The Naga conflict, also known as the Naga Insurgency, is an ongoing conflict fought between the ethnic Nagas and the Government of India in North-East India. Nagaland, inhabited by the Nagas, is located at the tri-junction border of India on the West and South, north and Myanmar on the East. Finding its roots in colonial history, this conflict is as old as Independent India, the country it seeks secession from.
The question of "Naga Sovereignty" was put to a plebiscite on 16 May 1951. To defend themselves, the Naga, after much deliberation, formed the armed wing of the NNC and came to be known as the NSG (Naga Safe Guards) under Kaito Sukhai. [6] [ additional citation(s) needed ]
After facing significant resistance, the British ultimately defeated the Nagas in the Battle of Khonoma in 1880, establishing control over the Naga Hills. Using their divide and rule approach, they introduced education, Christianity, and altered traditional power structures. [7]
During World War I, the British Government enlisted 2000 Nagas into the Labour Corps of the British Army. [8] Faced with isolation and discrimination from other British-Indian troops, who bore little resemblance to them, the Nagas formed a bond of unity and camaraderie among themselves. Upon returning home, they pledged to promote unity and friendship among the diverse Naga tribes. Collaborating with British officials, the educated Naga staff of the then Deputy Commissioner’s Office established the Naga Club in 1918, aiming to foster unity, integrity, harmony, economic development, political awareness, and socio-cultural engagement among the Nagas. This was the first organised political body representing the Nagas. [9]
The Naga Club’s first call for independence emerged in response to the recommendations of the Simon Commission, which led to the division of British India and Burma in 1937, splitting the Naga Hills between two countries. Preceding this, in 1929, the Naga Club forwarded a memorandum to the Commission, advocating for the Nagas to remain under British administration and not be included in any arrangement with the future Indian Government. This memorandum emphasised the Naga Club as the representative body of the Naga people, aiming to channel nationalistic grievances. [10]
1946 saw the creation of the Naga National Council (NNC) under the leadership of Zapu Phizo. The evolution of the Naga Club into the Naga National Council (NNC) marked the foundation of Naga consciousness. The NNC leaders and the Governor of Assam, Sir Akbar Hydari, signed a nine-point agreement in 1947 which granted Nagas rights over their lands and legislative and executive powers. The judicial capacity of Naga courts was empowered, and no law from the provincial or central legislatures could affect this agreement. Very significantly, the agreement included a clause demanding that the Nagas be brought into the same administrative unit at the earliest. However, one clause stipulates: [10]
The Governor of Assam as the agent of the Government of India will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure that due observance of this agreement to be extended for a further period, or a new agreement regarding the future of the Naga people to be arrived at.
The interpretation of this clause has been contested between the Nagas and the Indian Government. To Nagas, this clause meant independence from India at the end of the ten years. To the Indian Government, this clause meant making a new agreement after ten years if the present agreement did not address Naga issues sufficiently. Phizo rejected the nine-point agreement because the agreement fell short of dealing with the issue of Naga sovereignty. [11] Under Phizo's leadership, the NNC declared Naga independence on 14 August 1947, and, with success, propagated the idea of Naga sovereignty throughout the Naga tribes. The NNC channelled the grievances of the Naga cause through delegations to Delhi for negotiations with the Indian Government. With back and forth discussions, the talks reached an impasse, therefore the NNC under the leadership of Phizo, organised and conducted the first ever plebiscite in 1951. Despite certain limitations, such as the scope of coverage, the plebiscite resulted in an overwhelming 99% vote in favour of Independence. This outcome not only validated the NNC as the united voice of the Nagas but also affirmed the united Naga identity that had taken shape. With such a resounding mandate, the NNC mobilised the masses to take to the streets, prompting widespread peaceful protests all over the Naga regions. [12] The Naga struggle remained peaceful in the 1940s and early 1950s. [11]
The Naga insurgency, climaxing in 1956, was an armed ethnic conflict led by the Naga National Council (NNC), which aimed for the secession of Naga territories from India. The more radical sectors of the NNC created the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), which also included an underground Naga Army. [13] The Indian Government responded by deploying military troops in the region and designating the region as a ‘disturbed area’ which gave the soldiers legal impunity. At its peak, the number of soldiers equated to about one Indian soldier for every male Naga. [14] [ full citation needed ][ non-primary source needed ]
The insurgency witnessed a new spark in 2021 when fourteen innocent citizens of Nagaland, returning to their homes after a day of work in the coal mines, were ambushed and killed by the Indian Army soldiers of the 21 Para Special Forces army unit. [15] The killings led to wide-ranging protests to hold the soldiers accountable and to ask for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. The Act, commonly known as AFSPA, was enacted in the state in 1958 by the central government of India, which authorises soldiers of the armed forces to shoot any suspected individual without formal orders from any superior civilian authority.[ citation needed ]
Several rebel groups have operated in Nagaland since the mid-twentieth century, including the following:
The Insurgency in Northeast India involves multiple separatist and jihadist militant groups operating in some of India's northeastern states, which are connected to the rest of India by the Siliguri Corridor, a strip of land as narrow as 14.29 miles (23.00 km) wide.
Zapu Phizo, commonly known as A. Z. Phizo or Angami Zapu Phizo, was a Naga nationalist leader with British nationality. Under his influence, the Naga National Council asserted the right to self-determination which took the shape of armed resistance after the Indian state imposed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in 1958. Naga secessionist groups regard him as the "Father of the Naga Nation".
