Israel and the United States maintain a close military relationship. Israeli and American flags fly as Secretary of DefenseRobert M. Gates arrives in Tel Aviv, Israel, April 18, 2007.
Military relations between Israel and the United States have been extremely close,[1] reflecting shared security interests in the Middle East.[2][3] Israel is designated as a major non-NATO ally by the U.S. government. A major purchaser and user of U.S. military equipment, Israel is also involved in the joint development of military technology and it regularly engages in joint military exercises with United States and other forces.[2][3] The relationship has deepened gradually over time, though, as Alan Dowty puts it, it was "not a simple linear process of growing cooperation, but rather a series of tendentious bargaining situations with different strategic and political components in each."[4]
Until February 2022, the United States had provided Israel US$ 150 billion (non-inflation-adjusted) in bilateral assistance.[5] In 1999, the US government signed a Memorandum of Understanding through which it committed to providing Israel with at least US$2.67 billion in military aid annually, for the following ten years; in 2009, the annual amount was raised to US$3 billion; and in 2019, the amount was raised again, now standing at a minimum of US$3.8 billion that the US is committed to providing Israel each year.[5]
In addition, the only foreign military installations on Israeli soil are US bases, including an AN/TPY-2 early missile warning radar station on Mt. Keren.[6]
Overview
American soldiers firing an Israeli-made M120 mortar in Iraq
Following the Second World War, the “new postwar era witnessed an intensive involvement of the United States in the political and economic affairs of the Middle East, in contrast to the hands-off attitude characteristic of the prewar period. "[U]nder Truman the United States had to face and define its policy in all three sectors that provided the root causes of American interests in the region: the Soviet threat, the birth of Israel, and petroleum.”[7]
During the first twenty years following Israel's independence, United States policy in the Middle East was driven by two major policy concerns: The prevention of an arms race in the Near East,[8] and the prevention of the spread of Soviet influence. The Truman Administration promulgated the Tripartite Declaration of 1950 for these reasons, as well as to guarantee the territorial status quo determined by 1949 Armistice Agreements. Israel's main military patron at the time was France, which supported Israel by providing it with advanced military equipment and technology, such as the Dassault Mystèrefighter-bomber aircraft. Initially, the U.S. government resisted pressure by Israel and Arab countries in the region to sell them advanced weapons. In response to the supply of advanced fighter aircraft by the USSR to Iraq and the United Arab Republic, the U.S. government agreed to sell MIM-23 Hawk anti-aircraft missiles to Israel in 1962, as a "specific action designed to meet a specific situation" which "by no means constitutes change in U.S. policy in the area.". The Hawk system was approved on the grounds that it was a "purely defensive" weapon.[8] Later, when Jordan threatened to turn to the USSR for weapons, the U.S. agreed to sell tanks and jet aircraft to Jordan in order to prevent the spread of Soviet influence, and in return, agreed to sell similar systems to Israel.[9]
During the early 1960s, the U.S. government sought to establish a regional arms limitation agreement in the Middle East. The initiative lost steam in early 1965 after it was disclosed that the U.S. had been indirectly supplying weapons to Israel via West Germany since 1962, under the terms of a 1960 secret agreement to supply Israel with $80 million worth of armaments. The remainder of the agreement was fulfilled publicly, following its disclosure by the U.S., with Israel receiving shipments of M48 Patton tanks in 1965 and A-4E Skyhawk attack aircraft in 1968.[10]
An Israeli-built IAI Kfir used by the United States Navy. Israel leased 25 modified Kfirs to the United States from 1985 to 1989.
