Corruption in Guinea-Bissau occurs at among the highest levels in the world. In Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2023, Guinea-Bissau scored 22 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Guinea-Bissau ranked 158th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. [1] However, Guinea-Bissau's score has either improved or remained steady every year since its low point in 2018, when it scored 16. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score in 2023 was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11 (ranked 180). [2] For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries [Note 1] was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11. [3] In 2013, Guinea-Bissau scored below the averages for both Africa and West Africa on the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s Index of African Governance. [4]
The Heritage Foundation stated that corruption is characteristic of the Bissau-Guinean government and economy. Government mismanagement in Guinea-Bissau, according to Transparency International's 2014 report on the country, has "created an environment conducive to corruption on a grand scale." There is a culture of impunity, and citizens have no right to access information. [4]
Much of the corruption in Guinea-Bissau is related to the fact that the country is a hub of international drug trafficking. [5] "Abject poverty, state collapse, lack of means and endemic corruption," states one source, "have made Guinea Bissau a heaven for the Colombian drug lords." [6]
A Transparency International report on Guinea-Bissau notes the systemic instability and mismanagement of the government, as testified to by the fact that none of its presidents has ever completed an entire term in office. [4]
A former Portuguese colony and "one of the most fragile states in Africa," the nation won its independence in 1974 and has experienced several coups in the decades since then. [4]
In recent times, low economic growth has made it difficult for government officials to manage patronage networks and compensate cronies, thus feeding the growth of other forms of illegal self-enrichment, notably trafficking in drugs and weapons. These trafficking networks have made the country a hub for illegal commerce. [4]
There was some improvement in corruption between 2008 and 2011. Then, in 2012, the government was overthrown in a military coup, which brought an end to attempts to curb corruption and introduce other reforms. In 2014, voters elected José Mário Vaz to the presidency. [4]
The country has been a drug-trafficking hub since around the turn of the 21st century, and many of its political and military leaders are deeply involved in the drug trade. Illegal narcotics from Latin America make their way to Europe by way of Guinea-Bissau, [4] which the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) considers the world's only "narco-state". [7] As of 2007, Colombian drug cartels had, for the past three years, been using Guinea-Bissau as a major transit point for European trafficking. At that time, according to the US DEA, 800–1000 kg of cocaine were being flown nightly into Guinea-Bissau with an additional amount coming in by sea. [6]
Latin American cocaine barons, Der Spiegel has explained, look for corrupt nations in convenient geographic locations, as ideal for trafficking drugs. [7] Authorities in Guinea-Bissau who seek to curb the drug traffic lack the most basic equipment, such as vehicles and radios, and often have insufficient gasoline supplies. [6] The country has no able or willing force for law and order, creating the ideal hub for narco-trafficking. [6] It also has poorly enforced border, unmonitored airfields, and a weak civilian government. In addition, it virtually never extradites anyone, as evidenced by the case of murderer and hijacker George Wright, who after his conviction in the U.S. worked for years in Guinea-Bissau as a basketball coach. [7]
The government's fiscal operations are characterized by a lack of transparency, of predictability, of budgeting control, collusion among government and key personnel, and of external controls over public spending. High-ranking officials in the country have accumulated "unprecedented wealth and influence" and enjoy a high degree of impunity. [4]
Political corruption consists largely of involvement in narcotics trafficking. This involvement, according to Transparency International, has overhauled patronage systems in Guinea-Bissau, ultimately lessening the state's role in corruption scheme, weakening the government as a whole. [4]
Under the constitution, the President has extremely broad powers, including lawmaking authority and the ability to appoint judges. This makes it easy for him to abuse his power and accumulate wealth at the expense of the people. Critics have argued that the president's power should be limited in specific ways while the prime minister's, parliament's, attorney general's, the judiciary's powers are strengthened and reinforced. Critics have also called for a merit-based civil service. [4]
Guinea-Bissau's security and law-enforcement sectors are vulnerable to corruption and interference by politicians. Inadequate pay scales for members of the police and correctional services make them more vulnerable to corruption. Criminality and brutality among Bissau-Guinean security forces are well documented, as are cases of senior officials bypassing police authority by releasing prisoners and confiscating cocaine. An unclear situation involving jurisdiction results in institutional conflicts, especially where criminal investigations are concerned. [4]
