Eight parties passed the electoral threshold to win representation in the National Assembly, while Velichie came just 21 votes short to win representation. GERB–SDS had the best results by winning 25.5% of the vote, but were required to form an alliance with at least two other elected parties in order to achieve a voting majority in the National Assembly.[3] The new elected 51st Parliament replaced the 50th Parliament when all elected members were sworn in on 11 November.[4] After 11 voting rounds, Natalia Kiselova (BSP–OL) was elected as speaker of the National Assembly on 6 December.[5] President Rumen Radev granted the first negotiation mandate to the largest party GERB-SDS on 15 January,[6] which formed a minority government alongside BSP and ITN, with support from APS (Dogan). The government is led by GERB politician Rosen Zhelyazkov.[7][8]
Following several snap elections, the National Assembly had failed to put together a long-lasting government since 'anti-corruption' parties made a breakthrough in the April 2021 election.[11][12] The 2023 election saw little change from 2022, with Boyko Borisov's centre-right GERB–SDS narrowly coming in first place, above the centrist PP–DB alliance. The far-right Revival (VAZ) and the populist There is Such a People (ITN) made gains, with the latter re-entering the Assembly after it failed to reach the electoral threshold in 2022.[13][14]
On 22 May 2023 the PP- and GERB-led alliances agreed to form a government with a rotational premiership. Nikolai Denkov, PP's candidate, would be the Prime Minister for the first nine months of the government and Mariya Gabriel, the GERB candidate, would serve as deputy prime minister and foreign affairs minister. After nine months, the two would switch positions.[15] After nine months, the switch failed to materialise with negotiations breaking down,[16][17][18][19] and no government could be formed. Dimitar Glachev was appointed as caretaker prime minister,[20] and elections were scheduled for 9 June 2024.[21][22]
As a consequence, PresidentRumen Radev instead appointed the Vice President of the Bulgarian National Audit Office, Goritsa Grancharova-Kozhareva, as the next caretaker prime minister on 9 August.[29] Grancharova-Kozhareva was granted ten days to form a proposal for the next caretaker government to be appointed on 20 August, and the upcoming next parliamentary elections were scheduled for 20 October 2024.[30] Grancharova-Kozhareva made the controversial decision to propose that the incumbent minister of the interior, Kalin Stoyanov, should remain in his role, but this was opposed by President Radev. Radev rejected the government proposal, delaying the upcoming election.[31]
Following the rejection of Grancharova-Kozhareva, Radev re-appointed Dimitar Glavchev as the caretaker prime minister,[32] and his government proposal was sworn in on 27 August, and the elections were set for the 27 October.[33][34]
Changes in the Assembly's composition prior to the election
One MP was expelled from the BSP by its national council on 18 June, before being sworn in.[35]
The Velichie parliamentary group comprised 13 MPs after the election. On 5 July, six MPs broke away from the group, dissolving it.[36]
The 240 members of the National Assembly were elected by open list, proportional representation from 31 multi-member constituencies ranging in size from four to nineteen seats. The electoral threshold was 4% for all parties or electoral coalitions, with seats allocated according to the largest remainder method using a Hare quota.[39][40]
Parties
Contesting parties and coalitions
Below is the official list of parties and coalitions that registered lists for the Bulgarian Parliamentary elections.[41][42] Boxes shaded in grey are not officially parties in the coalitions according to the electoral commission, but they are key groups in each alliance.