The Kachin Independence Army is a non-state armed group and the military wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), a political group of ethnic Kachins in Northern Myanmar. The Kachins are a coalition of six tribes whose homeland encompasses territory in China's Yunnan, Northeast India and Kachin State in Myanmar.
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) is a Naga militant and separatist group operating mainly in northeastern part of India, with minor activities in northwest Myanmar (Burma). The main aim of the organisation is allegedly to establish a sovereign Naga state, "Nagalim", which would consist of all the areas inhabited by Naga tribes in Northeast India and northwest Myanmar. India claims that China and Pakistan provide financial support and weaponry to the NSCN. Drug trafficking and extortion are believed to be other major sources of income for the NSCN.
The Naga National Council (NNC) was a political organization of Naga people, active from the late 1940s to the early 1950s. It evolved out of the Naga Hills District Tribal Council, an organization established in 1945 by the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills district. The group was reorganized to form NNC in 1946 at Sanis, with Eno T. Aliba Imti Ao as the President, and other democratically elected Naga representatives as its members. NNC declared independence a day before India's independence on 14 August 1947, and unsuccessfully campaigned for the secession of the Naga territory from India.
Naga nationalism is an ideology that supports the self-determination of the Naga people in India and Myanmar, and the furtherance of Naga culture.
Longri Ao (1906–1981), also known by name Longritangchetha, was an indigenenous Baptist missionary from the North-Eastern state of India, Nagaland. He was a missionary to the Konyak people and a peacemaker. He is known to have risked his life to restore peace in Nagaland, and to negotiate a ceasefire agreement between the Government of India and underground leaders fighting for Nagaland secession from India.
The Shillong Accord of 1975 was an agreement signed between the Government of India, also referred to as the Federal government, or Union government, or Central government of India, and Nagaland's underground government, also referred to as the Naga Federal government, or Naga guerillas, or Naga rebels, to accept the supremacy of Constitution of India without condition, surrender their arms and renounce their demand for the secession of Nagaland from India.
The Insurgency in Manipur is an ongoing armed conflict between India and a number of separatist rebel groups, taking place in the state of Manipur. The Insurgency in Manipur is part of the wider Insurgency in Northeast India; it displays elements of a national liberation war as well as an ethnic conflict.
Thuingaleng Muivah is a Naga separatist politician and General Secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (I-M).
The Naga Peace Accord is a peace treaty, signed, on 3 August 2015, between the Government of India, and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), to end the insurgency in the state of Nagaland in Northeast India. The Government’s interlocutor for Naga Peace Talks, R. N. Ravi signed it on behalf of the Government of India, whereas Lt. Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman and Thuingaleng Muivah, General Secretary signed on behalf of the NSCN, in presence of the Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi.
Isak Chishi Swu was the chairman of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). He along with Thuingaleng Muivah and S. S. Khaplang were instrumental in the creation of NSCN on 31 January 1980 after opposing the 'Shillong Accord' signed by the then Naga National Council (NNC) with the Indian government. He was unable to attend the historic Naga Framework Agreement signed on 4 August 2015 due to health conditions.
Shangwang Shangyung Khaplang was a Burmese leader of Naga ethnicity. He was the leader of the NSCN-K, an insurgent group that operates to establish a Greater Nagaland, a sovereign state bringing all Naga-inhabited areas of Myanmar and India under one administrative setup.
The hill tribes of Northeast India are hill people, mostly classified as Scheduled Tribes (STs), who live in the Northeast India region. This region has the largest proportion of scheduled tribes in the country.
Khodao Yanthan was a Naga liberation leader and a member of the Naga National Council (NNC). He was popularly called, “the grand old man of Naga political struggle”.
The history of the Nagas dates back centuries, but first appear in written records of Ahom kingdom during the medieval period of Indian history. Aside from developing contacts with the Ahom kingdom, which was established in 1228 in Assam, the Nagas generally lived an isolated existence from the outside world. This changed in the 19th century, when the Burmese Empire launched several invasions of Assam between 1817 and 1826, which led the Nagas to briefly fall under Burmese rule. However, the neighboring British Empire annexed Assam in 1828 following the 1826 Treaty of Yandabo.
Perietsü Kevichüsa Meru, commonly known as Tubu Kevichüsa was a politician from Nagaland, India who served as the General Secretary of Naga National Council until his assassination in June 1996 by armed men from the NSCN-IM. His brother Chalie Kevichüsa was also assassinated by the NSCN-IM in September 1992.
This is a timeline of the history of the Nagas.
Throughout the long-running separatist insurgencies in Northeast India, dozens of India-based insurgent groups have been involved in the neighboring conflict in Myanmar, both sheltering in Myanmar from the counterinsurgent Assam Rifles and participating in the conflict itself. Outside of several Indian-led operations, including Operation Golden Bird in 1995, Operation Hot Pursuit in 2015, or Operation Sunrise I and II in 2019, areas in which these insurgent groups are active have scarcely experienced fighting. Amid the escalation of civil war in Myanmar from 2021, several sources claim that the majority of Indian ethnic armed organisations (IEAOs) are allied, or have some level of understanding, with the ruling military junta of Myanmar, who allows them to maintain bases inside mountainous areas of northern Myanmar, typically in return for the IEAOs attacking anti-junta resistance groups.
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