A joint Politics and Economics series |
Social choice and electoral systems |
---|
Mathematicsportal |
Center squeeze is a kind of independence of irrelevant alternatives violation seen in a number of election rules, such as two-round and instant runoff, for example. In a center squeeze, the Condorcet winner is eliminated before they have the chance to face any of the other candidates in a one-on-one race (which by definition, they would win). The term can also refer[ according to whom? ] to tendency of such rules to encourage polarization among elected officials.
In a center squeeze, candidates focused on appealing to a base of core supporters can squeeze the Condorcet winner out of the race by splitting the first-round vote with them, allowing a more-extreme alternative to win. This effect was first predicted by social choice theorists in the 1940s and 50s, and has since been documented in various countries using plurality-style electoral systems.
Famous examples of center squeezes include the 2022 Alaska special election (where Nick Begich III was eliminated in the first round by Sarah Palin) [1] as well as the 2007 French presidential election, where moderate liberal François Bayrou was eliminated by left-wing populist candidate Ségolène Royal, allowing Nicolas Sarkozy to win the second round. [2] [3]
Center squeezes are a kind of independence of irrelevant alternatives violation in which the Condorcet winner is eliminated before the final round of an election. [4] [5] Candidates focused on appealing to a small base of core supporters can squeeze Condorcet winners out of the race, by splitting the first-round vote needed to survive earlier rounds. [6] [7]
The "center" in "center squeeze" refers to candidates who are close to the center of public opinion, and is not limited to centrists along a traditional, one-dimensional political spectrum. [8] A center squeeze can occur in any situation where voters prefer candidates who hold views similar to their own. [9]
Center-squeeze has been observed in Australia, [10] [11] and various US cities. [12]
Center squeeze is a major feature of two-party systems using primaries or other multiple-round systems. [6] In these methods, candidates must focus on appealing to their core supporters to ensure they can make it past the first round, where only first-preferences count. [6] [ citation needed ]
If voters assign scores to candidates based on ideological distance, score voting will always select the candidate closest to some central tendency of the voter distribution. As a result, while score voting does not always elect the candidate closest to the median voter, it often behaves like methods that do. [13] [14] Under most models of strategic voting, spoilerproof cardinal methods tend to behave like approval voting and thus converge on the Condorcet winner. [15] [16] [17] [18]
The opposite situation—a bias in favor of bland, inoffensive, or unknown candidates—is not common in any widely-used voting rules. However, it can occur for "negative" voting methods that choose candidates with the least opposition, like anti-plurality, D21 – Janeček, or Coombs' method. [19]
The examples and perspective in this section deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.(October 2024) |
In Alphabet Land, voters are divided based on how names should be arranged on lists. thinks names should always be in alphabetical order; thinks they should be in reverse-alphabetical order; and thinks the order should be randomized. In this example, voters' happiness with the outcome falls linearly with the distance (number of letters) between the voter and the candidate.
Because is preferred to both and in head-to-head match-ups, is the majority-preferred (Condorcet) winner. is the socially-optimal winner as well. [14] Thus, is the "best" or "most popular" candidate under both common metrics of candidate quality in social choice. [4]
wins under a single-round of FPP, with 35.9% of voters choosing them as their favorite. However, over substantially more voters considered to be their least favorite, with 63.1% of voters preferring . is elected, despite an overwhelming two-thirds majority preferring .
