Defensive gun use

Last updated
A woman trains real-life defensive gun use scenarios with live ammunition at a video shooting range in Prague, Czech Republic. Defensive gun use training - Prague Cech Republic.jpg
A woman trains real-life defensive gun use scenarios with live ammunition at a video shooting range in Prague, Czech Republic.

Defensive gun use (DGU) is the use or presentation of a firearm for self-defense, defense of others or, in some cases, protecting property. The frequency of incidents involving DGU and their effectiveness in providing safety and reducing crime are controversial issues in gun politics and criminology, chiefly in the United States. [1] :64 Different authors and studies employ different criteria for what constitutes a defensive gun use which leads to controversy in comparing statistical results. Perceptions of defensive gun use are recurring themes in discussions over gun rights, gun control, armed police, open and concealed carry of firearms.

Contents

Estimates of frequency

Estimates over the number of defensive gun uses vary wildly, depending on the study's definition of a defensive gun use, survey design, country, population, criteria, time-period studied, and other factors. Low-end estimates for the United States are in the range of 55,000 to 80,000 incidents per year, while high end estimates reach 4.7 million per year. A May 2014 Harvard Injury Control Research Center survey about firearms and suicide committed by 150 firearms researchers found that only 8% of firearm researchers agreed that 'In the United States, guns are used in self-defense far more often than they are used in crime'. [2] "Discussion over the number and nature of DGU and the implications to gun control policy came to a head in the late 1990s. [3] [4] [5]

Estimates of DGU from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) are consistently lower than those from other studies. A 2000 study suggested that this may be because the NCVS measures different activities than the other surveys do. [6]

The National Self-Defense Survey and the NCVS, vary in their methods, time-frames covered, and questions asked. [7] DGU questions were asked of all the NSDS sample. [8] Due to screening questions in the NCVS survey, only a minority of the NCVS sample were asked a DGU question. [5]

Lower-end estimates include that by David Hemenway, a professor of Health Policy at the Harvard School of Public Health, which estimated approximately 55,000–80,000 such uses each year. [9] [10]

Another survey including DGU questions was the National Survey on Private Ownership and Use of Firearms, NSPOF, conducted in 1994 by the Chiltons polling firm for the Police Foundation on a research grant from the National Institute of Justice. in 1997 NSPOF projected 4.7 million DGU per year by 1.5 million individuals after weighting to eliminate false positives. [5] Another estimate has estimated approximately 1 million DGU incidents in the United States. [1] :65 [3]

Kleck and Gertz, and Cook and Ludwig

A commonly cited 1995 study by Kleck and Gertz estimated that between 2.1 and 2.5 million DGUs occur in the United States each year. [1] :64–65 [8] [11] After Kleck and Gertz accounted for telescoping, their estimate was reduced to 2.1 million DGU per year. [8] Kleck and Gertz conducted this survey in 1992, and Kleck began publicizing the 2.5 million DGU per year estimate in 1993. [12] By 1997, the 2.5 million per year number from Kleck & Gertz' study had been cited by news articles, editorial writers, and the Congressional Research Service. [13] Besides the NSDS and NCVS surveys, ten national and three state surveys summarized by Kleck and Gertz gave 764 thousand to 3.6 million DGU per year. [8] In the report "Guns in America: National Survey on Private Ownership and Use of Firearms" by Philip J. Cook and Jens Ludwig, projected 4.7 million DGU which Cook and Ludwig explained by pointing out all of the NSPOF sample were asked the DGU question. Cook and Ludwig also compared the U.S. crime rate to the number of DGU reported by Kleck and similar studies and said that their estimate of DGU is improbably high. [14]

Hemenway has asserted that Kleck and Gertz' methodology suffers from several biases leading them to overestimate the number of DGU, the social desirability bias, and the possibility that "some gun advocates will lie to help bias estimates upwards." [15] Hemenway contends the Kleck and Gertz study is unreliable and no conclusions can be drawn from it. [9] He argues that there are too many "false positives" in the surveys, and finds the NCVS figures more reliable, yielding estimates of around 100,000 defensive gun uses per year. Applying different adjustments, other social scientists suggest that between 250,000 and 370,000 incidents per year. [3] [16] In 1996, Cook and Ludwig reported that based on their analysis of the National Survey of Private Ownership of Firearms, which "incorporated a sequence of DGU questions very similar to that used by Kleck and Gertz," they estimated that 4.7 million defensive gun uses occur in the United States per year. However, they questioned whether this estimate was credible because the same survey suggests that approximately 132,000 perpetrators were either wounded or killed at the hands of armed civilians in 1994. They note that this number is about the same as the number of people hospitalized for gunshot injuries that year, but that "almost all of those are there as a result of criminal assault, suicide attempt, or accident." [13] :464–5

