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In the study of electoral systems, the Droop quota (sometimes called the Hagenbach-Bischoff, Britton, or Newland-Britton quota [1] [a] ) is the minimum number of supporters a party or candidate needs to receive in a district to guarantee they will win at least one seat in a legislature. [4] [5]
The Droop quota is used to extend the concept of a majority to multiwinner elections, taking the place of the 50% bar in single-winner elections. Just as any candidate with more than half of all votes is guaranteed to be declared the winner in single-seat election, any candidate who holds more than a Droop quota's worth of votes is guaranteed to win a seat in a multiwinner election. [5]
Besides establishing winners, the Droop quota is used to define the number of excess votes, i.e. votes not needed by a candidate who has been declared elected. In proportional quota-based systems such as STV or expanding approvals, these excess votes can be transferred to other candidates, preventing them from being wasted. [5]
The Droop quota was first suggested by the English lawyer and mathematician Henry Richmond Droop (1831–1884) as an alternative to the Hare quota, which is a basic component of single transferable voting, a form of proportional representation. [5]
Today, the Droop quota is used in almost all STV elections, including those in Australia, [6] the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, and Malta. [7] It is also used in South Africa to allocate seats by the largest remainder method. [8] [9]
The Droop quota for a -winner election is given by the expression: [1] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14]
Sometimes, the Droop quota is written as a share of all votes, in which case it has value 1⁄k+1. A candidate who, at any point, holds more than one Droop quota's worth of votes is therefore guaranteed to win a seat. [15]
Modern variants of STV use fractional transfers of ballots to eliminate uncertainty. However, STV elections with whole vote reassignment cannot handle fractional quotas, and so instead will round up or round down. For example: [5]
The Droop quota can be derived by considering what would happen if k candidates (who we call "Droop winners") have achieved the Droop quota. The goal is to identify whether an outside candidate could defeat any of these candidates. In this situation, if each quota winner's share of the vote equals 1⁄k+1 plus 1, while all unelected candidates' share of the vote, taken together, would be less than 1⁄k+1 votes. Thus, even if there were only one unelected candidate who held all the remaining votes, they would not be able to defeat any of the Droop winners. [5] Newland and Britton noted that while a tie for the last seat is possible, such a situation can occur no matter which quota is used. [1] [16]
The following election has 3 seats to be filled by single transferable vote. There are 4 candidates: George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and Aaron Burr. There are 104 voters, but two of the votes are spoiled.
The total number of valid votes is 102, and there are 3 seats. The Droop quota is therefore . Rounded up, that is 26. [17] These votes are as follows:
preferences marked | 45 voters | 20 voters | 25 voters | 10 voters |
---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Washington | Burr | Jefferson | Hamilton |
2 | Hamilton | Jefferson | Burr | Washington |
3 | Jefferson | Washington | Washington | Jefferson |
First preferences for each candidate are tallied:
Only Washington has at least 26 votes. As a result, he is declared elected. Washington has 19 excess votes that are now transferred to their second choice, Hamilton. The tallies therefore become:
Hamilton is elected, so his excess votes are redistributed. Thanks to the four vote transfer from Hamilton, Jefferson accumulates 29 votes to Burr's 20 and is declared elected. That fills the last empty seat.
If ties happen, pre-set rules deal with them, usually by reference to whom had the most first-preference votes.
Under plurality rules (such as block voting), Burr would have been elected to a seat. But under STV he did not collect any transfers and Jefferson was seen as the more generally supported candidate.
Burr, as a representative of a minority, would have been elected if his supporters numbered 26, but as they did not and as he did not receive any transfers from others, he was not elected and his voice was not heard in the chamber following the election.
There are at least six different versions of the Droop quota to appear in various legal codes or definitions of the quota. [18] Some claim that, depending on which version is used, a failure of proportionality in small elections may arise. [1] [16] Common variants include:
Droop and Hagenbach-Bischoff derived new quota as a replacement for the Hare quota (votes/seats). Their quota was meant to produce more proportional result by having the quota as low as thought to be possible. Their quota was basically votes/seats plus 1, plus 1, the formula on the left on the first row.
This formula may yield a fraction, which was a problem as early STV systems did not use fractions. Droop went to votes/seats plus 1, plus 1, rounded down (the variant on top right). Hagenbach-Bischoff went to votes/seats +1, rounded up, the variant in the middle of the top row. [5] Hagenbach-Bischoff proposed a quota that is "the whole number next greater than the quotient obtained by dividing , the number of votes, by " (where n is the number of seats). [18]
Some hold the misconception that these rounded-off variants of the Droop and Hagenbach-Bischoff quota are still needed, despite the use of fractions in fractional STV systems, now common today.
