Reconciliation in Australia is a process which officially began in 1991, focused on the improvement of relations between the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Australia and the rest of the population. The Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (CAR), created by the government for a term of ten years, laid the foundations for the process, and created the peak body for implementation of reconciliation as a government policy, Reconciliation Australia, in 2001.
The first act of reconciliation between Indigenous Australians and non-Indigenous people followed Lieutenant James Cook's 1770 landing at the site of modern Cooktown. Cook and his crew had developed a friendly relationship with the local people, recording more than 130 words of their language. However, after the crew refused to share 12 green turtles which they had caught, thus violating local customs, the locals became angry. A Guugu Yimithirr elder stepped in, presenting Cook with a broken-tipped spear as a peace offering, thus preventing an escalation which could have ended in bloodshed. The event has been re-enacted every year since 1959 with the support and participation of many of the local Guugu Yimithirr people. [1] [2]
The term first entered the language of politics after the election of Bob Hawke as Prime Minister of Australia [3] in 1983. In opposition before his election, his election campaign had focused on a "national reconciliation, national recovery and national reconstruction", under the slogan "Bringing Australia Together". His speech launching Labor's campaign explained what the concept might mean for Australia: [4]
Another area of unresolved conflict involves the Aboriginal people of this country – the first Australians. As a group, they continue to experience the worst health, housing, employment, education, and the greatest poverty and despair. While this situation persists, we can never truly bring this country together.
Central to this question is the issue of land rights. A Labor government will not hesitate to use, where necessary, the constitutional powers of the Commonwealth to provide for Aboriginal people to own the land which has for years been set aside for them.
Hawke's time in office brought a policy shift around Indigenous Australian self-determination and Indigenous land rights in Australia. [5]
The final report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody was published in April 1991, with one of its recommendations the initiation of a process of reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians. [6] At the time, there was some criticism of the term and concept as a "politically soft option", a replacement for pursuing more concrete aims for justice for Indigenous peoples, such as land rights and a treaty. Another criticism was that the term implies that there was once a state of peaceful co-existence between settlers and Indigenous peoples which would be restored by re-conciliation. [3]
The concept of reconciliation includes both practical and symbolic features. It involves recognising and acknowledging that Indigenous peoples are the traditional owners of the whole of Australia, and that past injustices that have led to present-day consequences for Indigenous peoples, as well as increasing understanding by non-Indigenous people of Aboriginal peoples' cultures and attachment to country and working to reduce racism in Australia. Practical matters include improving health, education and employment prospects for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. [7]
However, there was general support for the move towards reconciliation, and the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation Act 1991 was passed on 2 September 1991, [8] to establish the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (CAR), [3] for a limited lifespan of 10 years. [9] The establishment of the council was an acknowledgement of past policies which had done harm to Aboriginal peoples, [7] and its purpose was to guide the process of reconciliation in the nation over the coming decade, which would end with the celebration of centenary since the Federation of Australia. [10] Its terms including addressing Aboriginal disadvantage in three key areas: employment, health and economic development, and CAR soon identified eight issues which were essential to the process of reconciliation: [7]
Pat Dodson was the first chair of CAR. [11] Several external events influenced the three terms of CAR during its decade of existence. The Mabo case, followed by the Wik decision (1996) led to pastoralists feeling threatened by the possible granting of native title over their land, and lobbied the by then more receptive Howard government to amend the Native Title Act 1993 . The resulting "Wik amendments", along with a huge reduction in funding to ATSIC, damaged cross-party agreement on reconciliation. [3]
CAR followed a "hearts and minds" awareness strategy during its existence, seeking to gain press coverage across all levels of media. It staged large events such as the Australian Reconciliation Convention in 1997, which was broadcast live on television, ran cross-cultural workshops for journalists, and produced social science research on community attitudes towards reconciliation. Its quarterly publication Walking Together and material such as badges and stickers were given to schools and local governments. It soon became a "people's movement" with hundreds of local community reconciliation groups founded across the country. Coordinators known as Australians for Reconciliation (AFR), appointed by CAR, promoted initiatives to help the movement. CAR members sought meetings with leaders, and conducted three major public consultation events and hundreds of meetings, evoking over 3,000 response forms from individuals. [3]