Kleck asserts errors in his critics' statements that his survey's estimates of defensive gun uses linked with specific crime types, or that involved a wounding of the offender, are implausibly large compared to estimates of the total numbers of such crimes. The total number of nonfatal gunshot woundings, whether medically treated or not, is unknown, and no meaningful estimates can be derived from his survey regarding defensive gun uses linked with specific crime types, or that involved wounding the offender, because the sample sizes are too small. The fact that some crime-specific estimates derived from the Kleck survey are implausibly large is at least partly a reflection of the small samples on which they are based – no more than 196 cases. Kleck states that his estimate of total defensive gun uses was based on nearly 5,000 cases. Thus, he argues, the implausible character of some estimates of small subsets of defensive gun uses is not a valid criticism of whether estimates of the total number of defensive gun uses are implausible or too high. [17]

Marvin Wolfgang, who was acknowledged in 1994 by the British Journal of Criminology as ″the most influential criminologist in the English-speaking world″, [18] commented on Kleck's research concerning defensive gun use: "I am as strong a gun-control advocate as can be found among the criminologists in this country. [...] The Kleck and Gertz study impresses me for the caution the authors exercise and the elaborate nuances they examine methodologically. I do not like their conclusions that having a gun can be useful, but I cannot fault their methodology. They have tried earnestly to meet all objections in advance and have done exceedingly well." [19]

A 1998 study by Philip Cook and Jens Ludwig replicated the Kleck and Gertz survey, but also concluded that the results of these surveys were far too high. [20] A similar conclusion was reached by a 2018 RAND Corporation report, which stated that the Kleck-Gertz estimate of 2.5 million DGUs per year, and other similar estimates, "are not plausible given other information that is more trustworthy, such as the total number of U.S. residents who are injured or killed by guns each year." The same report also stated that "At the other extreme, the NCVS estimate of 116,000 DGU incidents per year almost certainly underestimates the true number," concluding that "... there is still considerable uncertainty about the prevalence of DGU". [21] :280

National Crime Victimization Survey

A 1994 study examined NCVS data and concluded that between 1987 and 1990, there were approximately 258,460 incidents in which firearms were used defensively in the United States, for an annual average of 64,615. The same study said that "Firearm self-defense is rare compared with gun crimes." [22] An article published by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, drawing its DGU from the NCVS, said: "In 1992 offenders armed with handguns committed a record 931,000 violent crimes ... On average in 1987-92 about 83,000 crime victims per year used a firearm to defend themselves or their property. Three-fourths of the victims who used a firearm for defense did so during a violent crime; a fourth, during a theft, household burglary, or motor vehicle theft." [23] A 2013 study, also released by the BJS, found that less than 1% of nonfatal violent crime victims during the 2007–2011 period reported using a gun to defend themselves. The same study reported that "The percentage of nonfatal violent victimizations involving firearm use in self defense remained stable at under 2% from 1993 to 2011.", reporting 235,700 instances of defensive use of a firearm between 2007 and 2011 [24] :12

Cook and Ludwig said of the NCVS, NSPOF, and Kleck surveys: "The key explanation for the difference between the 108,000 NCVS estimate for the annual number of defensive gun uses and the several million from the surveys discussed earlier is that NCVS avoids the false-positive problem by limiting defensive gun use questions to persons who first reported that they were crime victims. Most NCVS respondents never have a chance to answer the defensive gun use question, falsely or otherwise." [5]

Clayton Cramer and David Barnett say that such a structure could cause the NCVS to under-count defensive gun uses, because someone who has successfully defended themselves with a gun may not consider themselves a "victim of a crime." In the NCVS, if one says that they have not been a victim of a crime, the survey assumes that there was no attempted crime and does not go on to ask if they have used a gun in self-defense. [25] According to Jens Ludwig, estimates of the frequency of DGU from the NCVS appear to be too low, but those from phone surveys (like that conducted by Kleck and Gertz) appear to be too high. [26]

Lott research

John Lott, an economist and guns rights advocate, argues in both More Guns, Less Crime and The Bias Against Guns that media coverage of defensive gun use is rare, noting that in general, only shootings ending in fatalities are discussed in news stories. In More Guns, Less Crime, Lott writes that "[s]ince in many defensive cases a handgun is simply brandished, and no one is harmed, many defensive uses are never even reported to the police".