U.S. policy changed markedly after the Six-Day War of 1967, in response to a perception that many Arab states (notably Egypt) had permanently drifted toward the Soviet Union. In 1968, with strong support from Congress, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson approved the sale of F-4 Phantom II fighters to Israel, establishing the precedent for U.S. support for Israel's qualitative military edge over its neighbors. The U.S., however, would continue to supply arms to Israel's neighbors, particularly Lebanon, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, in order to counter Soviet arms sales and influence in the region.[citation needed]
During the Yom Kippur War in 1973, the U.S. mounted a major airlift codenamed Operation Nickel Grass to deliver weapons and supplies to Israel. Over 22,000 tons of tanks, artillery, ammunition, and other materiel were delivered to aid the Israeli military in response to a large-scale Soviet resupply effort of the Arab states. The operation was paralleled by a large-scale sealift of some 33,000 tons of materiel and the transfer of 40 F-4 Phantoms, 36 A-4 Skyhawks and twelve C-130 Hercules transport aircraft to replace Israeli war losses.[11]
Bilateral military cooperation deepened under the Ronald Reagan administration in the 1980s. In 1981, U.S. Secretary of DefenseCaspar Weinberger and Israeli Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon signed the Strategic Cooperation Agreement, establishing a framework for continued consultation and cooperation to enhance the national security of both countries. In November 1983, the two sides formed a Joint Political Military Group, which still meets twice a year, to implement most provisions of the MOU.[12] Joint air and sea military exercises began in June 1984, and the United States has constructed facilities to stockpile military equipment in Israel.
In 1987, the United States granted Israel the status of major non-NATO ally, enabling it to compete equally with NATO and other US allies for contracts and purchase advanced US weapons systems. Israel became the largest recipient of United States military aid in the world (see military aid and procurement below).[3] In 1988, Reagan and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir signed a memorandum of understanding to formalize and perpetuate the work of the bilateral US-Israel military, security and economic working groups.[12]
In an effort to prevent Israel from retaliating against IraqiSS-1 Scud missile attacks during the Persian Gulf war of 1991, and thereby breaking up the US-Arab coalition, the US dispatched MIM-104 Patriot surface-to-air missile batteries to Israel. The effort met with very limited success, with less than 10% and perhaps as few as none of the Scuds fired against Israel intercepted successfully.[13]
Under the Bill Clinton administration in the 1990s, the US government made efforts to bolster the Israeli government's military edge by allowing it to purchase $700m of the latest U.S. military equipment, including advanced fighters, attack helicopters and the Joint Direct Attack Munition system. A series of major joint military technology development projects was also instituted.[2]
Further extensive military cooperation took place under the George W. Bush administration, with Israel placing major orders for F-16I multirole fighters. During the 2006 Lebanon War, the United States provided a major resupply of jet fuel and precision-guided munition to replenish depleted Israeli stocks.[2]
The United States and Israel cooperate closely in a number of areas of military activity. The U.S. underwrites some of Israel's research and development of weapons, and has contributed significant amounts of money to Israeli defense projects such as the Merkava main battle tank and the IAI Lavi ground-attack aircraft. Israel is a participant in the F-35 Lightning II fighter development program and was offered access to the F-22 Raptor program, though it turned this down due to the high costs.[3]
The U.S. and Israel also cooperate jointly on a number of technology development programs, notably the Arrow missile system and the Tactical High Energy Laser (also known as Nautilus).[3] The two countries carry out regular exercises together, including carrying out biennial exercises codenamed Juniper Cobra intended to test interoperability between the two militaries. In addition, the Israeli port of Haifa is the main port of call in the eastern Mediterranean for the United States Sixth Fleet, and Israel provides other logistical and maintenance support for U.S. forces in the region.[2] The two countries also share intelligence and maintain a joint anti-terrorist working group,[3] and in April 2007 their air forces committed to share information about mutually relevant procurements.[14]
The United States has stored military equipment in Israel since the early 1990s and may store additional equipment in Israel when withdrawing from Iraq.[15]
Currently the only active foreign military installations on Israeli soil are American bases, including an AN/TPY-2 early missile warning radar station on Mt. Keren.[6]
