September Dossier

Last updated

Iraq's Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Assessment of the British Government, also known as the September Dossier, was a document published by the British government on 24 September 2002. Parliament was recalled on the same day to discuss the contents of the document. [1] The paper was part of an ongoing investigation by the government into weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq, which ultimately led to the invasion of Iraq six months later. It contained a number of allegations according to which Iraq also possessed WMD, including chemical weapons and biological weapons. The dossier even alleged that Iraq had reconstituted its nuclear weapons programme.

Contents

Without exception, all of the allegations included within the September Dossier have been since proven to be false, as shown by the Iraq Survey Group.

The much-anticipated document was based on reports made by the Joint Intelligence Committee, part of the British Intelligence 'machinery'. Most of the evidence was uncredited, ostensibly to protect sources. On publication, serious press comment was generally critical of the dossier for tameness and for the seeming lack of any genuinely new evidence. Those politically opposed to military action against Iraq generally agreed that the dossier was unremarkable, with Menzies Campbell observing in the House of Commons that:

We can also agree that [Saddam Hussein] most certainly has chemical and biological weapons and is working towards a nuclear capability. The dossier contains confirmation of information that we either knew or most certainly should have been willing to assume. [2]

However, two sections later became the centre of fierce debate: the allegation that Iraq had sought "significant quantities of uranium from Africa", and the claim in the foreword to the document written by British Prime Minister Tony Blair that "The document discloses that his military planning allows for some of the WMD to be ready within 45 minutes of an order to use them." [3]

Britain's biggest selling popular daily newspaper, The Sun , subsequently carried the headline "Brits 45mins from doom", [4] while the Daily Star reported "Mad Saddam ready to attack: 45 minutes from a chemical war", [5] helping to create the impression among the British public that Iraq was a threat to Britain.

Major General Michael Laurie, one of those involved in producing the dossier wrote to the Chilcot Inquiry in 2011 saying "the purpose of the dossier was precisely to make a case for war, rather than setting out the available intelligence, and that to make the best out of sparse and inconclusive intelligence the wording was developed with care." [6] On 26 June 2011, The Observer reported on a memo from John Scarlett to Blair's foreign affairs adviser, released under the Freedom of Information Act, which referred to "the benefit of obscuring the fact that in terms of WMD Iraq is not that exceptional". The memo has been described as one of the most significant documents on the September dossier yet published as it is considered a proposal to mislead the public. [7]

Claims

Uranium from Niger

The claim that Iraq was seeking to buy uranium from Africa was repeated in US President George W. Bush's January 2003 State of the Union Address. The controversial '16 words' used by President Bush on 28 January 2003 were:

The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. [8]

In March 2003, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), when it finally obtained the documents referred to by United States Secretary of State Colin Powell to the United Nations Security Council alleging transactions between Niger and Iraq, concluded that they were obvious fakes. [9]

Subsequently, CIA director George Tenet stated that the remarks should not have been included in the US President's speech. This followed a remark by US National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, saying that the presence of the line in the speech showed that it had been authorised by the CIA.

In July, Tony Blair testified to the House of Commons Liaison Committee that the evidence the government had regarding Iraq's dealings with Niger came from a separate source to the fraudulent documents. Ever since Powell's presentation, critics argued that had the US and UK intelligence services fully cooperated with United Nations weapons inspectors, it could have been found out whether the claims were truthful.

The same month, British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw told the Foreign Affairs Select Committee (which was investigating the veracity of the claims in the dossier) that the statement in the dossier rested on separate evidence which was still under review, and that this specific intelligence had not been shared with the CIA. In written evidence to the same committee, however, Straw further disclosed that the intelligence information upon which the British government had relied was shared separately with the IAEA by a foreign government shortly before their report of 7 March 2003. [10] This was further confirmed in a Parliamentary answer to Lynne Jones MP. [11] Lynne Jones subsequently contacted the IAEA to question whether a third party had discussed or shared separate intelligence with them and, if so, what assessment they made of it. IAEA spokesman Mark Gwozdecky responded to Jones on 25 May 2004:

I can confirm to you that we have received information from a number of member states regarding the allegation that Iraq sought to acquire uranium from Niger. However, we have learned nothing which would cause us to change the conclusion we reported to the United Nations Security Council on March 7, 2003 with regards to the documents assessed to be forgeries and have not received any information that would appear to be based on anything other than those documents. [12]

