Min Aung Hlaing

In this Burmese name, the given name is Min Aung Hlaing. There is no family name.

pronounced [mɪ́ɰ̃àʊɰ̃l̥àɪɰ̃] ; born 3 July 1956) is a Burmese army general who has ruled Myanmar as the chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC) since seizing power in the February 2021 coup d'état. He additionally appointed himself Prime Minister of Myanmar in August 2021, and assumed presidential duties in July 2024. ^[4] He has led the Tatmadaw (armed forces of Myanmar), an independent branch of government, as the Commander-in-chief of Defence Services since March 2011, when he was handpicked to succeed longtime military ruler Senior GeneralThan Shwe, who transferred leadership over the country to a civilian government upon retiring. ^{[5] [6] [7]} Before assuming leadership over the Tatmadaw, Min Aung Hlaing served as Joint Chief of Staff from 2010 to 2011. Min Aung Hlaing is the first Defence Services Academy (DSA) graduate in Myanmar to lead a military coup as well as the first DSA graduate to become Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services. ^[8]

Born in Minbu, Magway Region, Burma, Min Aung Hlaing studied law at the Rangoon Arts and Science University before joining the military. Rising through its ranks, he became a senior general (five-star general) by 2013. ^{[9] [ better source needed ]} During the period of civilian rule from 2011 to 2021, Min Aung Hlaing worked to ensure the military's continued role in politics and forestalled the peace process with ethnic armed groups. A United Nations fact-finding mission found he deliberately perpetrated the Rohingya genocide. He maintained an adversarial relationship with democratically-elected State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, though she defended him against genocide charges. ^[10]

Min Aung Hlaing baselessly claimed widespread voting irregularities and electoral fraud in the 2020 Myanmar general election, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide re-election. He then seized power from her in the 2021 coup. ^{[11] [12] [13]} He had been expected to run for President of Myanmar had the military proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won enough seats in parliament to elect him, and would have been required to retire as Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services due to a statutory age limit. ^[14] With the outbreak of mass protests against his rule, Min Aung Hlaing ordered a clampdown and suppression of demonstrations, ^[15] sparking an ongoing civil war. ^[16]

Min Aung Hlaing's forces have employed scorched earth tactics in the civil war, including airstrikes on civilians. ^{[17] [18]} He has ordered the execution of prominent pro-democracy activists, the first use of the death penalty in decades. ^{[19] [20]} In February 2024, he activated Myanmar's conscription law to draft 60,000 young people into the Tatmadaw. ^[21] In foreign policy, he has resisted influence from Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and relied on greater cooperation with Russia, China, and India. ^{[22] [23]} In response to his human rights abuses and corruption, Min Aung Hlaing and his government have been subjected to an extensive series of international sanctions, returning Myanmar to its former status as a pariah state. The Economist Intelligence Unit's 2022 Democracy Index rated Myanmar under Min Aung Hlaing as the second-most authoritarian regime in the world, with only Afghanistan rated less democratic. ^[24]

Early life and education

Min Aung Hlaing was born on 3 July 1956 in Minbu, Magway Region, Burma (now Myanmar), to Khin Hlaing and Hla Mu, as the fourth of five children. ^[25] His parents were teachers from Dawei, in Tanintharyi Region. ^[26] His family moved to Mandalay as duty when he was 5 years old. His father, Khin Hlaing, was an artist. ^[27]

Min Aung Hlaing passed his matriculation exam in 1972 at Basic Education High School No. 1 Latha (BEHS 1 Latha) of Rangoon (now Yangon). ^{[28] [29]} He attended and studied law at the Rangoon Arts and Science University from 1973 to 1974. On his third attempt, he was admitted to the Defence Services Academy in 1974 as part of the 19th Intake, and he graduated in 1977. ^{[30] [31]} According to classmates, Min Aung Hlaing was taciturn, and an unremarkable cadet. ^[32] He was reportedly shunned by classmates because of his reserved personality. ^[28]

