Storable votes (also storable voting) is a multiple-issue electoral system with the potential to promote minority rights relative to a simple majority system. [1] More generally, it allows voters to express the relative intensities of their preferences over different issues, in addition to the direction of their preferences.
Storable Votes apply to a context where several binary issues (Yes/No questions) are to be decided.
Imagine a committee, for example the board of a central bank, that every month needs to vote on an up-or-down decision, say changing the interest rate or not. Each month, the decision is taken according to the majority of votes cast.
Instead of having one vote for each monthly meeting, suppose that each committee member is granted 12 votes at the beginning of the year and can cast as many of these votes as s/he wishes at any one meeting.
Clearly if a committee member casts more than one vote at one meeting, then that member will not have a vote to cast at one or more of the following meetings. Alternatively, if a member abstains, he or she will have more votes for the future. The possibility to "store votes" for future use gives the name to the mechanism.
In general, the multiple decisions can be either simultaneous or take place over time. The exact mechanism most studied so far grants each voter a regular vote for each decision, that cannot be stored, and a stock of bonus votes that can instead be spent freely over the different decisions. In the simplest case, the bonus vote could be a single vote.
Then, every voter would have the opportunity to cast two votes on a single issue (one regular vote and one bonus vote), and one vote on the others (one regular vote).
As with cumulative voting, Storable Votes allow voters to redistribute votes among issues as they see fit. However, cumulative voting applies to a single multi-candidate election, whereas Storable Votes apply to multiple elections, each between two alternatives only.
For example, cumulative voting can be used to elect a board of five members, out of a field of ten candidates: each voter is granted five votes and is free to distribute them on as many as five candidates or as few as a single one.
Storable Votes apply instead to five different decisions, each with two choices only. For example, five proposals must be voted up or down, or five seats on a board must be filled, and each seat is contended by two candidates: voters are granted five bonus votes that can be spread over the five elections, or concentrated on as few elections as the voter sees fit.
Note that the competition among candidates is very different: in the single election using cumulative voting, each candidate competes with all other nine; in the multiple elections using Storable Votes, each candidate competes with one other candidate only. This means that the functioning of the voting rule, the "game" that represents voters’ strategic behavior, is very different.
However, it is clear that the goals of the two systems are similar: by concentrating votes on one candidate or one election, they allow voters to represent the intensity of their preferences. And by allowing the expression of the intensity of preferences, they increase the representation of minority interests, relative to simple majority rule.
The objective of Storable Voting is to offer a way for voters to represent not only the direction of their preference (Yes/No), but also how relatively intensely they feel about different issues. Robert Dahl (1956) [2] asked the question:
"What if a minority prefers an alternative much more passionately than the majority prefers a contrary alternative? Does the majority principle still make sense?"
With Storable Votes, a voter who does not feel differently about the issues at stake will spread his/her votes over all of them, and the voting rule will be identical to simple majority rule. But a voter with an intense view on a specific issue will be able to target this issue by casting some bonus votes. Because the decision is then taken according to the majority of votes cast, as opposed to the majority of voters, the minority can win. But the minority wins only if a sufficient number of minority voters feel strongly about the issue, while the majority does not. Thus the minority can win only when its preferences are intense and the majority's preferences are not, exactly as Dahl wanted. Fairness (the occasional representation of minority interests) and efficiency (the weight given in decision-making to the intensity of preferences) go together.
Minority representation is achieved while treating all voters identically (all have the same number of bonus votes), and without supermajority requirements or vetoes that hamper decision-making.
An important property of Storable votes is that they function through the private incentives of the voters: there is no external agent who needs to gauge and reward intensity of preferences. Voters themselves choose how to use the bonus votes and are induced by the mechanism to express the relative intensity of their preferences truthfully. The voting rule works well regardless of the realizations of individual preferences. If voters feel equally about all issues, or if the intensity of preferences of minority and majority members are perfectly correlated (everybody agrees on what the important issues are), then Storable Votes are identical to simple majority rule. It is only when the minority feels relatively more strongly about one issue than the majority does that Storable Votes come to differ from majority rule.
The mechanism has been studied in a succession of papers by Alessandra Casella, who introduced the concept in a paper published in 2005, and several co-authors. Rafael Hortala-Vallve introduced a similar concept, which he called "Qualitative Voting", [3] in a paper written later but independently. The theoretical studies are based on models where a set of voters have different preferences over issues, characterized by some random variable vit which is the value that voter i gives to issue t. There are then two main questions. First, on what issues does a voter cast her extra-votes? Second, given those optimal strategies, does the mechanism provide eventually a better outcome than majority voting?