Attempting to quantify this phenomenon, in the first edition of the book, published in May 1998, Lott wrote that "national surveys" suggested that "98 percent of the time that people use guns defensively, they merely have to brandish a weapon to break off an attack." The higher the rate of defensive gun uses that do not end in the attacker being killed or wounded, the easier it is to explain why defensive gun uses are not covered by the media without reference to media bias. Lott cited the figure frequently in the media, including publications like The Wall Street Journal [27] and the Los Angeles Times . [28]

In 2002, he repeated the survey, and reported that brandishing a weapon was sufficient to stop an attack 95% of the time. Other researchers criticized his methodology, saying that his sample size of 1,015 respondents was too small for the study to be accurate and that the majority of similar studies suggest a value between 70 and 80 percent brandishment-only. [29] Lott explained the lower brandishment-only rates found by others was at least in part due to the different questions that were asked. [30] Most surveys used a recall period of "Ever" while some (Hart, Mauser, and Tarrance) used the previous five years. The Field Institute survey used periods of previous year, previous two years and ever. [8] The NSPOF survey used a one-year recall period. [5] Lott also used a one-year recall period and asked respondents about personal experiences only, due to questionable respondent recall of events past one year and respondent knowledge of DGU experiences of other household members. [30]

Hemenway research

In 2000, David Hemenway, an advocate for gun control, published a survey which found that "Guns are used to threaten and intimidate far more often than they are used in self defense"; [31] also that year, he published another survey which found that "criminal gun use is far more common than self-defense gun use." [32] Both of these surveys argued that many defensive gun uses may not be in the best interests of society. [31] [32] Also in 2000, Hemenway and his colleagues conducted a small survey that found that guns in the home were used more often to intimidate family members (13 respondents) than in self-defense (2 respondents). The same study stated that its results suggested that most self-defense gun uses did not occur in the home, and that non-gun weapons are used more often to thwart crime than guns are. [33] A later survey by Hemenway et al. that included 5,800 California adolescents found that about 0.3% of these adolescents reported having used a gun in self-defense, whereas, in the same study, 4% of those adolescents reported that someone had threatened them with a gun. [34] In a 2015 study co-authored with Sara Solnick, Hemenway analyzed data from the NCVS from 2007 to 2011 and identified only 127 instances of DGU. [35]

Other

A study published in 2013 by the Violence Policy Center, using five years of nationwide statistics (2007-2011) compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation estimated that defensive gun uses occur an average of 67,740 times per year. [36] In their 2017 update, the FBI reported that guns were used in 35 criminal homicides for every defensive ("justifiable") homicide. [37]

A 2004 study surveyed the records of a Phoenix, Arizona newspaper, as well as police and court records, and found a total of 3 instances of defensive gun use over a 3.5 month period. In contrast, Kleck and Gertz's study would predict that the police should have noticed more than 98 DGU killings or woundings and 236 DGU firings at adversaries during this time. [38]

A 1995 study led by Arthur Kellermann, which examined 198 home invasion crimes in Atlanta, Georgia, found that in only 3 of these cases did victims use guns for self-protection. Of these three, none were injured, but one lost property. The authors concluded that "Although firearms are often kept in the home for protection, they are rarely used for this purpose." [39]

A follow-up study in 1998 by Arthur Kellermann analyzed 626 shootings in three cities. The study found that "For every time a gun in the home was used in a self-defense or legally justifiable shooting, there were four unintentional shootings, seven criminal assaults or homicides, and 11 attempted or completed suicides." [40]

The Gun Violence Archive, which uses a methodology of counting incidents reported and verified by law enforcement or media, reports substantially lower numbers of defensive gun use in the US than studies based on polls. 1,980 and 2,043 incidents were reported and verified in 2016 and 2017, respectively. [41]

An interactive visualization of recent defensive gun use instances starting in 2019 is being tracked by The Heritage Foundation's Defensive Gun Uses in the U.S. Data points include date, location (city/state), context (e.g. home invasion, domestic violence, etc.), whether the gun owner held a concealed carry permit, whether multiple assailants were present, whether shots were fired, type of firearm used for defense, and miscellaneous details.

