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Proportionality for solid coalitions (PSC) is a criterion of proportionality for ranked voting systems. It is an adaptation of the quota rule to voting systems in which there are no official party lists, and voters can directly support candidates. The criterion was first proposed by the British philosopher and logician Michael Dummett. [1] [2]
PSC is a weak definition of proportionality, which only guarantees proportional representation for cloned candidates, also called solid coalitions. In other words, voters must rank all candidates within the same party first (before candidates of other parties) to ensure it is adequately represented. On the other hand, PSC does not guarantee proportional representation if voters rank candidates of different parties together (as they will no longer form a solid coalition). As a result, PSC systems like the single transferable vote [3] can become disproportional if there are substantial cross-cutting cleavages, or if voters' ideologies are not well-described by a hierarchical structure of nested clusters, [4] [5] [6] a behavior analogous to center-squeeze for single-winner instant-runoff voting.[ citation needed ]
In party-list systems, proportional representation guarantees each party a number of representatives proportional to its number of votes. In systems without parties, the natural analogue of a "party" is a solid coalition. A solid coalition is a group of voters who prefer any candidate within a certain set of candidates over any candidate not in the set. A set of voters is a solid coalition for a set of candidates , if every voter in ranks every candidate in ahead of every candidate that is not in .
When a voter is part of a solid coalition that prefers some set of candidates, they are said to be "solidly supporting" or "solidly committed to" that set of candidates. [6] [7] Any voter who ranks a candidate as their first-preference solidly supports that candidate.
Note that a solid coalition may be "nested" within another solid coalition, so there may be some faction of voters that can further be split into subfactions. However, solid coalitions cannot cut across different factions. For example, say voters are organized along a political spectrum, with factions on the far-left, center-left, center, center-right, and far-right. Then, the three moderate groups will not form a solid coalition, because some members of the center-right may not rank the center-left candidate above the far-right candidate.
In the following let be the number of voters, be the number of seats to be filled and be some positive integer.
–PSC or Hare-PSC is defined with respect to the Hare quota . It says that if there is a solid coalition for a set of candidates with at least Hare quotas, then at least candidates from this set must be elected. (If has less than candidates, all of them must be elected). [4] This criterion was proposed by Michael Dummett. [1]
In the single-winner case, it is equivalent to the unanimity criterion, as a Hare quota in the single-winner case includes all voters.
–PSC, also called Droop-PSC, is defined like –PSC but using the Droop quota instead of the Hare quota, i.e. Droop quotas entitle a solid coalition to candidates. [4]
It is a generalization of the majority criterion in the sense that it relates to groups of supported candidates (solid coalitions) instead of just one candidate, and there may be more than one seat to be filled. [2] An advantage of Droop proportionality is that any solid coalition with a majority will always be able to elect at least half of seats.[ citation needed ] However, this comes at the cost of a substantial seat bias in favor of larger parties. [8] This means a coalition of smaller parties who together win a majority of the vote can nevertheless fail to reach a majority in the legislature.
Examples of quota-proportional methods include the expanding approvals rule, the method of equal shares, and the single transferable vote. [3]
Aziz and Lee define a property called generalized PSC, and another property, called inclusion PSC, that apply also to weak rankings (rankings with indifferences). Their expanding approvals rule satisfies these generalizations of PSC. [9]
Brill and Peters define a fairness property called Rank-PJR+, which also applies to weak rankings, but makes positive guarantees also to coalitions that are only partially solid. Rank-PJR+ is attained by the expanding approvals rule, but violated by the single transferable vote. It can be decided in polynomial time whether a given committee satisfies Rank-PJR+. [5]
The single transferable vote (STV) or proportional-ranked choice voting (P-RCV), is a multi-winner electoral system in which each voter casts a single vote in the form of a ranked ballot. Voters have the option to rank candidates, and their vote may be transferred according to alternative preferences if their preferred candidate is eliminated or elected with surplus votes, so that their vote is used to elect someone they prefer over others in the running. STV aims to approach proportional representation based on votes cast in the district where it is used, so that each vote is worth about the same as another.
In the study of electoral systems, the Droop quota is the minimum number of supporters a party or candidate needs to receive in a district to guarantee they will win at least one seat in a legislature.
In social choice, the negative responsiveness, perversity, or additional support paradox is a pathological behavior of some voting rules, where a candidate loses as a result of having "too much support" from some voters, or wins because they had "too much opposition". In other words, increasing (decreasing) a candidate's ranking or rating causes that candidate to lose (win), contrary to common sense. Electoral systems that do not exhibit perversity are said to satisfy the positive response or monotonicitycriterion.
The quota or divide-and-rank methods are a family of apportionment rules, i.e. algorithms for distributing seats in a legislative body between several groups. The quota methods begin by calculating an entitlement for each party, by dividing their vote totals by an electoral quota. Then, leftover seats are distributed by rounding up the apportionment for some parties. These rules are typically contrasted with the more popular highest averages methods.