Following those questions, Storable Voting, has a number of original properties when compared to majority voting. As mentioned above:
Alessandra Casella, Tom Palfrey, Andrew Gelman, and other co-authors realized several laboratory experiments and one quasi-experiment in the field to test the theoretical predictions of Storable Votes models.
The recurring and surprising result is that while experimental subjects have clear difficulties with the subtle strategic calculations that the theory takes into account, the total payoffs that the experimental subjects take home from the experiments are close to identical to the theoretical predictions. The data suggest a plausible explanation: while the subjects use rules of thumb, as opposed to optimal strategies, in deciding the exact number of votes to cast over each decision, they consistently cast more votes when their intensity of preferences is higher. This intuitive behavior is sufficient to increase the frequency with which they win decisions they care more about, in exchange for losing decisions that matter to them less. The result is that voting outcomes and thus payoffs mimic closely the predictions of the theory. And as in the theory, Storable Votes tend to dominate Majority Voting in the experiments: the total payoffs that subjects bring home tend to be higher. The performance of Storable Votes appears robust to the strategic errors that are observed in the laboratory.
The laboratory experiments reveal a number of regularities:
In a field study, Casella and her co-authors tried to assess the potential effect of introducing Storable Votes in actual elections. In the spring of 2006, they attached a short survey to students' election ballots in two different schools at Columbia University, asking students to rank the importance assigned to all binary contests on the ballot, and to indicate where they would have cast an additional bonus vote, had one been available. An identifier connected responses and actual voting choices, allowing the authors to construct distributions of intensities and to propose welfare measures of the electoral outcomes, both without and with the bonus vote. Bootstrapping techniques provided estimates of the bonus vote's probable impact. Because the bonus vote choices indicated by the survey respondents were hypothetical only, as a robustness check, the authors analyzed the bootstrap samples relying not only on the survey responses but also on three alternative plausible rules for casting the bonus vote. For each of the four cases, they estimated three measures:
The authors conclude that the bonus vote would have worked well. When minority preferences were particularly intense, the minority would have won at least one of the contests with 15% to 30% probability; ex post inequality would have fallen, and yet in the presence of minority victories, aggregate welfare would have increased with 85% to 95% percent probability. When majority and minority preferences were equally intense, the effect of the bonus vote would have been smaller and more variable, but on balance still positive. [8]
Approval voting is an electoral system in which voters can select many candidates instead of selecting only one candidate.
Score voting or range voting is an electoral system for single-seat elections, in which voters give each candidate a score, the scores are added, and the candidate with the highest total is elected. It has been described by various other names including evaluative voting, utilitarian voting, interval measure voting, the point system, ratings summation, 0-99 voting, average voting and utilityvoting. It is a type of cardinal voting electoral system, and aims to implement the utilitarian social choice rule.
The two-round system (TRS), also known as runoff voting, second ballot, or ballotage, is a voting method used to elect a single candidate, where voters cast a single vote for their preferred candidate. It generally ensures a majoritarian result, not a simple-plurality result as under first past the post. Under the two-round election system, the election process usually proceeds to a second round only if in the first round no candidate received a simple majority of votes cast, or some other lower prescribed percentage. Under the two-round system, usually only the two candidates who received the most votes in the first round, or only those candidates who received above a prescribed proportion of the votes, are candidates in the second round. Other candidates are excluded from the second round.
The single transferable vote (STV) is a multi-winner electoral system in which each voter casts a single vote in the form of a ranked-choice ballot. Voters have the option to rank candidates, and their vote may be transferred according to alternate preferences if their preferred candidate is eliminated or elected with surplus votes, so that their vote is used to elect someone they prefer over others in the running. STV aims to approach proportional representation based on votes cast in the district where it is used, so that each vote is worth about the same as another.
Arrow's impossibility theorem, the general possibility theorem or Arrow's paradox is an impossibility theorem in social choice theory that states that when voters have three or more distinct alternatives (options), no ranked voting electoral system can convert the ranked preferences of individuals into a community-wide ranking while also meeting the specified set of criteria: unrestricted domain, non-dictatorship, Pareto efficiency, and independence of irrelevant alternatives. The theorem is often cited in discussions of voting theory as it is further interpreted by the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem. The theorem is named after economist and Nobel laureate Kenneth Arrow, who demonstrated the theorem in his doctoral thesis and popularized it in his 1951 book Social Choice and Individual Values. The original paper was titled "A Difficulty in the Concept of Social Welfare".