War Reserves Stock Allies-Israel also known as War Reserve Stockpile Ammunition-Israel or simply WRSA-I was established in the 1990s and is maintained by the United States European Command.[16] It is one of the United States' biggest War Reserves, located within Israel.[17] Initially the WRSA-I stock had $100 million worth of reserves;[18] however, prior to Operation Protective Edge the WRSA-I had nearly $1 billion worth of reserves,[19] with an authorization to increase this to $1.2 billion.[20] In 2014 with the passing of the 2014 United States—Israel Strategic Partnership Act, the US agreed to increase the stock to $1.8 billion.[21]
The stock includes ammunition, smart bombs, missiles, military vehicles and a military hospital with 500 beds. These supplies are situated in six different locations throughout Israel.[22] If needed, Israel could request to access the WRSA-I stock, but it would need to be approved by the US congress.[23] During Operation Protective Edge, the US authorized Israel to access 120mm mortar rounds and 40mm grenade launcher ammunition.[17] These munitions were part of a set of older items in the stock, and were due to be replaced soon.[24]
In October 2012, the United States and Israel began their biggest joint air and missile defense exercise, known as Austere Challenge 12, involving around 3,500 U.S. troops in the region along with 1,000 IDF personnel.[25] Germany and Britain also participated.[26]
Controversies
The close military relationship between the U.S. and Israel has engendered a number of controversies over the years. Operation Nickel Grass—the U.S. resupply effort during the Yom Kippur War—led to retaliation by the Arab states, as OAPEC members declared a complete oil embargo on the United States, provoking the 1973 oil crisis.
The United States stipulates that U.S. military equipment provided through the FMS program can be used only for internal security or defensive purposes. Consequently, after allegations were made that Israel had used cluster bombs for offensive purposes during the 1982 Lebanon War, the United States suspended shipments of cluster bombs to Israel.[27] Similar allegations were made regarding Israeli use of weapons supplied by the U.S. in the course of the 2006 Lebanon War and the Palestinian intifadas.[28]
American use of its military aid for political pressure on Israel, as well as the economic and strategic restrictions attached to it, has made some Israelis question the value of American military aid. Israeli columnist Caroline Glick has argued that Israel's interests may be best served by ending the military assistance, and urged her government to initiate a conversation on cutting back on the assistance package.[29] Former Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Arens also opposes continued US aid, arguing that Israel no longer needs it. Several Israeli political parties, including National Union, oppose the aid and propose a gradual reduction in dependency on it.
The Kirk-Menendez-Schumer bill would for the first time commit the United States to provide "diplomatic, military and economic" support for offensive actions by Israel.[30]
In January 2014, it was reported that Israel and the United States had been quietly discussing the prospect of ending US aid, with representatives from both countries agreeing at bilateral meetings that Israel no longer needs US military aid. According to Daniel C. Kurtzer, a former US ambassador to Israel, "we may be reaching a point that after discussion of how to assure the security and intelligence cooperation, we can actually phase out the security assistance".[31]
Following the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, when the United States temporarily suspended arms shipments to Israel, Israel reportedly reassessed its views on US aid, particularly on the view that it could always depend on a US resupply during wartime, and initiated new weapons projects to reduce its dependence on US weapons in favor of locally-made ones.[32]
US foreign assistance obligations to Israel by type, 1951-2022.Total US foreign aid to Israel compared to other countries. 1946-2022.Israeli (left) and American (right) generals meet in Tel Aviv in 2019
Since 1987, the U.S. has provided an average of $1.8 billion annually in the form of Foreign Military Sales (FMS), Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and funds to support research and development.[2] A bilateral memorandum of understanding was signed in January 2001, at the end of the Clinton administration, under which defense aid was increased to $2.4 billion annually from $1.8 billion, while the $1.2 billion of economic aid would be eliminated. This was predicated on the basis of the defense aid being increased by $60 million per year until the full amount was reached in 2008, while the economic aid is decreased by $120 million per year until eliminated.[3][44] In 2007, the United States increased its military aid to Israel by over 25%, to an average of $3 billion per year for the following ten-year period (starting at $2.550 billion for 2008, growing by $150 million each year).[45] The package started in October 2008, when regular aid to Israel's economy ended.[46] Officials have insisted the aid is not tied, or meant to balance, simultaneous American plans to sell $20 billion worth of sophisticated arms to its Arab allies in the region, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia.[46] Former U.S. President George W. Bush assured Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert that the U.S. would help keep a "qualitative advantage" to Israel over other nations in the region.[45]