It was reported that despite suggesting they could run, Volt, Bulgarian National Union and VMRO did not submit their lists in time to partake in the elections.[43]NDPS also wished to partake, but its registration was deleted.[44]
On 27 August, the central leadership organisation of the DPS removed Delyan Peevski as chairman of the party, and seven MPs close to Peevski were expelled from the party. This move has been linked to Ahmed Dogan, MP and honorary chairman of the party.[45][46][47] Peevski called the move unconstitutional,[16] and gained control of the official party website.[48] This follows the rift in the party following the election, where the parliamentary group split.[37] The controversy surrounding Peevski has led to two groups emerging,[49]DPS – A New Beginning[50] and Democracy, Rights and Freedoms,[51] with both groups registering as electoral coalitions with the acronym DPS in order to get around the rules of the electoral commission.[14][52] After DPS–Peevski was recognized to be the legitimate DPS by the Supreme Administrative Court of Bulgaria, DPS–Dogan changed their name to "Alliance for Rights and Freedoms" (АПС instead of ДПС) and registered without listing DPS as a member of the alliance.[53] The DPS mayors split 50:50 between both groups.[54]
Campaign
Campaign finances
Ten days prior to the election, it was reported that 1.2 million BGN (US$680k) was spent on advertising in the media, with ITN spending the most, DPS–Peevski second most, and BPS–OL third.[55]
The spending of each electoral group which won seats is as follows:[56]
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 This poll reported the percentage respondents do not support any party, however the rest of the data was recalculated to exclude these percentages.
↑ In official election results, None of the above votes don’t count as a proportion of the total vote. In the June 2024 election, they reached a total number of 63,913 or approximately 2.9%, if measured proportionally.
Conduct
Allegations of vote buying are common occurrences in the Bulgarian electoral cycle,[58] with allegations of vote buying happening more often in rural areas, which have more poverty and people who are less educated.[59] During the election campaign, a deputy, Ivaylo Mirchev, from PP–DB, claimed that there was widespread vote buying being conducted by DPS–Peevski, claiming people were being paid up to 500 BGN (US$286) per vote.[60] One of the leaders of the list for DPS–Peevski appeared to admit to vote buying in a social media poll.[61]
The interior minister, Atanas Ilkov, told a parliamentary hearing that he had received two alerts of vote buying by 25 September.[62] A national police operation that was set up to target the practice began operating two days later.[63] On 18 October, Ilkov said his ministry had received 259 allegations of vote buying.[64]
Deutsche Welle received reports, especially in Kardzhali Province, that DPS–Peevski was pressuring people to vote for the party in fear of losing their jobs, with already 60 jobs lost in the municipal administration. They also reported that Peevski personally was paying for various small-scale public repairs.[65]
Dzheyhan Ibryamov case
On 2 October, the lead candidate of DPS–Dogan in Shumen, Dzheyhan Ibryamov, was arrested by the Prosecutors Office on the charge of attempting to buy vote and influence peddling.[66] Following a request by the Prosecutors Office, the CEC and Chairwoman of the National Assembly, Raya Nazaryan, agreed to lift Ibryamov's immunity as a candidate in the elections.[67] Despite the criminal case against him and his arrest, Ibryamov was still authorised to participate in the elections.[68]
The arrest and criminal prosecution of Ibryamov provoked negative reactions from key DPS–Dogan figures, with the coalition de facto leader, Dzhevdet Chakarov, calling for the cancellation of the upcoming elections.[69]
Post-result reports
In identified polling stations with a risk of high levels of controlled or bought votes, GERB and DPS–Peevski were the leading parties.[70]
According to the Institute for the Development of the Public Environment, there were 827 polling stations with this risk, and bTV reported some voters in Blagoevgrad did not deny that there was vote buying occurring.[71] The coordinator of the 'You Count' organisation, which asks voters to report election misconduct, claimed that there were entire municipalities at risk of high levels of bought and controlled votes. He claimed the results did not reflect the will of the Bulgarian citizens because the results were so skewed.[72]
An investigation was released on the state broadcaster, BNT, claimed to show that discrepancies of up to 100 votes in one electoral district, as well as other malpractices elsewhere.[73]
The Second Glavchev caretaker government, in its official report, stated that they believe that the elections had taken place in a free and fair environment, and cited positive comments made by international electoral observers.[74] In a briefing shortly after the elections, Caretaker Minister of the Interior Atanas Ilkov claimed that no serious differences in the level of vote-buying had been noted by the Ministry and that there was no evidence of the use of state institutions in order to influence the elections outcome.[75]
Results
Exit polls showed a GERB victory with 26.4% of the vote, with the PP getting 14.9%, and Revival 12.9%.[76]
The following table outlines the partial results by party. The national electoral threshold at 4% is calculated using the total specified votes cast for parties and independent candidates, and not the total of all valid votes which also include "None of the above" votes. Velichie received 3.9992% of the specified vote, and therefore lost its parliamentary representation by missing just 21 votes to reach the electoral threshold.