In 1995, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Flags were recognised. [12]
In 1997, the Australian Reconciliation Conference was held in Melbourne. [12]
In 1999, federal parliament passed a Motion of Reconciliation, as negotiated by Senator Aden Ridgeway and then prime minister John Howard, but it fell short of an apology and opinions on its effectiveness were divided. [13]
"Corroboree 2000" was a two-day event at the Sydney Opera House held in CAR's final year of existence, taking place from 27 to 28 May 2000. On the first day, a meeting of dozens of Indigenous and non-Indigenous leaders at the Sydney Opera House [10] was again broadcast live on TV, and was covered by around 500 media outlets. [3] One issue loomed large: that of an apology by the Australian Government to its Indigenous peoples, and in particular the Stolen Generations, after the 1997 Bringing Them Home report had mapped the extent of and ongoing results of the government policy of assimilation in the past, which had included removing Indigenous children from their parents. [10]
The Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation and the Roadmap to Reconciliation [3] were presented to the state premiers, the Governor-General of Australia, Sir William Deane, and Prime Minister John Howard. Many members of the audience turned their backs on Howard after he said that it was not the responsibility of the present generation to apologise for past practices. [10] The two documents laid out four strategies, relating to economic independence for Indigenous peoples; overcoming disadvantage; the recognition of rights; and continuing the reconciliation process. [3] A reconciliation canvas was created containing the handprints of all of the participating leaders, a highly symbolic act in Aboriginal traditions. [10]
As part of Corroboree 2000, on 28 May 2000 over 250,000 people walked across the Sydney Harbour Bridge in solidarity, on the Walk for Reconciliation (AKA Reconciliation Walk or Bridge Walk [14] ), streaming across the bridge from the northern to the southern end for nearly six hours. [10] The event took place as part of Reconciliation Week, [15] and had been planned since 1995. Among the Indigenous walkers were Faith Bandler and Bonita Mabo, widow of land rights campaigner Eddie Mabo, and many members of the Stolen Generations. [10] It was the largest political demonstration in Australian history. An aeroplane wrote "Sorry" in the sky. [16] A memorial plaque was erected at the southern end of Sydney Harbour Bridge in 2004 to commemorate the occasion. [15]
Similar events took place around the country on the same day and in subsequent months. [16] [3] The Brisbane walk across the William Jolly Bridge a week later attracted around 60,000 people, while 55,000 people crossed the Torrens River on the King William Street Bridge in Adelaide, [17] and in Hobart they crossed the Tasman Bridge. [18] At the end of the year, the Melbourne event drew 300,000 and in Perth huge crowds crossed the Swan River Causeway. [18]
Although the walks were organised by Aboriginal people, they were attended by Australians representing all sectors of society and ethnicities. The huge attendances showed that there was increasing public awareness of the need for reconciliation and for a national apology. [10]
At the close of CAR's decade of existence, after noting that the biggest obstacles to reconciliation were entrenched disadvantage, discrimination and racism, it published a report containing six recommendations, relating to: [3]
Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR), a mostly non-Indigenous organisation, was founded in 1997. With support from Australian Artists Against Racism, the "Sea of Hands" was created on the lawns in front of Parliament House, Canberra: 50,000 hands, symbolising support for Indigenous Australians against the Wik amendments. [3]
Social research showed that public support for the process of reconciliation had risen from 48% to 75–80% of the population over the decade of CAR's existence, although attitudes remained mixed on other issues, and among Indigenous people there was some scepticism that reconciliation could be of any practical value to improving their lives. [3]
Within a few years of the dissolution of CAR, the federal government was criticised for undermining the process of reconciliation by removing support structures and aiming to turn public support against reconciliation. It ignored the more controversial recommendations, such as Constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians, recognition of Indigenous rights, and setting up structured negotiating processes, instead focusing on the practical aspects, [3] as seen in its Closing the Gap policy framework, which commenced in 2008. [19]
The peak body to oversee the continuing process of reconciliation, Reconciliation Australia, was established by CAR in January 2001. [20] It remains active, although operates without the statutory framework and resources enjoyed by CAR. [3] It is an independent NGO, mostly funded by the federal government through the National Indigenous Australians Agency, with a large contribution from the BHP Foundation. Other funding comes from other corporate sponsors, private donors, and investments. [21] Reconciliation Australia's vision of the concept of reconciliation is based on "five inter-related dimensions,: race relations, equality and equity, unity, institutional integrity and historical acceptance". [22] [23] [24]