Benefits

The same data indicating that DGU against criminals is uncommon also indicates that it is often effective. [42]

A 2002 study looking at instances of DGU where convicted offenders were the defenders found that DGUs "are not likely to provide similar social benefits, implying that prevalence estimates may not simultaneously estimate social benefits." [43] Another study published the same year found that DGU is an effective deterrent against injury for some groups of people, but not others; notable groups for whom DGU did not provide benefits in this study included women, people living in rural areas, and those living in low-income homes. [44] A 2009 study reported that gun owners were more likely to be shot in an assault than were non-gun owners, and concluded that the chances of DGU being successful for residents of urban areas may be low. [45] Another 2009 study of NCVS data found that DGU was "most often effective at helping the victim" in the contexts in which it occurred, with an average of 92% of victims reporting that their DGU had been beneficial for them. [46] A 2013 National Research Council report found that studies looking at the effectiveness of different self-protective strategies had consistently found that victims who used guns defensively had lower injury rates than did victims who used other strategies. [47] A 2015 study by Solnick and Hemenway which analyzed NCVS data reported "little evidence that [DGU] is uniquely beneficial in reducing the likelihood of injury or property loss." [35]

Predictors of defensive gun use

Individuals who use guns defensively tend not to have extremely punitive attitudes toward criminals, but people with punitive attitudes may be somewhat more likely to own guns, and, thus, to use them defensively. [48] A 2009 study found no support for the "Southern culture of honor" hypothesis, in that no significant relationship was seen between living in the Southern United States and defensive gun use. [49]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gun control</span> Laws or policies that regulate firearms

Gun control, or firearms regulation, is the set of laws or policies that regulate the manufacture, sale, transfer, possession, modification, or use of firearms by civilians.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">John Lott</span> American economist, political commentator, and gun rights advocate

John Richard Lott Jr. is an American economist, political commentator, and gun rights advocate. Lott was formerly employed at various academic institutions and at the American Enterprise Institute conservative think tank. He is the former president of the Crime Prevention Research Center, a nonprofit he founded in 2013. He worked in the Office of Justice Programs within the U.S. Department of Justice under the Donald Trump administration from October 2020 to January 2021. Lott holds a Ph.D. in economics from UCLA.

<i>More Guns, Less Crime</i> 1998 non-fiction book by John Lott

More Guns, Less Crime is a book by John R. Lott Jr. that says violent crime rates go down when states pass "shall issue" concealed carry laws. He presents the results of his statistical analysis of crime data for every county in the United States during 29 years from 1977 to 2005. Each edition of the book was refereed by the University of Chicago Press. As of 2019, the book is no longer published by the University of Chicago Press. The book examines city, county and state level data from the entire United States and measures the impact of 13 different types of gun control laws on crime rates. The book expands on an earlier study published in 1997 by Lott and his co-author David Mustard in The Journal of Legal Studies and by Lott and his co-author John Whitley in The Journal of Law and Economics, October 2001.

The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), administered by the US Census Bureau under the Department of Commerce, is a national survey of approximately 49,000 to 150,000 households - with approximately 240,000 persons aged 12 or older - twice a year in the United States, on the frequency of crime victimization, as well as characteristics and consequences of victimization. The survey focuses on gathering information on the following crimes: assault, burglary, larceny, motor vehicle theft, rape, and robbery. The survey results are used for the purposes of building a crime index. It has been used in comparison with the Uniform Crime Reports and the National Incident-Based Reporting System to assess the dark figure of crime. The NCVS survey is comparable to the British Crime Survey conducted in the United Kingdom.