As of 22:03 Eastern European Time (UTC+02:00) on 27 October 2024, exit polls showed GERB–SDS was projected to win 65 to 76 seats, with PP–DB securing 37 to 42 seats and Revival claiming 35 to 36 seats. Parallel vote tabulation showed slightly different projections: 63 to 69 for GERB–SDS, 35 to 38 for PP–DB and 35 to 36 for Revival.[77]
The election of a speaker for the 51st National Assembly is required before it can begin its work, which include conducting upcoming votes on potential government formation proposals. The Bulgarian President will only start the process of handing out the exploring government forming mandates, once a speaker of the Parliament has been elected.[78]
The election of the speaker of the National Assembly was previously used by GERB as a key part of coalition negotiations. GERB again declared that as the largest party, they should elect the speaker and his party would not partake in coalition talks if this was not to be the case.[79] PP–DB had previously stated they would not vote to elect a GERB speaker.[80]
Initially, the GERB and PP–DB candidates, Raya Nazaryan and Andrey Tsekov respectively, made it into the run-off vote, but neither could get a majority of the votes. The results table of the two run-off votes in round 1 is displayed, which was similar to those of rounds 2 and 3.[81][82][83]
At the opening of the Assembly, the oldest MP acted as the interim speaker; in this case, it was Silvi Kirilov from ITN. In the third round of voting, ITN suggested Kirilov should be elected as a 'temporary speaker',[84] The vote failed[85] but failed to get to the run-off. However, in rounds 4-9, PP–DB chose to support Kirilov.[86] Kirilov came close in several rounds to get the necessary votes,[87][88][89] and would have been elected in the seventh round if all PP–DB MPs had voted with their group.[90] The results of this run-off are shown below.[91]
BSP had attempted to organise a majority around their candidate, excluding GERB and DPS–Peevski[92] In the eighth round, GERB decided to withdraw their support for Nazaryan in favour of BSP's candidate, Nataliya Kiselova.[93] Kiselova made it to the run-off, but failed to reach a majority.[94] Kiselova and Kirilov continued to fail to be elected, with Kiselova almost receiving a majority following the backing of DPS–Peevski in the tenth round.[95] However, finally on 6 December, following BSP agreeing to a cordon sanitaire around DPS–Peevski,[96] Kiselova was elected in the eleventh round with the support of GERB, PP–DB, DPS–Dogan and BSP.[97] One MP from each parliamentary group except DPS–Peevski was also elected as deputy speakers.[98] The result of the final speaker election is below.
Chairperson of the National Assembly run-off vote (11th round, 6 Dec)[97] Silvi Kirilov (ITN)
Following the results, the parliament remained fragmented, with no clear pre-existing majority being evident.[99] On 29 October, a Bulgarian correspondent from the news network Deutsche Welle suggested the following coalition options were the most likely possibilities to occur, based on the election results and considering the positions stated by the parties during the election campaign:[100]
This coalition could exclude one of the latter three parties and still retain a majority.
GERB, BSP, APS, ITN (Final)
69+20+19+18
Majority (126/240)
GERB
69
Minority (69/240)
A GERB minority government, would require that minimum 62 GERB MPs vote in favour of this among 121 present MPs (or 69 GERB MPs among 121-137 present MPs), in order to satisfy the requirement to achieve a voting majority among the present MPs convened within the minimum quorum of the National Assembly, with the remaining elected MPs forming a silent majority of absentees or abstentions.