Voting is a method by which a group, such as a meeting or an electorate, convenes together for the purpose of making a collective decision or expressing an opinion usually following discussions, debates or election campaigns. Democracies elect holders of high office by voting. Residents of a jurisdiction represented by an elected official are called "constituents," and the constituents who choose to cast a ballot for their chosen candidate are called "voters." There are different systems for collecting votes, but while many of the systems used in decision-making can also be used as electoral systems, any which cater to proportional representation can only be used in elections.
Cumulative voting is a multiple-winner method intended to promote more proportional representation than winner-take-all elections such as block voting or first past the post. Cumulative voting is used frequently in corporate governance, where it is mandated by some (7) U.S. states (see e.g., Minn. Stat. Sec. 302A.111 subd. 2 .).
The independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA), also known as binary independence or the independence axiom, is an axiom of decision theory and various social sciences. The term is used in different connotation in several contexts. Although it always attempts to provide an account of rational individual behavior or aggregation of individual preferences, the exact formulation differs widely in both language and exact content.
Bucklin voting is a class of voting methods that can be used for single-member and multi-member districts. As in highest median rules like the majority judgment, the Bucklin winner will be one of the candidates with the highest median ranking or rating. It is named after its original promoter, the Georgist politician James W. Bucklin of Grand Junction, Colorado, and is also known as the Grand Junction system.
Majority rule is the principle that the group that has the most supporters gets its way. It is the binary decision rule most often used in decision-making bodies, including many legislatures of democratic nations.
The Hagenbach-Bischoff quota is a formula used in some voting systems based on proportional representation (PR). It is used in some elections held under the largest remainder method of party-list proportional representation as well as in a variant of the D'Hondt method known as the Hagenbach-Bischoff system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff quota is named for its inventor, Swiss professor of physics and mathematics Eduard Hagenbach-Bischoff (1833–1910).
The majority criterion is a single-winner voting system criterion, used to compare such systems. The criterion states that "if one candidate is ranked first by a majority of voters, then that candidate must win".
Electoral geography is the analysis of the methods, the behavior, and the results of elections in the context of geographic space and using geographical techniques. Specifically, it is an examination of the dual interaction in which geographical affect the political decisions, and the geographical structure of the election system affects electoral results. The purpose of the analysis is to identify and understand driving factors and the electoral characteristics of territories in a broad and integrative manner.
Instant-runoff voting (IRV) is a type of ranked preferential voting method. It uses a majority voting rule in single-member districts in which there are more than two candidates.
In elections that use the single transferable vote (STV) method, quotas are used (a) for the determination of candidates considered elected; and (b) for the calculation of surplus votes to be redistributed. Two quotas in common use are the Hare quota and the Droop quota. The largest remainder method of party-list proportional representation can also use Hare quotas or Droop quotas.
An electoral system or voting system is a set of rules that determine how elections and referendums are conducted and how their results are determined. Electoral systems are used in politics to elect governments, while non-political elections may take place in business, non-profit organisations and informal organisations. These rules govern all aspects of the voting process: when elections occur, who is allowed to vote, who can stand as a candidate, how ballots are marked and cast, how the ballots are counted, how votes translate into the election outcome, limits on campaign spending, and other factors that can affect the result. Political electoral systems are defined by constitutions and electoral laws, are typically conducted by election commissions, and can use multiple types of elections for different offices.
The Oklahoma primary electoral system was a voting system used to elect one winner from a pool of candidates using preferential voting. Voters rank candidates in order of preference, and their votes are initially allocated to their first-choice candidate. If, after this initial count, no candidate has a majority of votes cast, a mathematical formula comes into play. The system was used for primary elections in Oklahoma when it was adopted in 1925 until it was ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Oklahoma in 1926.
Electoral systems are the rules for conducting elections, a main component of which is the algorithm for determining the winner from the ballots cast. This article discusses methods and results of comparing different electoral systems, both those that elect a unique candidate in a 'single-winner' election and those that elect a group of representatives in a multiwinner election.
Quadratic voting is a collective decision-making procedure which involves individuals allocating votes to express the degree of their preferences, rather than just the direction of their preferences. By doing so, quadratic voting seeks to address issues of the Condorcet paradox and majority rule. Quadratic voting works by allowing users to "pay" for additional votes on a given matter to express their support for given issues more strongly, resulting in voting outcomes that are aligned with the highest willingness to pay outcome, rather than just the outcome preferred by the majority regardless of the intensity of individual preferences. The payment for votes may be through either artificial or real currencies. Quadratic voting is a variant of cumulative voting. It differs from cumulative voting by altering "the cost" and "the vote" relation from linear to quadratic.
Alessandra Casella is an economist, researcher, professor, and author. Currently, she is an Economics and Political Science professor at Columbia University.