A violent crime, violent felony, crime of violence or crime of a violent nature is a crime in which an offender or perpetrator uses or threatens to use harmful force upon a victim. This entails both crimes in which the violent act is the objective, such as murder, assault, rape and assassination, as well as crimes in which violence is used as a method of coercion or show of force, such as robbery, extortion and terrorism. Violent crimes may, or may not, be committed with weapons. Depending on the jurisdiction, violent crimes may be regarded with varying severities from homicide to harassment. There have been many theories regarding heat being the cause of an increase in violent crime. Theorists claim that violent crime is persistent during the summer due to the heat, further causing people to become aggressive and commit more violent crime.

Gary Kleck is a criminologist and the David J. Bordua Professor Emeritus of Criminology at Florida State University.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Carjacking</span> Crime of stealing a car from a victim by force

Carjacking is a robbery in which a motor vehicle is taken over. In contrast to car theft, carjacking is usually in the presence and knowledge of the victim. A common crime in many places in the world, carjacking has been the subject of legislative responses, criminology studies, and prevention efforts. Commercial vehicles such as trucks and armored cars containing valuable cargo are common targets of carjacking attempts. Carjacking usually involves physical violence to the victim, or using the victim as a hostage. In rare cases, carjacking may also involve sexual assault.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gun politics in the United States</span> Political concern

Gun politics is defined in the United States by two primary opposing ideologies concerning the private ownership of firearms. Those who advocate for gun control support increasingly restrictive regulation of gun ownership; those who advocate for gun rights oppose increased restriction, or support the liberalization of gun ownership. These groups typically disagree on the interpretation of the text, history and tradition of the laws and judicial opinions concerning gun ownership in the United States and the meaning of the Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. American gun politics involves these groups' further disagreement concerning the role of firearms in public safety, the studied effects of ownership of firearms on public health and safety, and the role of guns in national and state crime.

Concealed carry, or carrying a concealed weapon (CCW), is the practice of carrying a weapon in public in a concealed manner, either on one's person or in close proximity. CCW is often practiced as a means of self-defense. Following the Supreme Court's NYSRPA v. Bruen (2022) decision, all states in the United States were required to allow for concealed carry of a handgun either permitlessly or with a permit, although the difficulty in obtaining a permit varies per jurisdiction.

In the United States, the relationship between race and crime has been a topic of public controversy and scholarly debate for more than a century. Crime rates vary significantly between racial groups; however, academic research indicates that the over-representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors, such as poverty, exposure to poor neighborhoods, poor access to public and early education, and exposure to harmful chemicals and pollution. Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates, as blacks have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low-crime areas through actions of the government and private actors. Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates, including conflict theory, strain theory, general strain theory, social disorganization theory, macrostructural opportunity theory, social control theory, and subcultural theory.

Crime has been recorded in the United States since its founding and has fluctuated significantly over time, with a sharp rise after 1900 and reaching a broad bulging peak between the 1970s and early 1990s. After 1992, crime rates have generally trended downwards each year, with the exceptions of a slight increase in property crimes in 2001 and increases in violent crimes in 2005-2006, 2014-2016 and 2020-2021. While official federal crime data beginning in 2021 has a wide margin of error due to the incomplete adoption of the National Incident-Based Reporting System by government agencies, federal data for 2020-2021 and limited data from select U.S. cities collected by the nonpartisan Council on Criminal Justice showed significantly elevated rates of homicide and motor vehicle theft in 2020-2022. Although overall crime rates have fallen far below the peak of crime seen in the United States during the late 1980s and early 1990s, the homicide rate in the U.S. has remained high, relative to other "high income"/developed nations, with eight major U.S. cities ranked among the 50 cities with the highest homicide rate in the world in 2022. The aggregate cost of crime in the United States is significant, with an estimated value of $4.9 trillion reported in 2021. Data from the first half of 2023, from government and private sector sources show that the murder rate has dropped, as much as 12% in as many as 90 cities across the United States. The drop in homicide rates is not uniform across the country however, with some cities such as Memphis, TN, showing an uptick in murder rates.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gun violence in the United States</span> Phenomenon of gun violence in the United States