Members of the police, security forces, and military are all involved in aiding and abetting the drug trade. For example, the military is engaged in leasing airbases and naval yards to drug traffickers, who have also rented islands to build front companies to mask plane movements. Also, the drug trade has helped breed a culture of intimidation and violence within the military. [6]
The judiciary lacks adequate resources and training and also lacks independence. It does not pursue corruption charges. No one in the country has ever been prosecuted for or convicted of money laundering. [4] The public largely distrusts the nation's court system, due to the high costs of seeking justice and the lack of ethics, that leads people to solve disputes outside the legal system. [4]
Judicial corruption is a discouragement to business, according to roughly a quarter of companies that responded a World Bank 2006 Enterprise Survey. [4] A 2001 Amnesty International report suggested that the dismissal of several Supreme Court judges and clerks were related to judicial decisions that displeased the government. [4]
In a 2006 World Bank survey, 44% of firms said that corruption was a major hindrance to business. In 2008, 27.6% of firms in Guinea-Bissau had been asked for bribes at least once; in Africa as a whole, the figure was 22.3%, and in the entire world, the figure was 17.4%. In the same year, fully 48.9% of firms in Guinea-Bissau said they had given “gifts” to win government contracts, as compared to 31.1% of firms in Africa generally. Almost two-thirds of firms in the country said they had been expected to bribe public officials in order to accomplish certain ends. For manufacturers operating in Guinea-Bissau, bribes could reach up to 4.4% of costs. [4]
Guinea-Bissau has few institutions or laws that are intended to fight corruption. Like other countries in Lusophone Africa, it lacks a formal ethics code, has an inadequate number of external auditors, and has weak quality control. [4]
The Committee Against Corruption, created in 1995, was intended to address and prevent acts of corruption within the government and elsewhere. [4] The Court of Accounts, the leading audit institution, was introduced in 2006 to audit the accounts and budget of the Ministry of Finance. [4] Guinea-Bissau has ratified several United Nations Conventions combatting corruption as well as the African Union's Convention on Corruption. [4] In 2008, Guinea-Bissau was found to be non-compliant with 34 of the 49 Financial Action Task Force (FATF) statutes, which cover such matters as due diligence and the criminalization of terrorism financing. [4]
In 2009, the country reformed its procurement system in conformity with West African Economic Monetary Union guidelines. This reform involved the establishment of a new regulatory body, the formation of a public procurement department, the institution of an audit unit to vet the central unit's procurement transactions, and the introduction of a new procurement infrastructure. [4]
A new system for managing public expenditure, instituted in or shortly before 2010, helped control government expenses by obliging every government office to submit an annual budget and progress reports to parliament. [4] As of 2011, the country planned a comprehensive set of anti-corruption reforms. After the 2012 military coup, however, reform efforts were ended. [4]
Some drug arrests have been made, including arrests of military officials, but defendants have not been successfully prosecuted. In March 2012, former Procurator General announced investigations into the murders of President João Vieira and the Commander of the military, General Tagme Na Waie, had halted due to difficulty in gathering evidence. [4]
In August 2015, President Jose Mario Vaz dismissed Prime Minister Domingos Pereira and the members of his cabinet, accusing them of corruption, nepotism, and obstruction of justice. [8] The UN and GIABA helped establish Guinea-Bissau's Financial Intelligence Unit, but its resources are too limited for it to be able to exercise its functions. [4]
In April 2013, the US arrested the head of Guinea-Bissau's navy in international waters on drug-trafficking charges. He was receiving commissions of $1 million per ton for facilitating the shipment of illicit drugs into the US and Europe. [4]
In the same year, a US grand jury indicted the head of Guinea-Bissau's armed forces for trafficking cocaine and weapons. [4]
Corruption in the government of Kenya has a history which spans the era of the founding president Jomo Kenyatta, to Daniel arap Moi's KANU, Mwai Kibaki's PNU governments. President Uhuru Kenyatta's Jubilee Party government, and the current William Ruto's Kenya Kwanza administration has also been riddled with massive cases of graft, topping in the list of corrupt Presidents in Africa
Corruption in Botswana is usually regarded as one of the lowest in Africa. However, corruption is not eradicated and can still be seen in many different governmental sectors and in differing forms. Despite attempts at combating corruption, corruption in Botswana has started to get worse. The most common forms of corruption are nepotism or patronage.
