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Presidents and regional assemblies of Piedmont, Lombardy, Veneto, Liguria, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, Marche, Umbria, Lazio, Campania, Molise, Abruzzo, Apulia, Basilicata and Calabria | ||
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The Italian regional elections of 1985 were held on 12 and 13 May. The fifteen ordinary regions, created in 1970, elected their fourth assemblies.
The pure party-list proportional representation had traditionally become the electoral system of Italy, and it was adopted for the regional vote too. Each Italian province corresponded to a constituency electing a group of candidates. At constituency level, seats were divided between open lists using the largest remainder method with Droop quota. Remaining votes and seats were transferred at regional level, where they were divided using the Hare quota, and automatically distributed to best losers into the local lists.
Party | votes | votes (%) | seats |
---|---|---|---|
Christian Democracy (DC) | 11,223,284 | 35.0 | 276 |
Italian Communist Party (PCI) | 9,686,140 | 30.2 | 225 |
Italian Socialist Party (PSI) | 4,267,959 | 13.3 | 94 |
Italian Social Movement (MSI) | 2,087,404 | 6.5 | 41 |
Italian Republican Party (PRI) | 1,280,563 | 4.0 | 25 |
Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) | 1,150,788 | 3.6 | 23 |
Italian Liberal Party (PLI) | 702,273 | 2.2 | 13 |
Federation of Green Lists (FLV) | 648,832 | 2.1 | 11 |
Proletarian Democracy (DP) | 470,626 | 1.5 | 9 |
Venetian League (ŁV) | 266,909 | 0.9 | 3 |
Others | 246,336 | 0.7 | - |
Total | 100.00 |
The most relevant result of these elections was the switch of Piedmont, which returned to the Christian Democracy after ten year of leftist administration. If the vote weakened both two major parties, the DC could compensate its loss with the reinforcement of its national allies, while the Communists became increasingly isolated, with Craxi's Socialists looking definitely at their right. Twelve Regional Councils elected a centrist administration, with the PSI rewarded by four presidencies, while the PCI was confined to its traditional strongholds: Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Umbria.
The results strengthened Craxi's government after the alarming results of the 1984 European election, and they underlined the decline of the Communist party into a progressively post-industrial Italy.
The Italian Socialist Party was a social democratic and democratic socialist political party in Italy, whose history stretched for longer than a century, making it one of the longest-living parties of the country. Founded in Genoa in 1892, the PSI was from the beginning a big tent of Italy's political left and socialism, ranging from the revolutionary socialism of Andrea Costa to the Marxist-inspired reformist socialism of Filippo Turati and the anarchism of Anna Kuliscioff. Under Turati's leadership, the party was a frequent ally of the Italian Republican Party and the Italian Radical Party at the parliamentary level, while lately entering in dialogue with the remnants of the Historical Left and the Liberal Union during Giovanni Giolitti's governments to ensure representation for the labour movement and the working class. In the 1900s and 1910s, the PSI achieved significant electoral success, becoming Italy's first party in 1919 and during the country's Biennio Rosso in 1921, when it was victim of violent paramilitary activities from the far right, and was not able to move the country in the revolutionary direction it wanted.
The 1963 Italian general election was held on Sunday April 28. It was the first election with a fixed number of MPs to be elected, as decided by the second Constitutional Reform in February 1963. It was also the first election which saw the Secretary of Christian Democracy to refuse the office of Prime Minister after the vote, at least for six months, preferring to provisionally maintain his more influent post at the head of the party: this fact confirmed the transformation of Italian political system into a particracy, the secretaries of the parties having become more powerful than the Parliament and the Government.
The 1968 Italian general election was held in Italy on 19 May 1968. The Christian Democracy (DC) remained stable around 38% of the votes. They were marked by a victory of the Communist Party (PCI) passing from 25% of 1963 to c. 30% at the Senate, where it presented jointly with the new Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity (PSIUP), which included members of Socialist Party (PSI) which disagreed the latter's alliance with DC. PSIUP gained c. 4.5% at the Chamber. The Socialist Party and the Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) presented together as the Unified PSI–PSDI, but gained c. 15%, far less than the sum of what the two parties had obtained separately in 1963.
The 1972 Italian general election was held in Italy on 7 May 1972. The Christian Democracy (DC) remained stable with around 38% of the votes, as did the Communist Party (PCI) which obtained the same 27% it had in 1968. The Socialist Party (PSI) continued in its decline, reducing to less than 10%. The largest increase in vote share was that of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement, which nearly doubled its votes from 4.5% to about 9%, after its leader Giorgio Almirante launched the formula of the National Right, proposing his party as the sole group of the Italian right wing. After a disappointing result of less than 2%, against the 4.5% of 1968, the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity was disbanded; a majority of its members joined the PCI.
The 1979 Italian general election was held in Italy on 3 June 1979. This election was called just a week before the European elections.
The 1983 Italian general election was held in Italy on 26 June 1983. The Pentapartito formula, the governative alliance between five centrist parties, caused unexpected problems to Christian Democracy. The alliance was fixed and universal, extended both to the national government and to the local administrations. Considering that the election result did no longer depend on the strength of the DC, but the strength of the entire Pentapartito, centrist electors began to look at the Christian Democratic vote as not necessary to prevent a Communist success. Moreover, voting for one of the four minor parties of the alliance was seen as a form of moderate protest against the government without giving advantages to the PCI. Other minor effects of this election were a reduction of the referendarian Radical Party and the appearance of some regional forces.
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