Despite his quiet nature, Min Aung Hlaing’s time at the Defence Services Academy marked the beginning of his military career, which would later define his life. Though not particularly outgoing, he was known for his disciplined approach to training. Over time, he earned a reputation for being organized and focused on his studies and military preparation, often staying away from social interactions but excelling in his academic and physical training. His classmates observed him as reserved, and he did not seek to form close bonds during his time at the academy. However, this period was key in shaping his future. It is said that Min Aung Hlaing’s lack of social engagement allowed him to concentrate on his studies and rise through the ranks, gradually gaining a reputation for his serious and committed attitude toward military life. ^{[33] [34]}

After completing his training and being commissioned as a lieutenant, he started his service in Myanmar's military, where his ability to focus on his responsibilities and his calm demeanor gradually contributed to his career progression. His time in the Defence Services Academy, though not marked by personal connections, provided him with a solid foundation in military discipline and strategy, which would shape his leadership style in the years that followed. ^{[35] [36] [37] [38] [39]}

Career

Following graduation, Min Aung Hlaing went on to serve in different command positions, rising slowly through the ranks. ^[32] Early in his career, military colleagues gave him a nickname referring to cat feces, "something deposited quietly but leaving a powerful stink." ^[40] As he rose through the ranks, Min Aung Hlaing earned a reputation as a hardliner. ^[28] His military work earned him the favour of Senior General Than Shwe. ^[41] Min Aung Hlaing is characterized as having a "big man" management style not conducive to collaboration or listening. ^[41]

In 2002, he was promoted to commander of the Triangle Regional Military Command  [ my ] in eastern Shan State and was a central figure in negotiations with two rebel groups, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). ^[28] Min Aung Hlaing was reportedly close with former Thai prime minister and a General Prem Tinsulanonda, considering Prem a father figure. ^{[42] [43]}

Min Aung Hlaing supported the military crackdown of the Saffron Revolution in 2008. ^[28] He rose to prominence in 2009 after leading an offensive against the insurgent Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in Kokang. ^[44] In June 2010, Min Aung Hlaing replaced General Shwe Mann as Joint Chief of Staff of the Army, Navy, and Air Force. ^[28] After taking on the role of Joint Chief of Staff in June 2010, Min Aung Hlaing’s influence within Myanmar’s military grew significantly. This position, which placed him in control of the army, navy, and air force, allowed him to consolidate his power and strengthen the military's role in the country’s governance. By this point, he had already become a influential advocate for maintaining military dominance in Myanmar's political and security sectors, often siding with hardline military strategies and policies. In the years that followed, Min Aung Hlaing was deeply involved in key military decisions that focused primarily on protecting and advancing the interests of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar's armed forces). His approach to governance was marked by an unwavering commitment to the military’s primacy. He was particularly vocal about the need for military leadership in times of national crisis, consistently rejecting calls for democratic reforms and civilian oversight. His disinterest in peaceful negotiations with ethnic armed groups was evident, as he preferred military action and forceful measures to maintain order and control. This further alienated ethnic minorities and fuelled ongoing tensions across the country. ^{[45] [46] [47]}

Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership also reinforced his reputation as a staunch defender of national security and stability, as he oversaw military operations in conflict-ridden regions, especially in areas with significant insurgency activity. Under his watch, the Tatmadaw continued its offensive strategies against ethnic militias, further cementing his image as a hardliner. His decisions, at times, seemed to prioritize military strength over humanitarian concerns, leading to increasing criticism from both local and international observers. Nonetheless, Min Aung Hlaing remained unwavering in his belief that Myanmar's future stability could only be secured through strong military rule, with minimal involvement from civilian political leaders. ^{[48] [49] [50] [51]}

When he became the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Defence Services in 2011, Min Aung Hlaing had already amassed considerable experience and a leading foothold within the military. His reputation as a seasoned officer with a no-nonsense approach to military discipline made him a natural fit for the role. His leadership was crucial during a particularly tumultuous period for Myanmar, as the country navigated growing calls for reform, both internally and externally. As Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing was significant to shaping military responses to these calls, ensuring that the Tatmadaw would remain a dominant force in Myanmar's governance. ^{[52] [53] [54] [55]}