Major religious communities in Australia commenced the practice of a Week of Prayer for Reconciliation in 1993, [12] which proved very successful. In 1996 this grew into National Reconciliation Week (NRW), which provides a focus on reconciliation activities across the country. [7] The Week occurs each year between two highly symbolic dates: 27 May, the anniversary of the 1967 referendum, and 3 June, or Mabo Day, [25] the date that The Mabo decision was made in the High Court of Australia. [26]
National Sorry Day, on 26 May, remembers the anniversary of the day that the Bringing Them Home report was tabled in Parliament. [27]
The first Reconciliation Day as a public holiday was held in the Australian Capital Territory on 28 May 2018. [12]
The reconciliation process has been accepted into political discourse, and grassroots organisations such as ANTaR continue to play a part. The dual target of rights and practical measures is a message aimed not only at governments but also the corporate sector and all kinds of institutions, as well as ordinary members of the public. The interpretation of the concept continues to be debated, as well as its usefulness in making real improvements to the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. [3]
Significant moments and initiatives have included: [23] [12]
Mabo v Queensland is a landmark decision of the High Court of Australia that recognised the existence of Native Title in Australia. It was brought by Eddie Mabo against the State of Queensland and decided on 3 June 1992. The case is notable for being the first in Australia to recognise pre-colonial land interests of Indigenous Australians within the common law of Australia.
The Stolen Generations were the children of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent who were removed from their families by the Australian federal and state government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments. The removals of those referred to as "half-caste" children were conducted in the period between approximately 1905 and 1967, although in some places mixed-race children were still being taken into the 1970s.
Edward Koiki Mabo was an Indigenous Australian man from the Torres Strait Islands known for his role in campaigning for Indigenous land rights in Australia, in particular the landmark decision of the High Court of Australia that recognised that indigenous rights to land had continued after the British Crown acquired sovereignty and that the international law doctrine of terra nullius was not applicable to Australian domestic law. High court judges considering the case Mabo v Queensland found in favour of Mabo, which led to the Native Title Act 1993 and established native title in Australia, officially recognising the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia.
The Torres Strait Islands are an archipelago of at least 274 small islands in the Torres Strait, a waterway separating far northern continental Australia's Cape York Peninsula and the island of New Guinea. They span an area of 48,000 km2 (19,000 sq mi), but their total land area is 566 km2 (219 sq mi).
Native title refers to rights, recognised by Australian law, held by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups or individuals to land that derive from their maintenance of their traditional laws and customs. These Aboriginal title rights were first recognised as a part of Australian common law with the decision of Mabo v Queensland in 1992. The doctrine was subsequently implemented and modified via statute with the Native Title Act 1993.
The second question of the 1967 Australian referendum of 27 May 1967, called by the Holt government, related to Indigenous Australians. Voters were asked whether to give the Commonwealth Parliament the power to make special laws for Indigenous Australians in states, and whether Indigenous Australians should be included in official population counts for constitutional purposes. The term "the Aboriginal Race" was used in the question.
Melanesian Meriam people are an Indigenous Australian group of Torres Strait Islander people who are united by a common language, strong ties of kinship and live as skilled hunter–fisher–gatherers in family groups or clans on a number of inner eastern Torres Strait Islands including Mer or Murray Island, Ugar or Stephen Island and Erub or Darnley Island. The Meriam people are perhaps best known for their involvement in the High Court of Australia's Mabo decision which fundamentally changed land law in Australia - recognising native title.
National Sorry Day, officially the National Day of Healing, is an event held annually in Australia on 26 May commemorating the Stolen Generations. It is part of the ongoing efforts towards reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.
Reconciliation Australia is a non-government, not-for-profit foundation established in January 2001 to promote a continuing national focus for reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. It was established by the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, which was established to create a framework for furthering a government policy of reconciliation in Australia.