Corruption in Zimbabwe has become endemic within its political, private and civil sectors.
Both grand and petty corruption are serious problems in Tanzania yet various comprehensive laws are in place to prevent corruption. It is largely due to a weak internal control and low or non-compliance with anti-corruption regulations within different government agencies. For instance, public procurement, taxation, and customs service are areas that are prone to corruption.
Corruption in Uganda is characterized by grand-scale theft of public funds and petty corruption involving public officials at all levels of society as well as widespread political patronage systems. Elite corruption in Uganda is through a patronage system which has been exacerbated by foreign aid. Aid has been providing the government with large amounts of resources that contribute to the corrupt practices going on within the country. The style of corruption that is used is to gain loyalty and support so that officials can remain in power. One of the more recent forms of corruption is through public procurement because of the lack of transparency with transactions that happen within the government.
Since independence, corruption has been more than prevalent in Cameroon. In fact, corruption has become pervasive and has affected all sectors of the government and civil society including the executive, judiciary, police, and even the private sector. The main causes being a deep lack of political will to fight corruption and neopatrimonialism. Other causes include; personal interests and absence of duty conscience, weak judiciary and almost nonexistent opposition in the legislative, nepotism and favouritism, ineffective system of accountability, among others.
On Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Senegal scored 43 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Senegal ranked 70th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, Senegal's score was also the average score in 2023; the best score was 90 and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
There are several sectors in Ethiopia where businesses are particularly vulnerable to corruption. Land distribution and administration is a sector where corruption is institutionalized, and facilitation payments as well as bribes are often demanded from businesses when they deal with land-related issues.
Despite several steps taken by the previous government in order to fight corruption in Zambia, there has not been a dramatic improvement in the public perception of anti-corruption efforts over the past years. Corruption remains pervasive in the country, yet in April 2014 the Business Anti-Corruption Portal reported that the situation in Zambia is relatively better than that of other countries in the region.
Corruption in Sudan is substantial, as it is considered one of the most corrupt nations in the world. On the 2010 World Bank Worldwide Governance Indicators, on one hundred point scale, it scored in the single digits in every category, including 0.9 for political stability, 6.2 for rule of law, 7.2 for regulatory quality, 6.7 for government effectiveness, and 4.3 for control of corruption. In 2011 Freedom House named Sudan as one of the worst nations for human rights.
Corruption is endemic at every level of Liberian society, making Liberia one of the most politically corrupt nations in the world. As such, corruption is not specifically a punishable crime under Liberian law, which further exacerbates the nature of corruption present in the country. When President Sirleaf took office in 2006, she announced that corruption was “the major public enemy.”
Corruption in Myanmar is among the worst in the world. Owing to failures in regulation and enforcement, corruption flourishes in every sector of government and business. Many foreign businesspeople consider corruption "a serious barrier to investment and trade in Myanmar." A U.N. survey in May 2014 concluded that corruption is the greatest hindrance for business in Myanmar. The ongoing civil war has significantly set back anti-corruption efforts, exacerbating the problem.