As well, it is un-necessary to ensure the quota is larger than vote/seats plus 1, as in the historical examples, the variant on the second row, and the formula on the right on the bottom row. When using the exact Droop quota (votes/seats plus 1) or any variant where the quota is slightly less than votes/seats plus 1, such as in votes/seats plus 1, rounded down (the left variant on the third row), it is possible for one more candidate to reach the quota than there are seats to fill. [18] However, as Newland and Britton noted in 1974, this is not a problem: if the last two winners both receive a Droop quota of votes, it would mean a tie. Rules are in place to break a tie, and ties can occur regardless of which quota is used. [1] [16] Even the Imperiali quota, a quota smaller than Droop, can work as long as rules indicate that relative plurality or some other method is to be used where more achieve quota than the number of empty seats.
Spoiled ballots should not be included when calculating the Droop quota. Some jurisdictions fail to specify in their election administration laws that valid votes should be the base for determining quota.[ citation needed ]
The Droop quota is often confused with the Hare quota. While the Droop quota gives the number of voters needed to mathematically guarantee a candidate's election, the Hare quota gives the number of voters represented by each winner by exactly linear proportionality.
As a result, the Hare quota is said to give somewhat more proportional outcomes, [19] by promoting representation of smaller parties, although sometimes under Hare a majority group will be denied the majority of seats, thus denying the principle of majority rule in such settings as a city council elected at-large. By contrast, the Droop quota is more biased towards large parties than any other admissible quota. [19] The Droop quota sometimes allows a party representing less than half of the voters to take a majority of seats in a constituency. [19] [5]
The Droop quota is today the most popular quota for STV elections.[ citation needed ]
Proportional representation (PR) refers to any type of electoral system under which subgroups of an electorate are reflected proportionately in the elected body. The concept applies mainly to political divisions among voters. The essence of such systems is that all votes cast – or almost all votes cast – contribute to the result and are effectively used to help elect someone. Under other election systems, a bare plurality or a scant majority are all that are used to elect candidates. PR systems provide balanced representation to different factions, reflecting how votes are cast.
Party-list proportional representation (list-PR) is a system of proportional representation based on preregistered political parties, with each party being allocated a certain number of seats roughly proportional to their share of the vote.
The single transferable vote (STV) or proportional-ranked choice voting (P-RCV), is a multi-winner electoral system in which each voter casts a single vote in the form of a ranked ballot. Voters have the option to rank candidates, and their vote may be transferred according to alternative preferences if their preferred candidate is eliminated or elected with surplus votes, so that their vote is used to elect someone they prefer over others in the running. STV aims to approach proportional representation based on votes cast in the district where it is used, so that each vote is worth about the same as another.
Single non-transferable vote or SNTV is an electoral system used to elect multiple winners. It is a semi-proportional variant of first-past-the-post voting, applied to multi-member districts where each voter casts just one vote. It can also be seen as a variant of STV but with no vote transfers.
The Webster method, also called the Sainte-Laguë method, is a highest averages apportionment method for allocating seats in a parliament among federal states, or among parties in a party-list proportional representation system. The Sainte-Laguë method shows a more equal seats-to-votes ratio for different sized parties among apportionment methods.
The quota or divide-and-rank methods make up a category of apportionment rules, i.e. algorithms for allocating seats in a legislative body among multiple groups. The quota methods begin by calculating an entitlement for each party, by dividing their vote totals by an electoral quota. Then, leftover seats, if any are allocated by rounding up the apportionment for some parties. These rules are typically contrasted with the more popular highest averages methods.
An electoraldistrict, sometimes called a constituency, riding, or ward, is a subdivision of a larger state created to provide its population with representation in the larger state's legislature. That body, or the state's constitution or a body established for that purpose, determines each district's boundaries and whether each will be represented by a single member or multiple members. Generally, only voters (constituents) who reside within the district are permitted to vote in an election held there. District representatives may be elected by a first-past-the-post system, a proportional representative system, or another voting method. They may be selected by a direct election under universal suffrage, an indirect election, or another form of suffrage.