During this time, Min Aung Hlaing’s influence extended beyond the military sphere. He played a crucial role in shaping the country’s political future, especially as Myanmar entered into tentative discussions about political reform and the potential opening of a more civilian-led government. However, Min Aung Hlaing’s commitment to maintaining the military’s control over the country’s politics meant that any reform efforts remained tightly under the military’s influence, and genuine democratic change seemed out of reach. ^{[56] [57] [58]}

As Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing's power continued to grow, and by the time he reached the peak of his career, he had become one of the most powerful figures in Myanmar’s modern history. His strategic thinking, coupled with his control over the country’s armed forces, set the stage for his eventual role in the broader political changes that would take place in Myanmar in the coming years. Whether as a military leader or as a key political figure, Min Aung Hlaing’s presence was undeniable, and his actions during this period would continue to shape the trajectory of Myanmar’s political landscape for years to come. ^{[59] [60] [61] [62]}

On 31 January 2025, Min Aung Hlaing extended the state of emergency by an additional six months. This decision came four years after the military's takeover and amid ongoing resistance from various armed groups. The extension further delayed elections that had been promised for 2025, with the military stating that the conditions for holding a vote would only be met later in the year. Min Aung Hlaing emphasized that peace and stability were necessary before the state of emergency could be lifted and elections could proceed. ^{[63] [64] [65] [66]}

Min Aung Hlaing has been a prominent figure in Myanmar's political and military trajectory over the last decade. Rising through the ranks of the Tatmadaw, his early career was marked by postings in various military commands, where he gained a reputation as a disciplined and strategic officer. His appointment as Joint Chief of Staff in 2010 positioned him as a key player in the military hierarchy, culminating in his promotion to Commander-in-Chief in March 2011. This appointment, seen as a strategic move by outgoing Senior General Than Shwe, ensured the Tatmadaw's influence remained intact during the country's transition to a civilian government. As Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing oversaw efforts to modernize the Tatmadaw, emphasizing military training, equipment upgrades, and expanding its role in national governance. Under his leadership, the Tatmadaw maintained significant control over key aspects of the government, including defense, home affairs, and border affairs, as stipulated by Myanmar's 2008 Constitution. These developments underscored his focus on preserving the military’s political and economic influence amidst growing calls for democratization. ^{[67] [68] [69] [70]}

In February 2021, following allegations of widespread electoral fraud in the 2020 general election, Min Aung Hlaing declared a state of emergency and assumed leadership of the State Administration Council (SAC). He justified the coup as a necessary step to safeguard the nation’s stability and pledged to hold new elections. This move, however, drew widespread criticism domestically and internationally, leading to significant civil unrest and economic challenges. Despite these criticisms, he emphasized the Tatmadaw’s role in ensuring national sovereignty and unity during a time of upheaval. In August 2021, he further consolidated power by appointing himself Prime Minister, outlining plans for governance reforms and a roadmap to eventual elections. By July 2024, Min Aung Hlaing assumed presidential duties, solidifying his control over Myanmar's executive branch. These developments highlighted his centrality to Myanmar's political system and his continued focus on the Tatmadaw's leadership role. Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership has drawn mixed reactions. Domestically, his tenure has been marked by both support from military loyalists and strong opposition from pro-democracy groups. Internationally, his actions have faced condemnation from Western governments, leading to sanctions, while receiving a more reserved response from regional neighbors. ^{[71] [72] [73] [74] [75]}

As a Junior Officer

Min Aung Hlaing graduated from the Defence Services Academy (DSA) in 1977 with the 19th intake. After graduation, he was assigned to the No. (313) Light Infantry Battalion (Hmawbi), then known as the No. (1) Shan Rifle Battalion, under the command of the No. (77) Light Infantry Division. Former President of Myanmar Thein Sein was also assigned to this battalion, and former Director of Defence Service Intelligence General Khin Nyunt served as a company commander in the same unit. ^{[76] [77]} In an interview with Popular News Journal ahead of the November 2020 election, Min Aung Hlaing stated, "I was raised in the Shan 1."