Gun violence is a term of political, economic and sociological interest referring to the tens of thousands of annual firearms-related deaths and injuries occurring in the United States. In 2022, up to 100 daily fatalities and hundreds of daily injuries were attributable to gun violence in the United States. In 2018, the most recent year for which data are available, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC) National Center for Health Statistics reported 38,390 deaths by firearm, of which 24,432 were suicides. The national rate of firearm deaths rose from 10.3 people for every 100,000 in 1999 to 11.9 people per 100,000 in 2018, equating to over 109 daily deaths. In 2010, there were 19,392 firearm-related suicides, and 11,078 firearm-related homicides in the U.S. In 2010, 358 murders were reported involving a rifle while 6,009 were reported involving a handgun; another 1,939 were reported with an unspecified type of firearm. In 2011, a total of 478,400 fatal and nonfatal violent crimes were committed with a firearm.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gun violence</span> Method of violence

Gun-related violence is violence committed with the use of a firearm. Gun-related violence may or may not be considered criminal. Criminal violence includes homicide, assault with a deadly weapon, and suicide, or attempted suicide, depending on jurisdiction. Non-criminal violence includes accidental or unintentional injury and death. Also generally included in gun violence statistics are military or para-military activities.

Quantitative methods provide the primary research methods for studying the distribution and causes of crime. Quantitative methods provide numerous ways to obtain data that are useful to many aspects of society. The use of quantitative methods such as survey research, field research, and evaluation research as well as others. The data can, and is often, used by criminologists and other social scientists in making causal statements about variables being researched.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gun ownership</span> Status of owning a firearm

In 2018, the Small Arms Survey reported that there are over one billion small arms distributed globally, of which 857 million are in civilian hands. The survey stated that American civilians account for an estimated 393 million of the worldwide total of civilian held firearms, or about 120.5 firearms for every 100 American residents.

Victimisation is the state or process of being victimised or becoming a victim. The field that studies the process, rates, incidence, effects, and prevalence of victimisation is called victimology.

The State of Texas is considered to have some of the most relaxed gun laws in the United States. Public concerns over gun control in Texas have increased in recent years as Mexican drug cartels continue to commit violent crimes closer to Texas' stretch of the Mexico–United States border. They have also increased due to the number of incidents, including misuse of firearms stolen from other sources.

Marvin Eugene Wolfgang was an American sociologist and criminologist.

David McDowall is an American criminologist and distinguished teaching professor in the School of Criminal Justice at University at Albany, SUNY, where he is also co-director of the Violence Research Group. Educated at Portland State University and Northwestern University, he taught at the University of Maryland, College Park from 1990 until joining the University at Albany in 1996. He has published a number of studies pertaining to gun violence in the United States.