The Imperiali quota or pseudoquota is an unusually-low electoral quota named after Belgian senator Pierre Imperiali. Some election laws used in Single transferable voting (STV) and largest remainder systems mandate it as the portion of votes needed to guarantee a seat.
In the study of apportionment, the Harequota is the number of voters represented by each legislator under an idealized system of proportional representation, where every legislator represents an equal number of voters and where every vote is used to elect someone. The Hare quota is the total number of votes divided by the number of seats to be filled. The Hare quota was used in the original proposal for a single transferable vote system, and is still occasionally used, although it has since been largely supplanted by the Droop quota.
The single transferable vote (STV) is a proportional representation system that elects multiple winners. It is one of several ways of choosing winners from ballots that rank candidates by preference. Under STV, an elector's vote is initially allocated to their first-ranked candidate. Candidates are elected (winners) if their vote tally reaches quota. After the winners in the first count are determined, if seats are still open, surplus votes — those in excess of an electoral quota— are transferred from winners to the remaining candidates (hopefuls) according to the surplus ballots' next usable back-up preference.
The Edmonton provincial electoral district also known as Edmonton City from 1905 to 1909, was a provincial electoral district in Alberta, Canada mandated to return members to the Legislative Assembly of Alberta from 1905 to 1917 and again from 1921 to 1959.
CPO-STV, or the Comparison of Pairs of Outcomes by the Single Transferable Vote, is a ranked voting system designed to achieve proportional representation. It is a more sophisticated variant of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) system, designed to overcome some of that system's perceived shortcomings. It does this by incorporating some of the features of the Condorcet method, a voting system designed for single-winner elections, into STV. As in other forms of STV, in a CPO-STV election, more than one candidate is elected and voters must rank candidates in order of preference. As of February 2021, it has not been used for a public election.
In proportional representation systems, an electoral quota is the number of votes a candidate needs to be guaranteed election. They are used in some systems where a formula other than plurality is used to allocate seats.
Proportionality for solid coalitions (PSC) is a criterion of proportionality for ranked voting systems. It is an adaptation of the quota rule to voting systems in which there are no official party lists, and voters can directly support candidates. The criterion was first proposed by the British philosopher and logician Michael Dummett.
Schulze STV is a proposed multi-winner ranked voting system designed to achieve proportional representation. It was invented by Markus Schulze, who developed the Schulze method for resolving ties using a Condorcet method. Schulze STV is similar to CPO-STV in that it compares possible winning candidate pairs and selects the Condorcet winner. It is named in analogy to the single transferable vote (STV), but only shares its aim of proportional representation, and is otherwise based on unrelated principles.
Semi-proportional representation characterizes multi-winner electoral systems which allow representation of minorities, but are not intended to reflect the strength of the competing political forces in close proportion to the votes they receive. Semi-proportional voting systems are generally used as a compromise between complex and expensive but more-proportional systems and simple winner-take-all systems. Examples of semi-proportional systems include the single non-transferable vote, limited voting, and parallel voting.
An electoral or voting system is a set of rules used to determine the results of an election. Electoral systems are used in politics to elect governments, while non-political elections may take place in business, non-profit organisations and informal organisations. These rules govern all aspects of the voting process: when elections occur, who is allowed to vote, who can stand as a candidate, how ballots are marked and cast, how the ballots are counted, how votes translate into the election outcome, limits on campaign spending, and other factors that can affect the result. Political electoral systems are defined by constitutions and electoral laws, are typically conducted by election commissions, and can use multiple types of elections for different offices.
The Parliament of Malta is the constitutional legislative body in Malta, located in Valletta. The parliament is unicameral, with a democratically elected House of Representatives and the president of Malta. By constitutional law, all government ministers, including the prime minister, must be members of the House of Representatives.
National remnant is an apportionment scheme used in some party-list proportional representation systems that have multi-member electoral districts. The system uses a Largest remainder method to determine some of the seats in each electoral district. However, after the integer part of the seats in each district is allocated to the parties, the seats left unallocated will then be allocated not in each electoral district in isolation, but in a larger division, such as nationwide or in large separate regions that each encompass multiple electoral districts.
In mathematics and fair division, apportionment problems involve dividing (apportioning) a whole number of identical goods fairly across several parties with real-valued entitlements. The original, and best-known, example of an apportionment problem involves distributing seats in a legislature between different federal states or political parties. However, apportionment methods can be applied to other situations as well, including bankruptcy problems, inheritance law, manpower planning, and rounding percentages.
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