The United States is the largest single supplier of military equipment to Israel. According to the U.S. Congressional Research Service, between 1998–2005 the U.S. accounted for the vast majority of Israel's arms transfer agreements, accounting for $9.1 billion out of $9.5 billion worth of agreements.[47] Israel deals directly with U.S. companies for the vast majority of its military purchases from the United States, though it requires permission from the U.S. government for specific purchases. Permission is not always automatic; for instance, in March 2000 it became known that the Israeli government had been refused permission to purchase BGM-109 Tomahawk missiles.[3]
Israel has the world's largest F-16 fleet outside the United States Air Force. With the delivery of 102 F-16Is, scheduled through 2008, the Israeli Air Force will have a total F-16 inventory of 362, in addition to 106 F-15s.[48]
In December 2016, the United States delivered the first two F-35 “Adir” stealth fighter planes, a version of the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II, arrived to Israel, the first of its kind in the Middle East. In April 2017, the United States delivered an additional three to total five F-35 stealth fighters now operated under the Israeli Air Force [49] Israel was the first country outside of the United States to receive the F-35 and is expecting to receive a total of 50 over the coming years, achieving two full squadrons by 2022. This delivery is due to the strong partnership that the two countries had in the manufacturing of the fighter jet. Israeli technology, aerospace and defense companies played a pivotal role in the technological innovation giving the plane its immense capabilities. Eventually, Israel hopes to further accommodate its air force with the F-35B STOVL. Recent US Tomahawk strikes into Syria demonstrate that fixed airfields could easily be destroyed or temporarily be made unavailable. The F35B-model has both short take off and vertical landing capability, making it a strong threat in such a small region with constant warfare.[50]
In 2023, The State Department approved the sale of $320 million worth of guided bomb equipment to Israel.[51][52] In October 2023, President Joe Biden called on Congress to pass $14.3billion in emergency military aid to Israel in its war with Hamas.[53] On March 30, 2024, the Biden administration authorized $2.5 billion in weapons transfers to Israel.[54] On April 24, 2024, Biden signed a $95 billion security package which included around $17 billion in military aid for Israel.[55] In June 2024, the United States officially signed a Letter of Offer and Acceptance, allowing Israel to purchase 25 additional Lockheed Martin F-35 stealth fighter jets for $3 billion dollars.[56]
On 9 August 2024, the Department of State said the United States would send Israel an additional $3.5 billion to spend on US-made weapons and military equipment.[57] On 13 August 2024, the Department of State announced that the U.S. had approved a $20 billion weapons package sale to Israel, which included fighter jets and advanced air-to-air missiles.[58]
On Sunday, October 20, 2024, U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson confirmed the release of classified documents detailing Israel's plans to attack Iran, describing the revelations as "deeply troubling". The documents pertain to the US Geospatial-Intelligence Agency and the National Security Agency. They are reminiscent of the Pentagon Papers and are classified under the National Security Community classification system. These documents contained titles regarding Israel's preparations to attack Iran, as well as the supply of ammunition and drone operations. The disclosure of these documents reveals the direct involvement of the United States and its close allies in Israel's potential attack on Iran.[59]
ESF – Economic Support Fund (open-ended monetary assistance that can be used to offset military spending and arms purchases, as well as for non-military purposes)
Supplementals are special one-time grants meant as a complement to already allocated aid
NADR-ATA – Nonproliferation, Anti-Terrorism, Demining & Related Programs
Source: "Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations," Fiscal Years 2001–2007.[60]
This is not a comprehensive list. In addition to indigenously developed military equipment, Israel has made a number of procurements from the United States in recent years, including systems procured directly from US manufacturers and ex-US Forces equipment. The Israel Defense Forces also makes use of US military systems not necessarily procured directly from the US. The list below includes US-made weapon systems paid for from funding provided by the US, by Israel alone, or by a combination of funding from both nations. All data is from Jane'sSentinel Eastern Mediterranean 2007[3] unless otherwise stated.