In the study of apportionment, the Harequota is the number of voters represented by each legislator under an idealized system of proportional representation, where every legislator represents an equal number of voters and where every vote is used to elect someone. The Hare quota is the total number of votes divided by the number of seats to be filled. The Hare quota was used in the original proposal for a single transferable vote system, and is still occasionally used, although it has since been largely supplanted by the Droop quota.
In electoral systems, a wasted vote is any vote cast that is not "used" to elect a winner, and so is not represented in the outcome. However, the term is vague and ill-defined, having been used to refer to a wide variety of unrelated concepts and metrics. The precise definition of a wasted vote can have a major impact on the conclusions of an analysis. For example, under the narrowest possible definition of a wasted vote, the single transferable vote (STV) can be considered to waste zero votes. However, if the wasted vote definition is expanded even slightly, it is possible for up to 100% of STV votes to be classified as wasted because STV fails the unanimity criterion; that is, it is possible to elect a legislature that every single voter agrees is worse than some alternative.
The single transferable vote (STV) is a proportional representation system that elects multiple winners. It is one of several ways of choosing winners from ballots that rank candidates by preference. Under STV, an elector's vote is initially allocated to their first-ranked candidate. Candidates are elected (winners) if their vote tally reaches quota. After the winners in the first count are determined, if seats are still open, surplus votes — those in excess of an electoral quota— are transferred from winners to the remaining candidates (hopefuls) according to the surplus ballots' next usable back-up preference.
Later-no-harm is a property of some ranked-choice voting systems, first described by Douglas Woodall. In later-no-harm systems, increasing the rating or rank of a candidate ranked below the winner of an election cannot cause a higher-ranked candidate to lose.
In proportional representation systems, an electoral quota is the number of votes a candidate needs to be guaranteed election. They are used in some systems where a formula other than plurality is used to allocate seats.
Schulze STV is a draft single transferable vote (STV) ranked voting system designed to achieve proportional representation. It was invented by Markus Schulze, who developed the Schulze method for resolving ties using a Condorcet method. Schulze STV is similar to CPO-STV in that it compares possible winning candidate pairs and selects the Condorcet winner. It is not used in parliamentary elections.
Semi-proportional representation characterizes multi-winner electoral systems which allow representation of minorities, but are not intended to reflect the strength of the competing political forces in close proportion to the votes they receive. Semi-proportional voting systems are generally used as a compromise between complex and expensive but more-proportional systems and simple winner-take-all systems. Examples of semi-proportional systems include the single non-transferable vote, limited voting, and parallel voting.
An electoral or voting system is a set of rules used to determine the results of an election. Electoral systems are used in politics to elect governments, while non-political elections may take place in business, non-profit organisations and informal organisations. These rules govern all aspects of the voting process: when elections occur, who is allowed to vote, who can stand as a candidate, how ballots are marked and cast, how the ballots are counted, how votes translate into the election outcome, limits on campaign spending, and other factors that can affect the result. Political electoral systems are defined by constitutions and electoral laws, are typically conducted by election commissions, and can use multiple types of elections for different offices.
There are a number of different criteria which can be used for voting systems in an election, including the following
Proportional approval voting (PAV) is a proportional electoral system for multiwinner elections. It is a multiwinner approval method that extends the D'Hondt method of apportionment commonly used to calculate apportionments for party-list proportional representation. However, PAV allows voters to support only the candidates they approve of, rather than being forced to approve or reject all candidates on a given party list.
Combinatorial participatory budgeting, also called indivisible participatory budgeting or budgeted social choice, is a problem in social choice. There are several candidate projects, each of which has a fixed costs. There is a fixed budget, that cannot cover all these projects. Each voter has different preferences regarding these projects. The goal is to find a budget-allocation - a subset of the projects, with total cost at most the budget, that will be funded. Combinatorial participatory budgeting is the most common form of participatory budgeting.
Justified representation (JR) is a criterion of fairness in multiwinner approval voting. It can be seen as an adaptation of the proportional representation criterion to approval voting.
Multiwinner, at-large, or committeevoting refers to electoral systems that elect several candidates at once. Such methods can be used to elect parliaments or committees.
In mathematics and social choice, apportionment problems are a class of fair division problems where the goal is to divide (apportion) a whole number of identical goods fairly between multiple groups with different entitlements. The original example of an apportionment problem involves distributing seats in a legislature between different federal states or political parties. However, apportionment methods can be applied to other situations as well, including bankruptcy problems, inheritance law, manpower planning, and rounding percentages.
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The expanding approvals rule (EAR) is a rule for multi-winner elections that guarantees a form of proportional representation called proportionality for solid coalitions. It is a generalization of the highest median rules to include multiwinner elections and participatory budgeting. When working with ranked ballots, it is sometimes called the Bucklin transferable vote. However, the rule can be more effectively implemented using rated ballots, which are easier to use and provide additional cardinal utility information that can be used for better decision-making.