Corruption in South Sudan is among the worst in the world. The nation's elites have developed a kleptocratic system that controls every part of the South Sudanese economy. This system has taken shape quickly in a relatively short period, South Sudan having won self-rule in 2005 while remaining part of Sudan, and having been accorded full sovereignty in 2011.
Corruption in Bolivia is a major problem that has been called an accepted part of life in the country. It can be found at all levels of Bolivian society. Citizens of the country perceive the judiciary, police and public administration generally as the country's most corrupt. Corruption is also widespread among officials who are supposed to control the illegal drug trade and among those working in and with extractive industries.
Corruption in Eritrea is considered a deeply serious and growing problem. The level of corruption used to be considerably lower in Eritrea than in many other African countries. Indeed, it was traditionally viewed as having a "strong 'anti-corruption' culture" and considered relatively "egalitarian and corruption-free." In 2006, a report by Bertelsmann Stiftung stated that corruption, as of that date, was not a serious problem within Eritrea. While noting that there had been "cases of corruption since independence," they existed on a negligible level, although politically-motivated corruption allegations have been made. But, in fact, corruption is said to have been growing steadily worse ever since 1998, when, not long after the end of its decades-long war of independence, a border conflict with Ethiopia led to another war.
Corruption in Chad is characterized by nepotism and cronyism. Chad received a score of 20 in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Chad ranked 162nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the drug trade in West Africa rapidly expanded amid dramatic increases in US and European demand for cocaine, cannabis, and other drugs. This resulted in the expansion of two distinct trade routes, both of which went through West Africa. One route exported domestically produced cannabis from West Africa to South Africa, Europe, and Asia. The other trade route moved cocaine from Latin America and heroin from Afghanistan and Southeast Asia to Europe and the United States. In both of these routes, drug traffickers took advantage of trading networks created by Malian and Berber traders in colonial times to move drugs through the region, as well as West Africa's broader geographical location as an intermediate stop from Latin America and Southwest Asia to Europe and the United States. This was due in part to West Africa's badly policed borders, endemic corruption, and economic inequalities.
Corruption is endemic in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone is widely considered to be one of the most politically and economically corrupt nations in the world and international rankings reflect this. Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index scored Sierra Leone at 35 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Sierra Leone ranked 108th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11. The 2018 Global Competitiveness Report ranked Sierra Leone 109th out of 140 countries for Incidence of Corruption, with country 140 having the highest incidence of corruption. Corruption is prevalent in many aspects of society in Sierra Leone, especially in the aftermath of the Sierra Leone Civil War. The illicit trade in conflict diamonds funded the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) forces during the civil war, leading to fighting between the Sierra Leone Army and the RUF for control of the diamond mines. Widespread corruption in the health care sector has limited access to medical care, with health care workers often dependent on receiving bribes to supplement their low pay.
Corruption in Niger has a long history in pre-colonial and colonial era, as well as in the current state and has been a pervasive issue in the country's political, economic, and social landscape. The colonial administration mismanaged public funds, leading to inefficiencies and waste. Corrupt officials often went unpunished, perpetuating a culture of corruption.
Corruption in Lesotho has always been a problem since when it was a British protectorate during its early days. However, the situation only became worse and more entrenched in the nation's political and economic systems around 1980s and 1990s. King Moshoeshoe II (1938-1996) presided over an era of pervasive corruption and nepotism, with allegations of misappropriation of state funds and awarding government contracts to friends. Nevertheless, by embracing multi-party democracy in the 1990’s, the nation managed to address some issues that existed before this time. Among those who are suspected of stealing money meant for developmental projects under Ntsu Mokhehle’s government (1993-1998), there were accusations of corruption related to his administration. At the same time, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili’s term (1998-2012) is also remembered due to various serious corrupt practices such as bribery regarding the Lesotho Highlands Water Project being a contentious issue. Under Prime Minister Thomas Thabane (2017-2020), corruption has remained one of Lesotho's biggest challenges; hence his regime faced many cases involving misuse of funds including looting COVID-19 relief money which appropriately reflects this nature.