The Native Title Act 1993(Cth) is a law passed by the Australian Parliament, the purpose of which is "to provide a national system for the recognition and protection of native title and for its co-existence with the national land management system". The Act was passed by the Keating government following the High Court's decision in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992). The Act commenced operation on 1 January 1994.
Indigenous Australian self-determination, also known as Aboriginal Australian self-determination, is the power relating to self-governance by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia. It is the right of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to determine their own political status and pursue their own economic, social and cultural interests. Self-determination asserts that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples should direct and implement Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy formulation and provision of services. Self-determination encompasses both Aboriginal land rights and self-governance, and may also be supported by a treaty between a government and an Indigenous group in Australia.
Bringing Them Home is the 1997 Australian Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families. The report marked a pivotal moment in the controversy that has come to be known as the Stolen Generations.
Indigenous Australians are people with familial heritage from, and/or recognised membership of, the various ethnic groups living within the territory of present day Australia prior to British colonisation. They consist of two distinct groups, which includes many ethnic groups: the Aboriginal Australians of the mainland and many islands, including Tasmania, and the Torres Strait Islanders of the seas between Queensland and Papua New Guinea, located in Melanesia. The term Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples or the person's specific cultural group, is often preferred, though the terms First Nations of Australia, First Peoples of Australia and First Australians are also increasingly common; 812,728 people self-identified as being of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander origin in the 2021 Australian Census, representing 3.2% of the total population of Australia. Of these Indigenous Australians, 91.4% identified as Aboriginal; 4.2% identified as Torres Strait Islander; while 4.4% identified with both groups. Since 1995, the Australian Aboriginal flag and the Torres Strait Islander flag have been official flags of Australia.
National Reconciliation Week is intended to celebrate Indigenous history and culture in Australia and foster reconciliation discussion and activities. It started as the Week of Prayer for Reconciliation in 1993, developing into National Reconciliation Week in 1996.
The Motion of Reconciliation was a motion to the Australian Parliament introduced and passed on 26 August 1999. Drafted by Prime Minister John Howard in consultation with Aboriginal Senator Aden Ridgeway, it dedicated the Parliament to the "cause of reconciliation" and recognised historic maltreatment of Indigenous Australians as the "most blemished chapter" in Australian history. While falling short of an apology, the motion included a statement of regret for past injustices suffered by Indigenous Australians.
Mabo Day is a commemorative day that occurs annually on 3 June. It is an official holiday in the Torres Shire, and occurs during National Reconciliation Week in Australia.
Indigenous land rights in Australia, also known as Aboriginal land rights in Australia, are the rights and interests in land of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia; the term may also include the struggle for those rights. Connection to the land and waters is vital in Australian Aboriginal culture and to that of Torres Strait Islander people, and there has been a long battle to gain legal and moral recognition of ownership of the lands and waters occupied by the many peoples prior to colonisation of Australia starting in 1788, and the annexation of the Torres Strait Islands by the colony of Queensland in the 1870s.
The Uluru Statement from the Heart is a 2017 petition to the people of Australia, written and endorsed by the Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders selected as delegates to the First Nations National Constitutional Convention. The document calls for substantive constitutional change and structural reform through the creation of two new institutions; a constitutionally protected First Nations Voice and a Makarrata Commission, to oversee agreement-making and truth-telling between governments and First Nations. Such reforms should be implemented, it is argued, both in recognition of the continuing sovereignty of Indigenous peoples and to address structural power differences that has led to severe disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. These reforms can be summarised as Voice, Treaty and Truth.
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice, also known as the Indigenous Voice to Parliament, the First Nations Voice or simply the Voice, was a proposed Australian federal advisory body to comprise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, to represent the views of Indigenous communities.
Constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians refers to various proposals for changes to the Australian Constitution to recognise Indigenous Australians in the document. Various proposals have been suggested to symbolically recognise the special place Indigenous Australians have as the first peoples of Australia, along with substantial changes, such as prohibitions on racial discrimination, the protection of languages and the addition of new institutions. In 2017, the Uluru Statement from the Heart was released by Indigenous leaders, which called for the establishment of an Indigenous Voice to Parliament as their preferred form of recognition. When submitted to a national referendum in 2023 by the Albanese government, the proposal was heavily defeated.
Note: This Act ceased to be in force on 1 January 2001...