In November 1947, while the United Nations was debating the partition of Palestine, the Truman administration imposed an arms embargo on all sides in Palestine. Following Israel's establishment in May 1948, the Truman administration continued its arms embargo against Israel.[66] Kennedy ended the arms embargo that the Eisenhower and Truman administrations had enforced on Israel. Describing the protection of Israel as a moral and national commitment, he was the first to introduce the concept of a 'special relationship' (as he described it to Golda Meir) between the U.S. and Israel.[67]
Throughout 2009, the Jewish Institute for National Security of America reported Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tried to conceal that Obama had imposed a virtual arms embargo on Israel. Obama blocked all major Israeli weapons requests, including key projects and upgrades, linking arms sales to progress in the peace process.[68]
Prior to October 7, 2023, concerns centered mainly around Israel's occupation of the West Bank, continued settlement expansion, and evidence of human rights abuses by the Israeli military in the occupied territories. A 2020 poll by J Street, a liberal Jewish lobby group, found that 57 percent of American Jews want to limit military aid to Israel to ensure it cannot pay for annexation.[69] A report by ProPublica found the U.S. State Department had ignored reports about potential human rights violations by the Israeli army to continue weapons transfers to Israel.[70]
The Saudi Arabian Armed Forces (SAAF), also known as the Royal Saudi Armed Forces, is part of the military forces of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It consists of the Royal Saudi Army, the Royal Saudi Navy, the Royal Saudi Air Force, the Royal Saudi Air Defense, and the Royal Saudi Strategic Missile Force. The King of Saudi Arabia is the commander-in-chief of all the military forces and forms military policy with the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Interior. The five Armed Forces are among eight military forces of Saudi Arabia, with the others including the Royal Saudi National Guard, the Royal Saudi Guard Regiment and the Royal Saudi Border Guards.
The Israeli Air Force operates as the aerial and space warfare branch of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). It was founded on May 28, 1948, shortly after the Israeli Declaration of Independence. As of April 2022, Aluf Tomer Bar has been serving as the Air Force commander.
The Rafael Python (פיתון) is a family of air-to-air missiles (AAMs) built by the Israeli weapons manufacturer Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, formerly RAFAEL Armament Development Authority. Originally starting with the Shafrir series, the Shafrir-1 missile was developed in 1959, followed by the Shafrir-2 in early 1970s. Subsequently, the missiles were given the western name of "Python" by the parent company for export purposes, starting with the Python-3 in 1978. Since then, it has been further developed and evolved into the Python-4, Python-5, Derby and also, the SPYDER, an advanced ground-based air-defence system. Currently, the missiles are in service with the armed forces of over fifteen countries from around the world.
The Douglas A-4 Skyhawk is a single-seat subsonic carrier-capable light attack aircraft designed and produced by the American aerospace manufacturer Douglas Aircraft Company, and later, McDonnell Douglas. It was originally designated A4D under the United States Navy's pre-1962 designation system.