Marc G. Gertz is an American criminologist and professor at the Florida State University College of Criminology and Criminal Justice. His research includes an influential 1995 survey he conducted with his Florida State University colleague, Gary Kleck, on the frequency of defensive gun use.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Harry L. Wilson, Guns, Gun Control, And Elections: The Politics And Policy of Firearms, ISBN   0742553485, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
  2. Hemenway, David; Nolan, Elizabeth P (2016-10-06). "The scientific agreement on firearm issues". Injury Prevention. 23 (4): 221–225. doi: 10.1136/injuryprev-2016-042146 . ISSN   1353-8047. PMID   27758830. S2CID   19523541.
  3. 1 2 3 Smith, Tom W. (1997). "A Call for a Truce in the DGU War". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (Northwestern). p. 1462.
  4. Otis Dudley Duncan, "Gun Use Surveys: In Numbers We Trust?" Archived 2015-09-23 at the Wayback Machine , Criminologist, v25 n1, Jan/Feb 2000.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Philip J. Cook and Jens Ludwig, "Guns in America: National Survey on Private Ownership and Use of Firearms", NIJ Research in Brief, May 1997.
  6. McDowall, David; Loftin, Colin; Presser, Stanley (2000). "Measuring Civilian Defensive Firearm Use: A Methodological Experiment". Journal of Quantitative Criminology. 16 (1): 1–19. doi:10.1023/A:1007588410221. S2CID   142791205.
  7. Committee on Law and Justice, Firearms and Violence: A Critical Review (2004) ISBN   0-309-09124-1, page 103.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 Kleck, Gary; Gertz, Marc (1995). "Armed Resistance to Crime: The Prevalence and Nature of Self-Defense with a Gun". J. Crim. L. & Criminology. 86 (1): 150–187. doi:10.2307/1144004. JSTOR   1144004.
  9. 1 2 "David Hemenway, Chance, Vol 10, No. 3, 1997" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-01-13. Retrieved 2015-02-25.
  10. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (Northwestern) 87 (1997): 1430.
  11. J.N. Schulman, Guns, Crimes and Self-defense, Orange County Reg., Sept. 19, 1993, at 3.
  12. Hemenway, David (1997). "Survey Research and Self-Defense Gun Use: An Explanation of Extreme Overestimates". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 87 (4): 1430–1445. doi:10.2307/1144020. JSTOR   1144020.
  13. 1 2 Cook, Philip J.; Ludwig, Jens; Hemenway, David (Summer 1997). "The gun debate's new mythical number: How many defensive uses per year?" (PDF). Journal of Policy Analysis and Management. 16 (3): 463–469. doi:10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(199722)16:3<463::AID-PAM6>3.0.CO;2-F. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-06-04. Retrieved 2016-01-24.
  14. Cook, Philip J.; Ludwig, Jens (May 1997). "Guns in America: National Survey on Private Ownership and Use of Firearms" (PDF). US Dept. of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, National Institute of Justice.
  15. Evan DeFilippis and Devin Hughes. "The Myth Behind Defensive Gun Ownership". POLITICO Magazine.
  16. Paul Barrett (27 December 2012). "How Often Do We Use Guns in Self-Defense?". Bloomberg Businessweek . Archived from the original on December 30, 2012.
  17. Kleck, G. and D. Kates (2001), Armed: New Perspectives on Gun Control, Chapter 6. N.Y.: Prometheus
  18. Kaufman, Michael T. (18 April 1998). "Marvin E. Wolfgang, 73, Dies; Leading Figure in Criminology". The New York Times. Retrieved 16 June 2016.
  19. Marvin E. Wolfgang, A Tribute to a View I Have Opposed, 86 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 188 (1995–1996) http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6854&context=jclc
  20. Cook, Philip J.; Ludwig, Jens (1998). "Defensive Gun Uses: New Evidence from a National Survey" (PDF). Journal of Quantitative Criminology. 14 (2): 122. doi:10.1023/A:1023077303928. S2CID   142912490 . Retrieved 2015-11-20.
  21. Morral, Andrew R. (2018). "The Science of Gun Policy". RAND Corporation. Retrieved 2018-03-19.
  22. McDowall, D; Wiersema, B (December 1994). "The incidence of defensive firearm use by US crime victims, 1987 through 1990". American Journal of Public Health. 84 (12): 1982–1984. doi:10.2105/AJPH.84.12.1982. PMC   1615397 . PMID   7998641.
  23. Rand, Michael R. (April 1994). "Guns and Crime: Handgun Victimization, Firearm Self Defense, and Firearm Theft". U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs,Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved 11 November 2012.
  24. Planty, Michael (May 2013). "Firearm Violence, 1993–2011" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics.
  25. Clayton Cramer and David Barnett, "Tough Targets: When Criminals Face Resistance From Citizens" CATO Institute, 2012, p.8