Ranked-choice voting (RCV) tries to address vote-splitting in FPP by replacing it with a series of FPP elections, with the loser being eliminated in each round. [20] [21]
The first round of the election is the same as the FPP election. has the least first preferences and is therefore eliminated. Their votes are reassigned to and , according to their ballot. In the second round, enough voters who preferred as their first choice took as their second choice and wins the election. RCV thus fails to have a substantial moderating impact, instead causing only a swing from one extreme to the other. [22]
Alaska's at-large congressional district | |||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Turnout | 32.2% [23] | ||||||||||||||||||||
|
The 2022 Alaska special election seat was an example of a center squeeze, where Nick Begich III was eliminated in the first round by right-wing spoiler Sarah Palin, [1] [24] despite a majority of voters preferring Begich to either one of his opponents. [1] [25] The ranked-choice runoff election involved one Democrat (Mary Peltola) and two Republicans (Sarah Palin and Nick Begich III). Because the full ballot data for the race was released, social choice theorists were able to confirm that Palin spoiled the race for Begich, with Peltola winning the race as a result of several pathological behaviors that tend to characterize center-squeeze elections. [25] [1]
The election produced a winner opposed by a majority of voters, with a majority of voters ranking Begich above Peltola and Palin, [26] [1] [24] and more than half giving Peltola no support at all. [26] [1] The election was also notable as a no-show paradox, where a candidate is eliminated as a result of votes cast in support of their candidacy. In this case, ballots ranking Palin first and Begich second instead allowed Peltola to win. [1] [27] [24]
Many social choice theorists criticized the ranked-choice runoff procedure for its pathological behavior. [28] [1] Along with being a center squeeze, the election was a negative voting weight event, [27] where a voter's ballot has the opposite of its intended effect (e.g. where a candidate would need more votes to lose). [27] [29] In this race, Peltola would have lost if she had received more support from Palin voters, [30] [1] [26] and won as a result of 5,200 ballots that ranked her last (after Palin then Begich). [27] [1] However, social choice theorists were careful to note the results likely would have been the same under Alaska's previous primary system as well. This led several to recommend replacing the system with any one of several alternatives without these behaviors, such as STAR, approval, or Condorcet voting. [25] [26]
The 2009 Burlington mayoral election was held in March 2009 for the city of Burlington, Vermont, and serves as an example of a four-candidate center squeeze. This was the second mayoral election since the city's 2005 change to ranked-choice runoff voting, after the 2006 mayoral election. [31] In the 2009 election, incumbent Burlington mayor Bob Kiss won reelection as a member of the Vermont Progressive Party, [32] defeating Kurt Wright in the final round with 48% of the vote. [33]
The election results were criticized by mathematicians and voting theorists for several pathologies associated with RCV. These included a no-show paradox, where Kiss won only as a result of 750 votes ranking Kiss in last place. [34] [35] [36] Several electoral reform advocates branded the election a failure after Kiss was elected despite 54% of voters voting for Montroll over Kiss, [37] [38] violating the majority-rule principle. [39] [40] [41] Later analyses showed the race was spoiled, with Wright pulling moderate votes away from Montroll, who would have beat Kiss in a one-on-one race. [40] [42]
The controversy culminated in a successful 2010 initiative that repealed RCV by a vote of 52% to 48%, [43] [44] a 16-point shift from the 64% who had supported the 2005 ratification. [31] The results of every possible one-on-one election are as follows:
Party | Candidate | vs. Simpson | vs. Smith | vs. Wright | vs. Kiss | Win : Loss |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Andy Montroll (D) | 6262 (Montroll) – 591 (Simpson) | 4570 (Montroll) – 2997 (Smith) | 4597 (Montroll) – 3664 (Wright) | 4064 (Montroll) – 3476 (Kiss) | 4 W : 0 L | |
Bob Kiss (P) | 5514 (Kiss) – 844 (Simpson) | 3944 (Kiss) – 3576 (Smith) | 4313 (Kiss) – 4061 (Wright) | 3 W : 1 L | ||
Kurt Wright (R) | 5270 (Wright) – 1310 (Simpson) | 3971 (Wright) – 3793 (Smith) | 2 W : 2 L | |||
Dan Smith (I) | 5570 (Smith) – 721 (Simpson) | 1 W : 3 L | ||||
James Simpson (G) | 0 W : 4 L |
This leads to an overall preference ranking of:
Montroll was therefore preferred over Kiss by 54% of voters, over Wright by 56% of voters, over Smith by 60%, and over Simpson by 91% of voters. [45]
Another possible example is the 2016 United States presidential election, where polls found several alternatives including Bernie Sanders and Gary Johnson defeating both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton under a majority- or rated-voting rules, but being squeezed out by both RCV and the primary election rules. [13] [46]
The two-round system, also called ballotage, top-two runoff, or two-round plurality, is a single winner voting method. It is sometimes called plurality-runoff, although this term can also be used for other, closely-related systems such as instant-runoff voting or the exhaustive ballot. It falls under the class of plurality-based voting rules, together with instant-runoff and first-past-the-post (FPP). In a two-round system, if no candidate receives a majority of the vote in the first round, the two candidates with the most votes in the first round proceed to a second round where all other candidates are excluded. Both rounds are held under choose-one voting, where the voter marks a single favored candidate.
In social choice theory and politics, a spoiler is a losing candidate who affects the results of an election simply by participating, a situation that is called a spoiler effect. If a major candidate is perceived to have lost an election because of a minor candidate, the minor candidate is called a spoiler candidate and the major candidate is said to have been spoiled. Often times the term spoiler will be applied to candidates or situations which do not meet the full definition, typically in real-world scenarios where the introduction of a new candidate can cause voters to change their opinions, either through their campaign or merely by existing. A voting system that is not affected by spoilers is called independent of irrelevant alternatives or spoilerproof.