A new caretaker government shall be formed by the Bulgarian President, if all three government formation attempts mandated by the constitution fails. The procedure for appointing a caretaker government was recently changed by amendments to the Constitution adopted by the 49th National Assembly, but those changes were challenged for lack of constitutionality by President Radev for a second time on 20 November 2024.[101]
Party positions ahead of the first negotiation mandate
GERB's leader, Borisov, claimed victory following the elections and declared that he would be willing to cooperate with all parties except for Revival, if they were willing to support GERB's program.[102] Speaking at GERB's National Forum meant to discuss the election results, Borisov predicted that new elections were the most likely outcome of the next National Assembly.[103] However, Borisov did call for a GERB, PP–DB, BSP, ITN government with himself as the prime minister;[104] the party had ruled out governing with DPS–Peevski, Vaz, DPS–Dogan and MECh.[105]
PP–DB, which finished second, called for a cordon sanitaire around DPS–Peevski, and urged all parties to sign an agreement to this effect, which would also include a commitment to support anti-corruption legislation and judicial reform. They said that signing this was a pre-condition for negotiating with any other party.[106] This cordon was supported by DPS–Dogan, ITN and MECh.[107][108] ITN signed it on the accepted condition PP–DB would agree to fix electoral rolls[109][110][111] GERB rejected the concept of signing agreements prior to negotiations.[112]
DPS–Peevski claimed attempts to exclude them were undemocratic and an attempt to sideline ethnic minority voter interests.[113]
The BSP, in a statement after the election, did not explicitly rule out participation in a government with any of the other parliamentary represented parties, however made clear that any decision about government participation would have to be taken by all parts of the party and broader coalition.[114] BSP also suggested they would not support a government led by Borisov.[115]
DPS–Dogan wanted a Euro-Atlanticist coalition without Peevski, and argued for a GERB–PP–DB government.[116][107]
MECh's leader, Radostin Vasilev, initially proposed a coalition excluding GERB and both wings of the DPS, where MECh would take the interior ministry.[117]
Negotiations ahead of the first mandate
On 13 November, GERB met with BSP and ITN in closed negotiations to focus on policy rather than the makeup of a government.[118] BSP also met with representatives of PP–DB, agreeing areas of policy they could jointly work on, though BSP did not sign PP–DB's cordon.[119]
On 14 November, Revival announced that they would also initiate their own negotiations to form government without GERB nor the two wings of DPS.[120] PP–DB for announced that they would not attend any negotiations or govern with Revival.[121][122]
On 22 November, Borisov suggested the leaders of GERB and PP–DB should meet,[123] which was agreed upon on 25 November with Borisov not present. At this stage, GERB declared they wished to choose the Prime Minister, with Borisov himself as the most likely candidate.[124] He would lead a GERB–PP–DB–BSP–ITN government.[104] PP–DB declared they would not support Borisov as Prime Minister,[125] so he withdrew the suggestion on 26 November. Borisov also declared his party would return the first negotiation unfulfilled, likely leading to another election.[126]
Party consultations
The official start of the process for exploring the first negotiation mandate was conditioned on the election of a speaker for the National Assembly.[78] Following the speaker's election on 6 December, the President invited all elected parliamentary groups – except DPS–NN – over to consultation meetings between 10–12 December, to discuss initial party positions in regards to the first negotiation mandate.[127] The consultation aimed to facilitate consensus to form a government with the President as a mediator.[128] The President explained he had not invited DPS–NN to consultations as they had ruled themselves out of taking part in forming a government.[129]
During the consultations, GERB leader, Boyko Borisov reiterated that GERB would only negotiate with PP–DB, BSP and ITN and that he should be Prime Minister.[130][131] PP co-leader, Kiril Petkov, made clear that PP would not engage in any negotiations with GERB until they signed the cordon;[132] however, co-chair of the PP–DB parliamentary group and member of Yes, Bulgaria!, Nadezhda Yordanova, indicated that the two Democratic Bulgaria parties were inclined to negotiate with GERB without any preconditions in order to fulfil the first mandate, but this would require GERB to incorporate all of the cordon's policy proposals into the governing agreement.[133]