The Foreign Affairs Select Committee judged that the British government had been wrong to state in an unqualified manner something that had not been established beyond doubt:

We conclude that it is very odd indeed that the Government asserts that it was not relying on the evidence which has since been shown to have been forged, but that eight months later it is still reviewing the other evidence. The assertion "…that Iraq sought the supply of significant amounts of uranium from Africa …" should have been qualified to reflect the uncertainty. [13]

The privately Blair-appointed Butler Review, whose own report was issued after the aforementioned public investigation, concluded that the report Saddam's government was seeking uranium in Africa appeared credible:

a. It is accepted by all parties that Iraqi officials visited Niger in 1999.

b. The British Government had intelligence from several different sources indicating that this visit was for the purpose of acquiring uranium. Since uranium constitutes almost three-quarters of Niger's exports, the intelligence was credible.

c. The evidence was not conclusive that Iraq actually purchased, as opposed to having sought, uranium, and the British Government did not claim this.

d. The forged documents were not available to the British Government at the time its assessment was made, and so the fact of the forgery does not undermine it. [14] [15]

The Butler Review also made a specific conclusion on President Bush's 16 words: "By extension, we conclude also that the statement in President Bush's State of the Union Address of 28 January 2003 that: 'The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.' was well-founded."

The 45 minute claim

The 45 minute claim lies at the centre of a row between Downing Street and the BBC. On 29 May 2003, BBC defence correspondent Andrew Gilligan filed a report for BBC Radio 4's Today programme in which he stated that an unnamed source – a senior British official – had told him that the September Dossier had been "sexed up", and that the intelligence agencies were concerned about some "dubious" information contained within it – specifically the claim that Saddam Hussein could deploy weapons of mass destruction within 45 minutes of an order to use them.

On 1 June, Gilligan expanded upon that claim in The Mail on Sunday newspaper, stating that the government's director of communications, Alastair Campbell, had been responsible for the insertion of the 45-minute claim, against the wishes of the intelligence agencies. Gilligan subsequently gave evidence before the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, as did Campbell, who denied ordering the inclusion of the claim, and demanded an apology from the BBC. He subsequently backed this demand in writing.

The BBC refused to apologise, and stood by Gilligan's story. Campbell responded angrily, with an appearance on Channel 4 News . [16]

On 7 July, the Select Committee published a report which cleared Campbell, albeit on the casting vote of the chairman. In the report, the committee stated that the 45-minute claim had been given "undue prominence".

On 15 September, MI6 head Richard Dearlove told the Hutton Inquiry that the claim related to battlefield WMD rather than weapons of mass destruction of a larger range than just battlefield. [17] On the same day, Tony Cragg, the retired deputy chief of defence intelligence, admitted there were memos from two members of DIS objecting that parts of the dossier, including the 45-minute claim, was "far too strong" or "over-egged". [18]

On 28 January 2004, the Hutton Inquiry released its report, which among other things concluded that:

Information surfacing in late 2009 initially appeared to suggest that the source of the 45 minute claim was in fact a taxi driver "on the Iraqi-Jordanian border, who had remembered an overheard conversation in the back of his cab a full two years earlier". [19] [20] Whether or not the taxi driver was the source of the 45-minute claim or instead "something about missiles" remains an open question. [21]

It is also claimed by Adam Holloway MP that "When the information was acquired by MI6, a footnote was written on the page of an intelligence report sent to No 10 stating that the claim was 'verifiably inaccurate'." [22]

Role in the death of David Kelly

The following day, 30 May 2003, the Ministry of Defence claimed that one of its officials (later named as Dr. David Kelly) had come forward, admitting to having discussed the matter of Iraq's weapons with Gilligan on 22 May. The BBC responded by saying that Kelly differed from Gilligan's key source in "important ways". Kelly was subsequently called before the Foreign Affairs Select Committee whose conclusion was that Kelly was being used as a scapegoat and that he had not been Gilligan's key mole.

On 17 July, Gilligan gave evidence to a private session of the Select Committee, and was subsequently criticised for not naming his source, and for changing his story. The BBC continued to stand by him.

On the same day, Kelly left his home for an area of woodland and was later found dead with his left wrist slit, apparently having committed suicide.