A Condorcet method is an election method that elects the candidate who wins a majority of the vote in every head-to-head election against each of the other candidates, whenever there is such a candidate. A candidate with this property, the pairwise champion or beats-all winner, is formally called the Condorcet winner or Pairwise Majority Rule Winner (PMRW). The head-to-head elections need not be done separately; a voter's choice within any given pair can be determined from the ranking.
Coombs' method is a ranked voting system. Like instant-runoff (IRV-RCV), Coombs' method is a sequential-loser method, where the last-place finisher according to one method is eliminated in each round. However, unlike in instant-runoff, each round has electors voting against their least-favorite candidate; the candidate ranked last by the most voters is eliminated.
In social choice, the negative responsiveness, perversity, or additional support paradox is a pathological behavior of some voting rules, where a candidate loses as a result of having "too much support" from some voters, or wins because they had "too much opposition". In other words, increasing (decreasing) a candidate's ranking or rating causes that candidate to lose (win). Electoral systems that do not exhibit perversity are said to satisfy the positive response or monotonicitycriterion.
A Condorcet winner is a candidate who would receive the support of more than half of the electorate in a one-on-one race against any one of their opponents. Voting systems where a majority winner will always win are said to satisfy the Condorcet winner criterion. The Condorcet winner criterion extends the principle of majority rule to elections with multiple candidates.
In social choice, a no-show paradox is a surprising behavior in some voting rules, where a candidate loses an election as a result of having too many supporters. More formally, a no-show paradox occurs when adding voters who prefer Alice to Bob causes Alice to lose the election to Bob. Voting systems without the no-show paradox are said to satisfy the participation criterion.
A voting system satisfies join-consistency if combining two sets of votes, both electing A over B, always results in a combined electorate that ranks A over B. It is a stronger form of the participation criterion. Systems that fail the consistency criterion are susceptible to the multiple-district paradox, which allows for a particularly egregious kind of gerrymander: it is possible to draw boundaries in such a way that a candidate who wins the overall election fails to carry even a single electoral district.
The Borda count electoral system can be combined with an instant-runoff procedure to create hybrid election methods that are called Nanson method and Baldwin method. Both methods are designed to satisfy the Condorcet criterion, and allow for incomplete ballots and equal rankings.
Later-no-harm is a property of some ranked-choice voting systems, first described by Douglas Woodall. In later-no-harm systems, increasing the rating or rank of a candidate ranked below the winner of an election cannot cause a higher-ranked candidate to lose. It is a common property in the plurality-rule family of voting systems.
Ranked-choice voting (RCV) can refer to one of several ranked voting methods used in some cities and states in the United States. The term is not strictly defined, but most often refers to instant-runoff voting (IRV) or single transferable vote (STV), the main difference being whether only one winner or multiple winners are elected.
Instant-runoff voting (IRV), is a single-winner, multi-round elimination rule that uses ranked voting to simulate a series of runoff elections. In each round, the last-place finisher according to a plurality vote is eliminated, and the votes supporting the eliminated choice are transferred to their next available preference until one of the options reaches a majority of the remaining votes. Instant runoff falls under the plurality-with-elimination family of voting methods, and is thus closely related to rules like the exhaustive ballot and two-round runoff system
The 2009 Burlington mayoral election was the second mayoral election since the city's 2005 change to instant-runoff voting (IRV), also known as ranked-choice voting (RCV), after the 2006 mayoral election. In the 2009 election, incumbent Burlington mayor won reelection as a member of the Vermont Progressive Party, defeating Kurt Wright in the final round with 48% of the vote.
Ranked voting is any voting system that uses voters' rankings of candidates to choose a single winner or multiple winners. More formally, a ranked system is one that depends only on which of two candidates is preferred by a voter, and as such does not incorporate any information about intensity of preferences. Ranked voting systems vary dramatically in how preferences are tabulated and counted, which gives them very different properties.
There are a number of different criteria which can be used for voting systems in an election, including the following
The Tideman Alternative method, also called Alternative-Smithvoting, is a voting rule developed by Nicolaus Tideman which selects a single winner using ranked ballots. This method is Smith-efficient, making it a kind of Condorcet method, and uses the alternative vote (RCV) to resolve any cyclic ties.