Vaz stated they would not support or be part of any government formed under the first or second negotiation mandate, and would only work to attempt forming a minority government around their own programme if they were granted the third mandate.[134] BSP stated that they were ready to negotiate with all parties except DPS–NN, but would only support formation of a cabinet under the first mandate if it was a transitional or expert cabinet, and emphasized the future prime minister of such cabinet should not be closely tied to any of the political parties.[134] APS was ready to negotiate for a potential government formation with all parties except DPS-NN and Revival.[135] ITN stated they would be ready to negotiate with all parties except DPS–NN,[136] but would not support Boyko Borisov as Prime Minister.[137] MECh would not support or negotiate with GERB nor DPS–NN.[138]
Government formation following party consultations
After the initial consultations, GERB invited ITN, BSP and DB from PP–DB over to bilateral negotiation meetings.[139][140] The President expected to hand over the first negotiation mandate to GERB at the first working day in 2025,[141] which mean the GERB-led initial negotiations should have been concluded before 6 January 2025.[142]
On 16 December, the first round of talks between GERB's negotiation team and representatives of DB took place. The meeting led to a joint declaration, where they came to consensus around building a "stable, pro-European majority", and further rounds of negotiations focusing on policy were scheduled.[143]
During the negotiations, the parliament was asked by the caretaker Prime Minister Dimitar Glavchev to approve the signing of a security cooperation agreement with Ukraine. This was opposed by Vaz, BSP and MECh, but with GERB trying to form a government with BSP, they postponed this decision for a non-caretaker government to take.[144][145]
On 19 December, Borisov suggested that he did not need to be Prime Minister in a GERB-led government, instead he said it would be a collective decision.[146] The following day, GERB and DB began drafting a joint governance agreement reflecting the results of their meetings held so far, with a mind to reach out to BSP and ITN if they could reach consensus on key topics.[147]
Negotiations between GERB and DB broke down after three weeks, reportedly due to disagreement over who should be Prime Minister. GERB was proposing Rosen Zhelyazkov, a key figure in the party, but DB wanted one who was not a leading political figure.[148]
In the attempt to revive the negotiations, President Radev opted to extend the date for when he will hand over the first negotiation mandate to GERB by a few days.[149]
Negotiations with ITN and BSP were resumed by GERB on 8 January.[150][151] On 12 January, the leadership council of DPS–Dogan were presented to a draft government agreement reached between GERB, ITN and BSP (collectively representing 107 MPs), and accepted an official invitation to begin negotiations with these three parties on "support for the formation of a regular government". Negotiations with PP–DB had not been resumed after they were terminated by GERB on 5 January.[152]
The National Council of BSP gathered on 12 January and voted to approve forming a government together with GERB and ITN, where the party had been offered to appoint: Atanas Zafirov as Deputy Prime Minister without portfolio, Borislav Gutsanov as Minister of Labor and Social Policy, Ivan Valentinov Ivanov as Regional Minister, Manol Trifonov Genov as Minister of Environment and Water, and Ivan Maksimov Peshev[bg] as Minister of Sports.[153][154] The speaker of the National Assembly, Natalia Kiselova (BSP), clarified the current draft agreement on governance and the structure and composition of the GERB-ITN-BSP government, had outlined that GERB had the right to appoint the Prime Minister (as long as they did not appoint Borisov), and that each of the parliamentary groups participating in the cabinet negotiations will have the right to appoint a deputy prime minister, meaning the government is expected to have three deputy prime ministers.[155] Most of the wider BSP–OL coalition approved the agreement, but several figures spoke out against joining government with GERB,[156] and Stand Up BG, Movement 21 and Bulgarian Spring subsequently left the coalition.[157]
On 13 January, APS announced that their parliamentary group had received a mandate from their leadership structure to continue negotiations and support regular government. Unofficial sources from APS elaborated they were however not ready to approve the offer that they had received, which saw them support the government and there were no guarantees for a cordon sanitaire surrounding the influence of DPS–NN (Peevski).[158]
First negotiation mandate
President Radev announced he would hand over the first negotiation mandate to GERB on 15 January.[159] GERB confirmed they would propose formation of a GERB-ITN-BSP minority government, provided negotiations with APS would end up with an agreement for them to vote in support for such government.[160] On 14 January, APS signed an agreement with the negotiation teams to support formation of the GERB-ITN-BSP minority government led by Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov,[7] and the Central Operational Bureau of APS officially approved the agreement the following day.[8] The National Assembly approved the proposed GERB-ITN-BSP government and inaugurated its 19 ministers (11 from GERB, four from ITN, and four from BSP) in a vote on 16 January.[161]
