to 10 January 1985, and then as the 54th president from 10 January 1985 to 25 April 1990. During his first term, he implemented policies to achieve leftist reforms across Nicaragua. In later years, Ortega's left-wing radical politics cooled significantly, leading him to pursue pro-business policies and even rapprochement with the Catholic Church. However, in 2022, Ortega resumed repression of the Church, and has imprisoned prelate Rolando José Álvarez Lagos.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Miguel Obando y Bravo</span> Nicaraguan prelate

Miguel Obando y Bravo, SDB was a Nicaraguan prelate of the Catholic Church. He was the Archbishop of Managua from 1970 to 2005. Pope John Paul II created him a cardinal in 1985.

La Prensa is a Nicaraguan newspaper, with offices in the capital Managua. Its current daily circulation is placed at 42,000. Founded in 1926, in 1932 it was bought by Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Zelaya, who had become editor-in-chief. He promoted the Conservative Party of Nicaragua and became a voice of opposition to Juan Bautista Sacasa, for which the paper was censored. He continued to be critical of dictator Anastasio Somoza García, who came to power in a coup d'état.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption Perceptions Index</span> Country ranking by public sector corruption

The Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) is an index that scores and ranks countries by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, as assessed by experts and business executives. The CPI generally defines corruption as an "abuse of entrusted power for private gain". The index is published annually by the non-governmental organisation Transparency International since 1995.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Armenia</span>

Corruption in Armenia has decreased significantly in modern times, but remains an ongoing problem in the country. Despite this, fighting corruption following the 2018 Armenian revolution has recorded significant progress. Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe's Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) and the OECD's Anti-Corruption Network and Armenia's anti-corruption measures are regularly evaluated within their monitoring mechanisms.

Corruption in the United States is the act of government officials abusing their political powers for private gain, typically through bribery or other methods, in the United States government. Corruption in the United States has been a perennial political issue, peaking in the Jacksonian era and the Gilded Age before declining with the reforms of the Progressive Era.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2011 Nicaraguan general election</span>

General elections were held in Nicaragua on 6 November 2011. The incumbent president Daniel Ortega, won a third term in this election, with a landslide victory.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Crime in Hungary</span>

Crime in Hungary is combated by the Hungarian police and other agencies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Denmark</span>

Corruption in Denmark is amongst the lowest in the world.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Iceland</span>

Corruption in Iceland describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Iceland.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Latvia</span>

Corruption in Latvia is examined on this page.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Portugal</span>

In 2013, a report by Transparency International revealed that political parties, Parliament, the judiciary and the military are the most corrupt institutions in Portugal. Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks the country in 33rd place out of 180 countries in the Index.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Germany</span>

Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index scored Germany at 78 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Germany ranked 9th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among Western European and European Union countries was 90, the average score was 65 and the lowest score was 42.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in the Netherlands</span>

Corruption in the Netherlands is minimal in all major areas—judiciary, police, business, politics—as the country is considered one of the least corrupt within the European Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Slovakia</span>

Corruption in Slovakia is a serious and ongoing problem.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Peru</span>

On Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Peru scored 33 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Peru ranked 121st among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among the countries of the Americas was 76, the average score was 43 and the lowest score was 13.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Kuwait</span>

Corruption in Kuwait is a problem resulting in political tensions in society.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Cameroon</span>

Since independence, corruption has been more than prevalent in Cameroon. In fact, corruption has become pervasive and has affected all sectors of the government and civil society including the executive, judiciary, police, and even the private sector. The main causes being a deep lack of political will to fight corruption and neopatrimonialism. Other causes include; personal interests and absence of duty conscience, weak judiciary and almost nonexistent opposition in the legislative, nepotism and favouritism, ineffective system of accountability, among others.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Bulgaria</span>

Corruption in Bulgaria has decreased in recent years, after a series of reforms implemented through EU guidance. Among recent improvements, amendments to the constitution in 2015 brought about a reform of the Supreme Judicial Council and a stronger judicial inspectorate. Furthermore, the broader legislative framework has seen a number of reforms over the years, in particular through the amendments of the Judicial System Act in 2016 and of the Criminal Procedure Code in 2017.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corruption in Israel</span>

There is evidence that corruption is a legitimate problem in Israeli politics and many investigations have taken place into allegations of influence peddling and bribery.

References

  1. "CPI 2023 for the Americas: Lack of Independent Judiciary Hinders the Fight Against Corruption". Transparency.org. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
  2. "The ABCs of the CPI: How the Corruption Perceptions Index is calculated". Transparency.org. 20 December 2021. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
  3. "Corruption Perceptions Index 2023: Nicaragua". Transparency.org. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
  4. "Corruption Perceptions Index 2023: Americas". Transparency.org. CPI2023_Map_Americas_EN.pdf. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
  5. 1 2 3 "Freedom in the World 2017 - Nicaragua". Freedomhouse.org. Archived from the original on 22 August 2017. Retrieved 22 August 2017.
  6. "WJP Rule of Law Index".
  7. 1 2 3 Shifter, Michael (5 September 2016). "Nicaragua Is Turning Into a Real-Life 'House of Cards'". Foreign Policy . Retrieved 2018-04-27.
  8. 1 2 3 Garvin, Glenn (2 May 2018). "In Nicaragua, the political battle is moving from the streets to the negotiating table". The Miami Herald . Retrieved 2018-05-03.
  9. "Freedom in the World 2017". Freedomhouse.org. Retrieved 22 August 2017.
  10. "Nicaragua | Country report | Freedom in the World | 2017". Freedom House . Archived from the original on 22 August 2017. Retrieved 22 August 2017.
  11. "Nicaragua Corruption Profile". Business Anti-Corruption Portal. Archived from the original on 24 March 2014. Retrieved 14 July 2015.
  12. 1 2 Robles, Frances (2018-04-26). "In Just a Week, 'Nicaragua Changed' as Protesters Cracked a Leader's Grip". The New York Times . ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2018-04-26.
  13. "Convention against Corruption". Unodc.org. Retrieved 30 January 2019.
  14. "Nicaragua Corruption Profile". Business Anti-Corruption Portal. Archived from the original on 24 March 2014. Retrieved 14 July 2015.