The November 2022 United States House of Representatives election in Alaska was held on Tuesday, November 8, to elect a member of the United States House of Representatives to represent the state of Alaska. Democratic incumbent Mary Peltola won reelection to a full term in office, defeating Republicans Sarah Palin and Nick Begich III and Libertarian Chris Bye in the runoff count.
The 2022 Alaska at-large congressional district special election was held on August 16 to fill the seat left vacant after the death of Republican incumbent Don Young. Mary Peltola was elected in a 3-way race against former governor Sarah Palin and Nick Begich III in the election, becoming the first Alaska Native and woman to represent Alaska in the House.
A final-four or final-five primary is an electoral system using a nonpartisan primary by multi-winner plurality in the first step.
The 2022 Alaska state elections took place on November 8, 2022. The state also held Regional Educational Attendance Area (REAA) elections on the first Tuesday in October.
Since Begich wins both ... he is the Condorcet winner of the election ... AK election also contains a Condorcet loser: Sarah Palin. ... she is also a spoiler candidate
However, squeezed by surrounding opponents, a centrist candidate may receive few first-place votes and be eliminated under Hare.
However, ranked-choice voting makes it more difficult to elect moderate candidates when the electorate is polarized. For example, in a three-person race, the moderate candidate may be preferred by a majority of voters to each of the more extreme candidates. However, voters with far-left and far-right views will rank the candidate in second place rather than in first place. Since ranked-choice voting counts only the number of first-choice votes (among the remaining candidates), the moderate candidate would be eliminated in the first round, leaving one of the extreme candidates to be declared the winner.
the 'squeeze effect' that tends to reduce Condorcet efficiency if the relative dispersion (RD) of candidates is low. This effect is particularly strong for the plurality, runoff, and Hare systems, for which the garnering of first-place votes in a large field is essential to winning
As with simple plurality elections, it is apparent the outcome will be highly sensitive to the distribution of candidates.
Since our model is multi-dimensional, we can incorporate all criteria which we normally associate with a citizen's voting decision process — issues, style, partisan identification, and the like.
By eliminating the squeezing effect, Approval Voting would encourage the election of consensual candidates. The squeezing effect is typically observed in multiparty elections with a runoff. The runoff tends to prevent extremist candidates from winning, but a centrist candidate who would win any pairwise runoff (the "Condorcet winner") is also often "squeezed" between the left-wing and the right-wing candidates and so eliminated in the first round.
However, ranked-choice voting makes it more difficult to elect moderate candidates when the electorate is polarized. For example, in a three-person race, the moderate candidate may be preferred to each of the more extreme candidates by a majority of voters. However, voters with far-left and far-right views will rank the candidate in second place rather than in first place. Since ranked-choice voting counts only the number of first-choice votes (among the remaining candidates), the moderate candidate would be eliminated in the first round, leaving one of the extreme candidates to be declared the winner.
It's a good thing for Peltola that she didn't attract more Palin voters—she'd have lost [...] The strangeness continues. Peltola could have actually gotten more 1st choice votes in this election and caused herself to lose. How's that? Let's look. [...] Imagine if Peltola reached across the aisle and spoke directly to Palin voters. Imagine that she empathized with their position and identified issues they cared about that Palin and even Begich ignored. And let's say that as a consequence, Peltola got the first-choice votes of between 5,200 and 8,500 voters who would have otherwise ranked only Palin. What happens as a result? Palin would have gotten eliminated in the first round and Peltola would still not be able to beat Begich.
4. How did this change to IRV come about?
Over 64% of Burlington voters voted in favor of the IRV Charter amendment in March 2005, and it went into effect on May 12, 2005, when the governor signed the ratification bill, H.505, which had been passed by both the House and Senate.
A display of non-monotonicity under the Alternative Vote method was reported recently, for the March 2009 mayoral election in Burlington, Vermont.
Although the Democrat was the Condorcet winner (a majority of voters preferred him in all two way contests), he received the fewest first-place votes and so was eliminated ... 2009 mayoral election in Burlington, VT, which illustrates the key features of an upward monotonicity failure
Montroll was favored over Republican Kurt Wright 56% to 44% ... and over Progressive Bob Kiss 54% to 46% ... In other words, in voting terminology, Montroll was a 'beats-all winner,' also called a 'Condorcet winner' ... However, in the IRV election, Montroll came in third! ... voters preferred Montroll over every other candidate ... Montroll is the most-approved
a majority of voters liked the centrist candidate Montroll better than Kiss, and a majority of voters liked Montroll better than Wright ... yet Montroll was tossed in the first round.
K was elected even though M was a clear Condorcet winner and W was a clear Plurality winner.