The Zhelyazkov Government pledged to present its governance and legislative programme within a month after its inauguration, and Prime Minister-designate Zhelyazkov revealed in advance that "its top priority will be requesting a convergence report as part of the procedure to eurozone accession, the 2025 budget, stabilizing the institutions and restoring inter-institutional dialogue".[6]
Contestation of the results and election conduct
Velichie, which according to the results remained just below the 4% threshold with exactly 3.9992% of the popular vote,[3] alleged that the elections had been rigged against them and promised to contest the election results.[163] They specifically accused GERB and DPS–Peevski of electoral fraud.[164] The party staged protests in Sofia for multiple days in a row calling for the annulment of the results.[165] There were reports that enough votes to put Velichie into the Assembly were misallocated to other parties in the vote count.[166]
The conduct of the election had allegations of mass vote buying and voter manipulation, leading civil society organisations to call for the annulment of the results.[167] President Rumen Radev noted the large amount of evidence supporting allegations of mass vote buying and called on the Ministry of Interior to reveal which parties were most complicit in the practice.[168] ITN leader Slavi Trifonov endorsed Radev's calls and additionally called for the resignation of the Second Glavchev caretaker government due to their mishandling of the elections.[169] The BSP similarly called on the Prosecutors Office to respond to the allegations of mass vote buying and irregularities.[170] PP–DB said they wanted a comprehensive check of the results, pointing to irregularities like high turnout, high numbers of invalid ballots and discrepancies.[171] Revival have also called for a general recount of the results of the elections,[172] and they claimed to have calculated that between 400,000 and 500,000 votes were bought by all parties except them.[173]
On 7 November, vice-president Iliana Iotova called the new parliament illegitimate.[174] This was criticised by Boyko Borisov, who called on Iotova to apologise or otherwise not go ahead with the first sitting of the parliament if she believed it to be illegitimate.[103] Iotova refused to apologise and reiterated claims serious irregularities in the conduct of the elections.[175]
The following parties have called for a full or partial annulment of the election: the BSP,[176] DPS–Dogan,[106] GERB,[177] ITN,[178] MECh,[179] and Velichie.[163] Multiple parties also announced they would collect signatures to send a partial annulment case to the Constitutional Court, which requires the support of 48 MPs.[178][176] ITN's case was sent with the signatures of 67 deputies of the last parliament, coming from their party, PP–DB, DPS–Dogan, BSP and Velichie.[180] BSP and Vaz also submitted a case with 55 signatures, and argued the president should appoint the cabinet.[181]
On 26 November, the Constitutional Court admitted all five election result complaint cases challenging the legality of the parliamentary election for a combined review. An appointed panel of 18 experts was granted a deadline on 10 January 2025 to investigate all complaints and conduct an independent audit of the election results, including a recount of all votes cast at 1777 polling stations.[9] After completing the hand counting of over 400,000 ballots, the expert panel handed over their investigative report on 14 January 2025, and the judges of the Constitutional Court now have until the beginning of February to issue a ruling.[10]
Related Research Articles
The Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), also known as The Centenarian, is a centre-left, social democratic political party in Bulgaria. The BSP is a member of the Socialist International, Party of European Socialists, and Progressive Alliance. Although founded in 1990 in its modern form, it traces its political heritage back to the founding of the BRSDP in 1891. It is also Bulgaria's largest party by membership numbers.
The Movement for Rights and Freedoms is a centrist political party in Bulgaria with a support base among ethnic minority communities. It was a member of the Liberal International and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). While representing the interests of Muslims, especially Turks and to a lesser extent Pomaks, the party also receives the largest share of Romani votes.
From mid-2013 to mid-2014, a series of demonstrations were held in Bulgaria, mainly in the capital Sofia, against the left-wing coalition cabinet of Oresharski. The demonstrations started on 28 May 2013, but actual large-scale protests did not emerge until 14 June.
Mariya Ivanova Gabriel is a Bulgarian and European politician, president of the Robert Schuman Institute. She served as Deputy Prime Minister of Bulgaria and Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2023 to 2024. A member of the GERB party, she previously served as European Commissioner for Innovation, Research, Culture, Education and Youth from 2019 to 2023, European Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society from 2017 to 2019 and Member of the European Parliament from 2009 to 2017.