In 1979, during an offensive known as Operation Min Yan Aung (Victorious King) against the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in what is now Matman Township in Wa State, east of the Thanlwin River, Min Aung Hlaing served as an Intelligence Officer (IO) ranked as a Lieutenant (2 stars) at 23 years old.

In 1989, as a Captain (3 stars), Min Aung Hlaing took part in the Battle of Wan Kha Thit, better known as the Battle of Kawmoora. This battle was a clash between army troops controlled by then Commander-in-chief Senior General Than Shwe and the Karen National Union (KNU). Due to the base's difficult position to attack, the Myanmar military repeatedly assaulted it throughout 1989 but failed to seize it, halting operations in 1990 after suffering hundreds of casualties.

To ward off harm from enemy shells and bullets, Min Aung Hlaing carried a Buddha statue in his bag of topographic maps worn across his chest. Despite making speeches for officer cadets to be brave soldiers like him, he never led any missions against KNU troops.

Although he promoted bravery in his speeches, Min Aung Hlaing showed limited combat capabilities as a junior officer, only participating in two major battles and playing insignificant roles in both. Near the front line, he was known to carry a Buddha figurine, hoping it would ward off death. ^[78] This action reflected not only his personal beliefs but also the mental strain faced by junior officers in a brutal, ongoing conflict. Min Aung Hlaing’s early years as a junior officer were marked by a cautious approach to combat. While he advocated for bravery in speeches to his fellow officer cadets, he rarely led the charge in the field, which was seen by some as a reflection of his more strategic, methodical mindset. His involvement in military operations, particularly in the early stages of his career, seemed to focus more on logistics, intelligence, and command than direct combat. ^{[79] [80]}

Despite this, Min Aung Hlaing's early service gave him crucial exposure to the military's inner workings. In the absence of major victories on the battlefield, he began to develop his skills in leadership and management, often working behind the scenes to support more experienced officers. His capacity to navigate the complexities of military operations would later become a key factor in his rapid rise through the ranks. While he had limited combat experience in his early years, his ability to maintain a calm, calculated presence in difficult situations set him apart from his peers. ^{[81] [82]}

His time in the battalion also gave him firsthand knowledge of the political dynamics within Myanmar's military. As the years passed, Min Aung Hlaing began to forge alliances with influential figures, and his ties to the upper echelons of the Tatmadaw started to take root. The foundational experiences of his junior officer years shaped his worldview, which centered on maintaining discipline, controlling the narrative within the military, and securing the military's political and strategic interests in Myanmar. ^{[83] [84]}

In retrospect, Min Aung Hlaing's earlier experiences, though less dramatic in terms of direct combat, proved to be essential in shaping his leadership style. The challenges he faced as a junior officer, combined with his dedication to military service and his evolving understanding of the Tatmadaw's role in Myanmar's governance, provided the groundwork for his future rise to the top. ^{[85] [86]}

As a Battalion Commander

Min Aung Hlaing served as a Battalion Officer Commanding, ranked as a Major, at the No. (369) Light Infantry Battalion (Homalin) under the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) of the Northwestern Regional Military Command. During his tenure, he imprisoned the pregnant wife of a sergeant who was deemed to have deserted the battalion. At that time, the General Officer Commanding of the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) was Brigadier General Thura Aung Ko, and the Tactical Operation Command Officer Commanding was Colonel Kyaw Thu. During an inspection, Colonel Kyaw Thu discovered the woman locked in the battalion prison and questioned Major Min Aung Hlaing why he did such a thing. Min Aung Hlaing explained that she was imprisoned because her husband had deserted. Colonel Kyaw Thu responded, "Do not do such a disgraceful thing. It's nonsense to arrest the wife just because her husband deserted. Release her now." ^[87] The woman was only released thanks to Colonel Kyaw Thu's intervention.