On 20 July, Richard Sambrook, director of news at the BBC, revealed that Kelly was indeed the key source for Gilligan's report, and that the BBC had not said so before so as to protect Kelly. The BBC stressed that Gilligan's reporting accurately reflected Kelly's comments, implying that Kelly had not been entirely truthful with the Select Committee. An inquest into the cause of the death was begun, but was suspended by Lord Falconer. [23]

The BBC committed to assisting fully with the then forthcoming Hutton Inquiry into Kelly's death.

On 28 January 2004, the Hutton Inquiry published its report. With regard to the death of Kelly:

Dissatisfied with the results of the Hutton Inquiry, in 2010 experts called for the suspended inquest to be reopened. [23]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iraq and weapons of mass destruction</span>

Iraq actively researched and later employed weapons of mass destruction (WMD) from 1962 to 1991, when it destroyed its chemical weapons stockpile and halted its biological and nuclear weapon programs as required by the United Nations Security Council. The fifth president of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was internationally condemned for his use of chemical weapons against Iranian and Kurdish civilians during the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s. Saddam pursued an extensive biological weapons program and a nuclear weapons program, though no nuclear bomb was built. After the Gulf War, the United Nations located and destroyed large quantities of Iraqi chemical weapons and related equipment and materials; Iraq ceased its chemical, biological and nuclear programs.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Geoff Hoon</span> British Labour politician

Geoffrey William Hoon is a British Labour Party politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Ashfield in Nottinghamshire from 1992 to 2010. He is a former Defence Secretary, Transport Secretary, Leader of the House of Commons and Government Chief Whip.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">David Kelly (weapons expert)</span> Welsh biological warfare expert (1944–2003)

David Christopher Kelly was a Welsh scientist and authority on biological warfare (BW). A former head of the Defence Microbiology Division working at Porton Down, Kelly was part of a joint US-UK team that inspected civilian biotechnology facilities in Russia in the early 1990s and concluded they were running a covert and illegal BW programme. He was appointed to the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) in 1991 as one of its chief weapons inspectors in Iraq and led ten of the organisation's missions between May 1991 and December 1998. He also worked with UNSCOM's successor, the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and led several of their missions into Iraq. During his time with UNMOVIC he was key in uncovering the anthrax production programme at the Salman Pak facility, and a BW programme run at Al Hakum.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iraq Dossier</span> 2003 briefing document for UK prime minister Tony Blair

Iraq – Its Infrastructure of Concealment, Deception and Intimidation was a 2003 briefing document for the British prime minister Tony Blair's Labour Party government. It was issued to journalists on 3 February 2003 by Alastair Campbell, Blair's Director of Communications and Strategy, and concerned Iraq and weapons of mass destruction. Along with the earlier September Dossier, these documents were ultimately used by the British government to justify its involvement in the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

The Hutton Inquiry was a 2003 judicial inquiry in the UK chaired by Lord Hutton, who was appointed by the Labour government to investigate the controversial circumstances surrounding the death of David Kelly, a biological warfare expert and former UN weapons inspector in Iraq.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Andrew Gilligan</span> British journalist and radio presenter (born 1968)

Andrew Paul Gilligan is a British policy adviser, and former transport adviser to Boris Johnson both as Mayor of London and as Prime Minister. Until July 2019, he was senior correspondent of The Sunday Times and had also served as head of the Capital City Foundation at Policy Exchange. Between 2013 and 2016 he also worked as the Mayor's cycling commissioner for London, and in 2020 he was an appointee of Central Government to TfL's Board. He is best known for a 2003 report on BBC Radio 4's Today programme in which he described a British government briefing paper on Iraq and weapons of mass destruction as having been "transformed in the week before it was published to make it sexier". This change became widely known, in the words of newspaper headlines about the story, as being "sexed up".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Susan Watts</span>

Susan Janet Watts is a science journalist. She was science editor of the BBC's Newsnight programme, from January 1995 to November 2013.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">John Scarlett</span> British senior intelligence officer (born 1948)

Sir John McLeod Scarlett is a British senior intelligence officer. He was Chief of the Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) from 2004 to 2009. Prior to this appointment, he had chaired the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Defence Intelligence</span> Intelligence agency of the United Kingdom

Defence Intelligence (DI) is an organisation within the United Kingdom intelligence community which focuses on gathering and analysing military intelligence. It differs from the UK's intelligence agencies in that it is an integral part of a government department – the Ministry of Defence (MoD) – rather than a stand-alone organisation. The organisation employs a mixture of civilian and military staff and is funded within the UK's defence budget. The organisation was formerly known as the Defence Intelligence Staff (DIS), but changed its name in 2009.