Delyan Slavchev Peevski is a Bulgarian politician and oligarch, sanctioned by the Global Magnitsky Act, by the UK and the United States for corruption, bribery and embezzlement. He is also a former media mogul and has served as Member of the National Assembly of Bulgaria since 2009. A member of the DPS party, which he currently leads, Peevski was elected as the Director of the State Agency for National Security in 2013, which triggered long lasting national protests that led to his eventual resignation.
Rumen Georgiev Radev is a Bulgarian politician and former major general who has been the President of Bulgaria since 2017.
Parliamentary elections were held in Bulgaria on 4 April 2021 at the end of the term of the National Assembly elected in 2017. Parties in the governing coalition led by Boyko Borisov lost seats and no party leader was able to form a coalition government within the time limit. This triggered the July 2021 Bulgarian parliamentary election.
Democratic Bulgaria is a political alliance in Bulgaria. Founded on 12 April 2018 as an electoral alliance between three political parties – DaB, DSB and the Green Movement, it merged into PP-DB in 2023. In April 2024 the Green Movement left PP-DB. DaB and DSB maintain close relations and brand themselves as "Democratic Bulgaria".
There Is Such a People is a populist political party in Bulgaria established by Bulgarian singer, TV host, and politician Slavi Trifonov. Self-described as a "political product", the party is named after one of Trifonov's own musical albums.
Stand Up.BG or Stand Up Bulgaria is a Bulgarian non-governmental organization and political party which was founded by Maya Manolova on December 6, 2019.
Early parliamentary elections were held in Bulgaria on 2 April 2023 to elect members of the National Assembly. These were initially scheduled to be held before November 2026; however, as no government was approved by the 48th Parliament, Bulgarian President Rumen Radev announced in January 2023 that he would call a snap election.
Early parliamentary elections were held in Bulgaria on 9 June 2024, to elect members of the National Assembly. The election coincided with the European Parliament election on the same day.
The Bulgarian political crisis is a period of instability in Bulgaria, which has seen the country face seven parliamentary elections over four years: April 2021, July 2021, November 2021, October 2022, April 2023, June 2024 and October 2024.
Dimitar Borisov Glavchev is a Bulgarian politician who served as Prime Minister of Bulgaria from 2024 to 2025, leading a caretaker government. A political independent, he is currently the Head of the Chamber of Audit. He was previously a member of the GERB party and served as Member of the National Assembly from 2009 to 2021. In 2017, he briefly served as Speaker of the National Assembly.
The Fiftieth National Assembly was a convocation of the National Assembly of Bulgaria, formed according to the results of the early parliamentary elections in Bulgaria, held on 9 June 2024.
Atanas Zafirov Zafirov is a Bulgarian politician who serves as Leader of the Bulgarian Socialist Party. He is also a Member of the National Assembly.
The Alliance for Rights and Freedoms often known as DPS–Dogan, is a Bulgarian political electoral coalition. It was formed prior to the October 2024 Bulgarian parliamentary election.
The Second Glavchev Government was the 104th cabinet of Bulgaria. It was appointed by President Rumen Radev on 27 August 2024, and sworn in the same day at the National Assembly of Bulgaria. It is a caretaker government which is to serve until a new one is formed following the October 2024 election. 17 out of 20 ministers were reappointed and continued their job as ministers in the same portfolios held in the preceding First Glavchev Government, with new appointments only made for the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Interior and Minister of Transport and Communications. Its tenure ended following the election of the Zhelyazkov government by the National Assembly on the 16th of January, 2025.
The Fifty First National Assembly is a convocation of the National Assembly of Bulgaria, formed according to the results of the snap parliamentary elections in Bulgaria, held on 27 October 2024.
Nataliya Vasileva Kiselova is a Bulgarian jurist and politician who is the current Speaker of the National Assembly. Affiliated with the Bulgarian Socialist Party, she has served as Member of the National Assembly since 2024. Kiselova is also a professor of constitutional law at Sofia University.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
4.51pp)
