Political corruption |
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Forms and concepts |
Anti-corruption |
Corruption by country |
Corruption is a serious and growing problem for doing business in Nicaragua. [1]
Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index gave Nicaragua a score of 17 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Nicaragua ranked 172nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. [2] For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11 (ranked 180). [1] For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among the countries of the Americas [Note 1] was 76 and the lowest score was 13. [3]
According to Freedom House, since the election of Daniel Ortega in 2006, corruption had increased in Nicaragua. [4] Nicaragua is ranked 133 of 140 countries in the World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index (2022). [5]
According to Foreign Policy , following his loss in the 1990 presidential election, Daniel Ortega spent the next decade building alliances with former political enemies, which helped him win the 2006 presidential election. After assuming the presidency, Ortega used various means to maintain his power in Nicaragua. Ortega "used devious legal measures to harass those who refused to align with him", which included former allies and members of the Sandinista front. [6]
Ortega then built an uneasy alliance with the business community, specifically Nicaragua's business organization COSEP, which resulted in less antagonism between his government and private business. [6] [7] This move by Ortega was similar to tactics used by the Somoza family dictatorship which ruled Nicaragua for the decades prior to Ortega's ascent. [7]
According to Freedom House, Nicaragua was among its Largest 10-Year Score Declines list in its Freedom in the World 2017 report, [4] [8] with the human rights organization stating: [9]
The election of Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega in 2006 began a period of democratic deterioration in Nicaragua that continues today. President Ortega has consolidated all branches of government under his party’s control, limited fundamental freedoms, and allowed unchecked corruption to pervade the government. In 2014, the National Assembly approved constitutional amendments that paved the way for Ortega to win a third consecutive term in November 2016.
Some businesses have suggested that facilitation payments are demanded from the authorities when conducting commercial activities in Nicaragua and the government often shows favoritism towards certain well-connected companies. [10]
The New York Times reports that when rising to power, Ortega often used union groups to protest and for other political motives. After taking power, he granted union leaders good positions within the Nicaraguan government. [11]
According to Foreign policy prior to his re-election in the 2016 election, Ortega's wife Rosario Murillo had gained power over much of the Nicaraguan government, controlling all of the social programs of the country. [6] When Murillo became involved in politics, Nicaraguans began to compare President Ortega's family and political practices to that of the Somoza family dictatorship. [7]
By the time of the 2018–2020 Nicaraguan protests, The New York Times stated that Ortega and his wife hold power of the branches of government and media in Nicaragua. With this power, Ortega influenced judges and legislators to get rid of constitutional term limits, allowing Ortega to maintain power. Both opponents and supporters agreed that Ortega's wife, who was named vice president, held power over him. The New York Times asserted, "Few decisions seem to be made without her approval, making it clear that she is calling the shots". [11] Ortega's children have also been rewarded powerful positions within the government. [4]
Generally, Nicaragua has a well-developed legislative framework preventing and criminalizing corruption. Nicaragua has also signed several international agreements, such as the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement and the United Nations Convention against Corruption. [12] In practicality, Nicaragua's anti-corruption institutions are highly subject to political influences. [13]
José Daniel Ortega Saavedra is a Nicaraguan politician who has been President of Nicaragua since 2007. Previously he was leader of Nicaragua from 1979 to 1990, first as coordinator (1979–1985) of the Junta of National Reconstruction, and then as President of Nicaragua (1985–1990). During his first term, he implemented policies to achieve leftist reforms across Nicaragua. In later years, Ortega's left-wing radical politics cooled significantly, leading him to pursue pro-business policies and even rapprochement with the Catholic Church. However, in 2022, Ortega resumed repression of the Church, and has imprisoned prelate Rolando José Álvarez Lagos.
Miguel Obando y Bravo, SDB was a Nicaraguan prelate of the Catholic Church. He was the Archbishop of Managua from 1970 to 2005. Pope John Paul II created him a cardinal in 1985.
La Prensa is a Nicaraguan newspaper, with offices in the capital Managua. Its current daily circulation is placed at 42,000. Founded in 1926, in 1932 it was bought by Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Zelaya, who had become editor-in-chief. He promoted the Conservative Party of Nicaragua and became a voice of opposition to Juan Bautista Sacasa, for which the paper was censored. He continued to be critical of dictator Anastasio Somoza García, who came to power in a coup d'état.
The Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) is an index that ranks countries "by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, as determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys." The CPI generally defines corruption as an "abuse of entrusted power for private gain". The index is published annually by the non-governmental organisation Transparency International since 1995.
Corruption in Armenia has decreased significantly in modern times, but remains an ongoing problem in the country. Despite this, fighting corruption following the 2018 Armenian revolution has recorded significant progress. Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe's Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) and the OECD's Anti-Corruption Network and Armenia's anti-corruption measures are regularly evaluated within their monitoring mechanisms.
Observers maintain that corruption in Paraguay remains a major impediment to the emergence of stronger democratic institutions and sustainable economic development in Paraguay.
Corruption in the United States is the act of government officials abusing their political powers for private gain, typically through bribery or other methods, in the United States government. Corruption in the United States has been a perennial political issue, peaking in the Jacksonian era and the Gilded Age before declining with the reforms of the Progressive Era.
General elections were held in Nicaragua on 6 November 2011. The incumbent president Daniel Ortega, won a third term in this election, with a landslide victory.
Crime in Hungary is combated by the Hungarian police and other agencies.
Corruption laws exist in Egypt to criminalize extortion, embezzlement and bribery in business, but they are poorly enforced.
Corruption in Iceland describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Iceland.
Corruption in Latvia is examined on this page.
In 2013, a report by Transparency International revealed that political parties, Parliament, the judiciary and the military are the most corrupt institutions in Portugal. Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks the country in 33rd place out of 180 countries in the Index.
Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index scored Germany at 79 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Germany ranked 9th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the best score was 90, the worst score was 12, and the average score was 43.
Corruption in the Netherlands is minimal in all major areas—judiciary, police, business, politics—as the country is considered one of the least corrupt within the European Union.
On Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index, Peru scored 36 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Peru ranked 101st among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 12. For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among the countries of the Americas was 74, the average score was 43 and the lowest score was 14.
Corruption in Kuwait is a problem resulting in political tensions in society.
Since independence, corruption has been more than prevalent in Cameroon. In fact, corruption has become pervasive and has affected all sectors of the government and civil society including the executive, judiciary, police, and even the private sector. The main causes being a deep lack of political will to fight corruption and neopatrimonialism. Other causes include; personal interests and absence of duty conscience, weak judiciary and almost nonexistent opposition in the legislative, nepotism and favouritism, ineffective system of accountability, among others.
Corruption in Vietnam is pervasive and widespread, due to weak legal infrastructure, financial unpredictability, and conflicting and negative bureaucratic decision-making. Surveys reveal that while petty corruption has decreased slightly throughout the country, high-level corruption has significantly increased as a means of abuse of political power. Corruption is a very significant problem in Vietnam, impacting all aspects of administration, education and law enforcement.
Corruption in Bulgaria has decreased in recent years, after a series of reforms implemented through EU guidance. Among recent improvements, amendments to the constitution in 2015 brought about a reform of the Supreme Judicial Council and a stronger judicial inspectorate. Furthermore, the broader legislative framework has seen a number of reforms over the years, in particular through the amendments of the Judicial System Act in 2016 and of the Criminal Procedure Code in 2017.