The United States was the first country to recognize the nascent State of Israel on May 14, 1948. Since the 1960s, the Israel–U.S. relationship has grown into a mutually beneficial alliance in economic, strategic and military aspects. The U.S. has provided strong support for Israel: it has played a key role in the promotion of good relations between Israel and its neighbouring Arab states—notably Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt—while holding off hostility from countries such as Syria and Iran. In turn, Israel provides a strategic American foothold in the region as well as intelligence and advanced technological partnerships in both the civilian and military worlds. During the Cold War, Israel was a vital counterweight to Soviet influence in the region. Relations with Israel are an important factor in the U.S. government's overall foreign policy in the Middle East; the U.S. Congress has placed considerable importance on the maintenance of a supportive relationship. The relationship has been marked by the strong influence of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), a pro-Israel lobby which has its own political action committee (PAC); it has been called one of the most powerful lobbying groups in the United States.
The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs (PM) is an agency within the United States Department of State that bridges the Department of State with the Department of Defense. It provides policy in the areas of international security, security assistance, military operations, defense strategy and policy, military use of space, and defense trade. It is headed by the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs.
The support by France was an important element to strengthen Iraq for the Iran–Iraq War. Starting in roughly 1975, leading up to the Iran–Iraq War, as well as the war itself, the greatest amount of military equipment came to Iraq from the Soviet Union, but France was probably second, and generally provided higher-technology equipment than the Soviets.
The policy of the Soviet Union towards the Iran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988 varied, beginning with a stance of "strict neutrality" and moving towards massive military support for Iraq in the final phase of the war. The war was inconvenient for the USSR, which had aimed to ally itself with both Iran and Iraq. In the first period of the war, the Soviets declared a policy of "strict neutrality" towards the two countries, at the same time urging a negotiated peace. Iraq had been an ally for decades and the Soviets had tried to win over Iran as well, but their offers of friendship were rebuffed by both the pro-Western Shah and the Ayatollah of Iran. After the Iranian revolution, the Islamic Republic established its slogan as "neither East nor West." In 1982, the war turned in Iran's favor and the Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini pledged not to stop the conflict until he had overthrown the Iraqi president Saddam Hussein. Such a prospect was unacceptable to the Soviet Union, which now resumed arms sales to Iraq while still maintaining an official policy of neutrality. The Soviets also feared losing Saddam's friendship with the West. After further Iranian gains in 1986, the Soviet Union massively increased its military aid to Iraq. The Soviets were now afraid of the Iranians encouraging Islamic revolution in Central Asia. Soviet aid allowed the Iraqis to mount a counteroffensive which brought the war to an end in August 1988.
The United StatesForeign Military Financing (FMF) program provides grants and loans to friendly foreign governments to fund the purchase of American weapons, defense equipment, services and training. The program was established through the 1976 Arms Export Control Act and is overseen by the Office of Security Assistance within the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs of the United States Department of State and executed by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) of the United States Department of Defense. The program's stated aims are to promote U.S. interests by "ensuring coalition partners and friendly partner governments are equipped and trained to pursue common security objectives by contributing to regional and global stability, strengthening military support for democratically-elected governments, fighting the War on Terror, and containing other transnational threats including trafficking in narcotics, weapons and persons."
Foreign Military Sales (FMS) is a security assistance program of the United States government to facilitate the purchase of U.S. arms, defense equipment, design and construction services, and military training to foreign governments. FMS is a government-to-government program where the United States Department of Defense through the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) acquires defense articles on behalf of the foreign governments, protecting them from contract risks in negotiating with the arms industry and providing the contract benefits and protections that apply to U.S. military acquisitions. The FMS program was established through the 1976 Arms Export Control Act (AECA) and is overseen by the United States Department of State and the United States Congress through the annual Foreign Operations Appropriations Acts and National Defense Authorization Acts.
The GBU-39/B Small Diameter Bomb (SDB) is a 250-pound (110 kg) precision-guided glide bomb that is intended to allow aircraft to carry a greater number of smaller, more accurate bombs. Most US Air Force aircraft will be able to carry a pack of four SDBs in place of a single 2,000-pound (910 kg) Mark 84 bomb. It first entered service in 2006. The Ground Launched Small Diameter Bomb (GLSDB) was later developed to enable the SDB to be launched from a variety of ground launchers and configurations.