Operation Rockingham was the codeword for UK involvement in inspections in Iraq following the war over Kuwait in 1990–91. Early in 1991 the United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) was established to oversee the destruction of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. Use of the codeword was referred to in the annual British defence policy white paper "Statement on the Defence Estimates 1991" where at page 28 it states "The United Kingdom is playing a full part in the work of the Special Commission; our involvement is known as Operation ROCKINGHAM." The activities carried out by the UK as part of Rockingham were detailed in the following white paper.

Sexed up refers to making something more sexually attractive. Since 2003 it has been used in the sense of making something more attractive than it really is by selective presentation; a modern update to the phrase "hyped up". One variant of "sexed up" is "sex it up". The implication is that no actual lying is taking place, but that spin is being placed on certain parts of the message.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Niger uranium forgeries</span> Forged documents in the Iraq disarmament crisis

The Niger uranium forgeries were forged documents initially released in 2001 by SISMI, which seem to depict an attempt made by Saddam Hussein in Iraq to purchase yellowcake uranium powder from Niger during the Iraq disarmament crisis. On the basis of these documents and other indicators, the governments of the United States and the United Kingdom asserted that Iraq violated United Nations sanctions against Iraq by attempting to procure nuclear material for the purpose of creating weapons of mass destruction.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Curveball (informant)</span> Iraqi defector

Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, known by the Defense Intelligence Agency cryptonym "Curveball", is a German citizen who defected from Iraq in 1999, claiming that he had worked as a chemical engineer at a plant that manufactured mobile biological weapon laboratories as part of an Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program. Alwan's allegations were subsequently shown to be false by the Iraq Survey Group's final report published in 2004.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Allegations of Iraqi mobile weapons laboratories</span> Allegation against Iraq in the lead-up to the 2003 invasion

During the lead-up to the Iraq War, the United States had alleged that Iraq owned bioreactors, and other processing equipment to manufacture and process biological weapons that can be moved from location to location either by train or vehicle. Subsequent investigations failed to find any evidence of Iraq having access to a mobile weapons lab.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Legitimacy of the 2003 invasion of Iraq</span>

A dispute exists over the legitimacy of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The debate centers around the question whether the invasion was an unprovoked assault on an independent country that may have breached international law, or if the United Nations Security Council authorized the invasion. Those arguing for its legitimacy often point to Congressional Joint Resolution 114 and UN Security Council resolutions, such as Resolution 1441 and Resolution 678. Those arguing against its legitimacy also cite some of the same sources, stating they do not actually permit war but instead lay out conditions that must be met before war can be declared. Furthermore, the Security Council may only authorise the use of force against an "aggressor" in the interests of preserving peace, whereas the 2003 invasion of Iraq was not provoked by any aggressive military action.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">WMD conjecture after the 2003 invasion of Iraq</span>

The United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the U.S.-led Iraq Survey Group (ISG) failed to find any of the alleged stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq that were used as an impetus for the 2003 invasion. The United States effectively terminated the search effort for unconventional weaponry in 2005, and the Iraq Intelligence Commission concluded that the judgements of the U.S. intelligence community about the continued existence of weapons of mass destruction and an associated military program were wrong. The official findings by the CIA in 2004 were that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein "did not possess stockpiles of illicit weapons at the time of the U.S. invasion in March 2003 and had not begun any program to produce them."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iraq Inquiry</span> 2009 British public inquiry into the Iraq War

The Iraq Inquiry was a British public inquiry into the nation's role in the Iraq War. The inquiry was announced in 2009 by Prime Minister Gordon Brown and published in 2016 with a public statement by Chilcot.

The Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, widely known as the Butler Review after its chairman Robin Butler, Baron Butler of Brockwell, was announced on 3 February 2004 by the British Government and published on 14 July 2004. It examined the intelligence on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction which played a key part in the Government's decision to invade Iraq in 2003. A similar Iraq Intelligence Commission was set up in the United States. Despite the apparent certainty of both governments prior to the war that Iraq possessed such weapons, no such illegal weapons or programs were found by the Iraq Survey Group.