  26. Ludwig, Jens (2000). "Gun Self-Defense and Deterrence". Crime and Justice. 27: 363–417. doi:10.1086/652203. S2CID   142711326.
  27. Lott, Jr., John R. (1998-06-23). "Keep Guns out of Lawyers' Hands". The Wall Street Journal. p. 1.
  28. Lott, Jr., John R. (1998-12-01). "Cities Target Gun Makers in Bogus Lawsuits". Los Angeles Times . p. 7.
  29. McDowall, David (Summer 2005). "John R. Lott, Jr.'s Defensive Gun Brandishing Estimates". Public Opinion Quarterly . 69 (2): 246–263. doi:10.1093/poq/nfi015.
  30. 1 2 Discussion of different surveys on defensive gun use.
  31. 1 2 Hemenway, D (1 December 2000). "Gun use in the United States: results from two national surveys". Injury Prevention. 6 (4): 263–267. doi:10.1136/ip.6.4.263. PMC   1730664 . PMID   11144624.
  32. 1 2 Hemenway, D; Azrael, D (2000). "The relative frequency of offensive and defensive gun uses: results from a national survey". Violence and Victims. 15 (3): 257–72. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.15.3.257. PMID   11200101. S2CID   37512812.
  33. Azrael, Deborah; Hemenway, David (January 2000). "'In the safety of your own home': results from a national survey on gun use at home". Social Science & Medicine. 50 (2): 285–291. doi:10.1016/S0277-9536(99)00283-X. PMID   10619696.
  34. Hemenway, David; Miller, Matthew (1 April 2004). "Gun Threats Against and Self-defense Gun Use by California Adolescents". Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine. 158 (4): 395–400. doi:10.1001/archpedi.158.4.395. PMID   15066882.
  35. 1 2 Hemenway, D; Solnick, SJ (October 2015). "The epidemiology of self-defense gun use: evidence from the National Crime Victimization Surveys 2007–2011". Preventive Medicine. 79: 22–7. doi:10.1016/j.ypmed.2015.03.029. PMID   25910555.
  36. "Firearm Justifiable Homicides and Non-Fatal Self-Defense Gun Use" (PDF). Violence Policy Center. Retrieved 2014-10-29.
  37. https://vpc.org/revealing-the-impacts-of-gun-violence/self-defense-gun-use/
  38. Denton, JF; Fabricius, WV (April 2004). "Reality check: using newspapers, police reports, and court records to assess defensive gun use". Injury Prevention. 10 (2): 96–8. doi:10.1136/ip.2003.003947. PMC   1730063 . PMID   15066974.
  39. Kellermann, AL; Westphal, L; Fischer, L; Harvard, B (14 June 1995). "Weapon involvement in home invasion crimes". JAMA. 273 (22): 1759–62. doi:10.1001/jama.1995.03520460041032. PMID   7769769.
  40. Kellermann, AL; Somes, G; Rivara, FP; Lee, RK; Banton, JG (Aug 1998). "Injuries and deaths due to firearms in the home". Journal of Trauma and Acute Care Surgery. 45 (2): 263–7. doi:10.1097/00005373-199808000-00010. PMID   9715182.
  41. "Past Summary Ledgers". Gun Violence Archive. Retrieved 1 March 2018.
  42. McDOWALL, D. (1 May 1995). "Firearms and Self-Defense". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 539 (1): 130–140. doi:10.1177/0002716295539001010. S2CID   145211187.
  43. Wells, William (1 March 2002). "The nature and circumstances of defensive gun use: A content analysis of interpersonal conflict situations involving criminal offenders". Justice Quarterly. 19 (1): 127–157. doi:10.1080/07418820200095191. S2CID   144199994.
  44. Schnebly, Stephen M. (June 2002). "An examination of the impact of victim, offender, and situational attributes on the deterrent effect of defensive gun use: A research note". Justice Quarterly. 19 (2): 377–398. doi:10.1080/07418820200095281. S2CID   145057367.
  45. Branas, Charles C.; Richmond, Therese S.; Culhane, Dennis P.; Ten Have, Thomas R.; Wiebe, Douglas J. (November 2009). "Investigating the Link Between Gun Possession and Gun Assault". American Journal of Public Health. 99 (11): 2034–2040. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2008.143099. PMC   2759797 . PMID   19762675.
  46. Hart, T. C.; Miethe, T. D. (1 February 2009). "Self-Defensive Gun Use by Crime Victims: A Conjunctive Analysis of Its Situational Contexts". Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice. 25 (1): 6–19. doi:10.1177/1043986208328164. S2CID   144883485.
  47. National Research Council (2013). Priorities for Research to Reduce the Threat of Firearm-Related Violence. National Academy of Sciences. pp. 15–16. doi:10.17226/18319. ISBN   978-0-309-28438-7 . Retrieved 6 April 2016.
  48. Kovandzic, Tomislav; Gertz, Gary Kleck Marc (May 1998). "Defensive gun use: vengeful vigilante imagery versus reality: results from the national self-defense survey". Journal of Criminal Justice. 26 (3): 251–258. doi:10.1016/S0047-2352(97)00077-9.
  49. Copes, H.; Kovandzic, T. V.; Miller, J. M.; Williamson, L. (12 August 2009). "The Lost Cause? Examining the Southern Culture of Honor Through Defensive Gun Use". Crime & Delinquency. 60 (3): 356–378. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.1014.2796 . doi:10.1177/0011128709343145. S2CID   145139421.