The History of the Israel Air Force begins in May 1948, shortly after the formation of the State of Israel. Following Israel's declaration of independence on May 14, its pre-state national institutions transformed into the agencies of a state, and on May 26, 1948, the Israeli Air Force was formed. Beginning with a small collection of light aircraft, the force soon transformed into a comprehensive fighting force. It has since participated in several wars and numerous engagements, becoming what has been described as "The mightiest air force in the Middle East".
Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II Israeli procurement is the result of an agreement for the government of Israel to procure the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II for the Israeli Air Force as the F-35I "Adir". The first nine F-35s became operational with the Israeli Air Force in December 2017.
The defense industry of Israel is a strategically important sector and a large employer, as well as a major supplier of the Israel Defense Forces. The country is a large exporter of military equipment, accounting for 2.1% of the world total in 2024. Three Israeli companies were listed on the 2022 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute index of the world's top 100 arms-producing and military service companies: Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries and RAFAEL. It is also a major player in the global arms market with a 2.3% share of the global exports of major arms as of 2023. Total arms transfer agreements topped $12.9 billion between 2004 and 2011. There are over 150 active defense companies based in the country with combined revenues of more than $3.5 billion annually. Israeli defense equipment exports reached $7 billion in 2012, making it a 20 percent increase from the amount of defense-related exports in 2011. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine, arms exports reached $12.5 billion in 2022. Much of the exports are sold to the United States and Europe. Other major regions that purchase Israeli defense equipment include Southeast Asia and Latin America. India is also major country for Israeli arms exports and has remained Israel's largest arms market in the world.
Following the 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel and outbreak of the Israel–Hamas war, the United States began to send warships and military aircraft into the Eastern Mediterranean and began sending Israel more military supplies. The Joe Biden administration stated that Israel would receive "whatever it needs" to support its offensive against the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip.
Israel has been accused of committing genocide in the Israel–Hamas war, and the United States has been accused of complicity in the Gaza genocide. The complicity accusation has been made in court, by federal staffers, human rights organizations and academic figures around the world. The US has also been accused of enabling the Gaza Strip famine.
Although Israel is one of the world's major exporters of military equipment, its military relies heavily on imported aircraft, guided bombs, and missiles to carry out what experts have defined as one of the most intense and destructive airstrikes in recent history.
Since 7 October 2023, several countries such as Italy, Japan, Spain, Canada, the Netherlands and Belgium have ceased the sale of weapons to Israel. Key U.S. allies such as Britain and France are debating it. However the United States and Germany as the major suppliers of Israel's arms imports keep supplying lethal weapons in spite of growing criticism of the mounting civilian casualties.
References
↑ Gregory S. Mahler, Israel After Begin, p. 45. SUNY Press, 1990. ISBN0-7914-0367-X
1 2 3 4 5 6 United States: External Affairs", in Jane's Sentinel: North America 2007. Jane's Information Group, 2007.
↑ Prof. Alan Dowty, foreword in Abraham Ben-Zvi, Lyndon B. Johnson and the Politics of Arms Sales to Israel: in the shadow of the hawk, p. vii. Routledge, 2004. ISBN0-7146-5580-5
↑ Mitchell Geoffrey Bard, The Water's Edge and Beyond: defining the limits to domestic influence on U.S. Middle East policy. Transaction Publishers, 1991. ISBN0-88738-286-X
↑ Simon Dunstan, The Yom Kippur War 1973: The Sinai, p. 67. Osprey Publishing, 2003. ISBN1-84176-221-0
1 2 Leon T. Hadar, Quagmire: America in the Middle East, p. 75. Cato Institute, 1992. ISBN0-932790-94-1
↑ Gusterson, Hugh (15 January 2014). "The war bill". thebulletin.org. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. Archived from the original on 16 January 2014. Retrieved 16 January 2014.
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