Brian Francis Gill Jones was a UK metallurgist who worked as an intelligence analyst, was skeptical of claims of Iraqi WMD and gave evidence concerning the justification for the Iraq war.

References

  1. Hansard (24 September 2002). "Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction". TheyWorkForYou . mySociety. Archived from the original on 5 June 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  2. "House of Commons Hansard for 24 Sept 2002 (pt 12)". www.parliament.uk. London: Parliament of the United Kingdom. 24 September 2002. Column 43. Archived from the original on 3 April 2015. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  3. "Full text of Tony Blair's foreword to the dossier on Iraq". The Guardian . London: Guardian News and Media. 24 September 2002. Archived from the original on 26 August 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  4. "Daily Record scoop - world war could be just 30 seconds away". TheGuardian.com . 12 October 2015.
  5. "Timeline: The 45-minute claim". BBC News . London: BBC. 13 October 2004. Archived from the original on 20 April 2009. Retrieved 9 May 2013.
  6. Norton-Taylor, Richard (12 May 2011). "Iraq dossier drawn up to make case for war – intelligence officer". The Guardian. London: Guardian News and Media. Archived from the original on 10 September 2013. Retrieved 14 May 2011.
  7. Ames, Chris (26 June 2011). "Memo reveals intelligence chief's bid to fuel fears of Iraqi WMDs". The Observer . London: Guardian News and Media. Archived from the original on 30 September 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  8. "President Delivers 'State of the Union'". georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov (Archived White House press release). Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. 28 January 2003. Archived from the original on 7 January 2010. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
  9. Ensor, David (14 March 2003). "Fake Iraq documents 'embarrassing' for U.S." CNN . Washington, D.C.: Turner Broadcasting System. Archived from the original on 28 October 2006. Retrieved 2 November 2006.
  10. Foreign and Commonwealth Office (July 2003). "Iraqi Attempts To Procure Uranium". www.parliament.uk (Supplementary memorandum). London: Parliament of the United Kingdom. Archived from the original on 2 November 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  11. "House of Commons Hansard Written Answers for 30 Jan 2004 (pt 14): Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs: Iraq". www.parliament.uk. London: Parliament of the United Kingdom. 30 January 2004. Column 581W. Archived from the original on 2 November 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  12. "The 'uranium from Africa' claim". Lynne Jones MP. Archived from the original on 4 April 2015. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  13. Foreign Affairs Select Committee (7 July 2003). The September Dossier. London: The Stationery Office. ISBN   0215011627. HC 813-I. Archived from the original on 24 October 2012. Retrieved 6 June 2013.{{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help) From pages 13–24 of "The Decision to go to War in Iraq: Ninth Report of Session 2002–03" Archived 7 August 2008 at the Wayback Machine (PDF).
  14. "Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction – Report". Butler Review. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
  15. "[ARCHIVED CONTENT] Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction – Report". UK Government Web Archive. Kew: The National Archives. Archived from the original on 7 August 2010. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
  16. "Exclusive: Alastair Campbell interview". Channel 4 News . ITN. 27 June 2003. Archived from the original on 19 May 2013. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
  17. Peter, Fray (17 September 2003). "Spy chief regrets '45-minute' Iraq weapons claim". The Age . Melbourne: Fairfax Media. Archived from the original on 5 May 2009. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
  18. Tempest, Matthew (15 September 2003). "Memo reveals high-level dossier concern". The Guardian. London: Guardian News and Media. Archived from the original on 27 August 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
  19. Sparrow, Andrew (8 December 2009). "45-minute WMD claim 'may have come from an Iraqi taxi driver'". The Guardian. London: Guardian News and Media. Archived from the original on 26 August 2013. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
  20. "Ex-spy chief says Iraqi WMD claims not manipulated". BBC News. London: BBC. 8 December 2009. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
  21. Waugh, Paul (8 December 2009). "Saddam, cabbies and WMD (an update)". Evening Standard (Blog). London. Archived from the original on 13 December 2009. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
  22. Evans, Michael (8 December 2009). "Gossiping taxi driver source of Iraq 45-minute WMD claim". The Times . London: News Corporation. Archived from the original on 29 April 2011. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
  23. 1 2 Siddique, Haroon (13 August 2010). "Experts call for David Kelly inquest". The Guardian. London: Guardian News and Media. Archived from the original on 15 September 2013. Retrieved 13 August 2010.