Min Aung Hlaing had a habit of such actions since his time as a Battalion Commander, and it came as no surprise that similar actions were applied to the population after the coup. ^[88]

The actions taken by Min Aung Hlaing during his time as a Battalion Commander have been noted in various accounts. ^[88]

As DSA Rector

Min Aung Hlaing served as the 19th rector of the Defence Services Academy (DSA), having graduated from its 19th intake. During his tenure, he was involved in an incident with Nay Shwe Thway Aung (also known as Phoe La Pyae), the 8-year-old grandson of Senior General Than Shwe. Nay Shwe Thway Aung visited the academy with a colonel acting as his personal bodyguard. At Nay Shwe Thway Aung's request, Min Aung Hlaing organized a football match, dismissing the Officer Cadets from their Physical Training (PT) session. Throughout the match, Min Aung Hlaing frequently inquired about Nay Shwe Thway Aung's well-being, contrasting with his usually strict demeanor towards the officers on the field. ^[8]

Min Aung Hlaing was known for his strict enforcement of military regulations. He reported several coaches and cadets to the Military Appointment General (MAG) for minor infractions, such as not wearing helmets while riding motorcycles. These actions were perceived as efforts to secure his promotion to Major General and to obtain a position as a General Officer Commanding as a Regional Military Command. As a result of his reports, the officers and cadets faced significant career setbacks, with many unable to advance beyond the rank of Captain. ^[8]

Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces

2011–2015: Union Solidarity and Development Party rule

Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi on 29 July 2015

In the lead-up to 2011, the military began embarking on a series of political reforms to transition Myanmar to a quasi-democracy. The ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDP), engineered its formal departure from power, after holding the 2010 Myanmar general election, which was won by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the military's proxy party. On 30 March 2011, outgoing head of state, Senior General Than Shwe, then the incumbent Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar's Armed Forces, appointed Min Aung Hlaing as his successor, ahead of more senior officers. ^{[89] [90]} Min Aung Hlaing's appointment coincided with the USDP's rise to power, during which he oversaw a series of military reforms, and supported efforts by the USDP-led government to strike peace deals with ethnic armed organisations. ^[89]

Not long after becoming Commander-in-chief, he removed the Adjutant General, Lieutenant General Kyaw Phyo and General Officer Commanding of Central Regional Military Command Major General Tin Ngwe and built the atmosphere of fear among the top brass. ^[8]

In November 2011, according to The Irrawaddy , it was "widely believed" that following Min Aung Hlaing's meetings with Chinese military officials that month and his leadership in creating a bilateral agreement on defense cooperation with the Chinese, he had also held talks with Chinese vice-president Xi Jinping regarding cooperation from China with respect to the Kachin Conflict. ^[44]

On 27 March 2012, during a speech in Naypyidaw, Min Aung Hlaing defended the military's continued role in national politics. ^{[44] [91]} On 3 April 2012, the Government of Myanmar announced that Min Aung Hlaing had been promoted to vice-senior general (four-star general), the second highest rank in the Myanmar Armed Forces. ^[44] He was promoted to the rank of senior general (five-star general), the highest rank in the Myanmar's Armed Forces in March 2013.

In 2014, as Min Aung Hlaing approached the age of 60, which is the mandatory age of retirement for military officers, the Armed Forces' Department of Defence Council issued a directive, enabling Min Aung Hlaing to extend his mandatory retirement age to 65, in 2021. ^[92]

In August 2015, the USDP fractured, and President Thein Sein purged the faction led by Shwe Mann, a former general and Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw. ^[89] Min Aung Hlaing oversaw a direct military intervention to oust Shwe Mann from power, indicating the military's desire to continue furthering its agenda through USDP. ^[93] Shwe Mann had advocated for legislation and constitutional amendments that would have decreased the military's influence, against the interests of the military and USDP. ^[93]

2016–2020: Transition to National League for Democracy rule

Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar on 20 March 2017

The 2015 Myanmar general election saw the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, win in a landslide. With the transition from an USDP to NLD-led government, Min Aung Hlaing shifted his priorities to recovering state power for the military establishment. ^[89] His intransigence and refusal to cooperate with the civilian-led government undermined progress toward Myanmar's peace process. ^[89] As the NLD assumed power, Min Aung Hlaing began intensifying an ongoing military crackdown on the Rohingya, beginning in October 2016. ^{[94] [95]} At the Union Peace Conference - 21st Century Panglong in August 2020, he warned the NLD against scapegoating the military for its role in the ongoing ethnic conflicts. ^[96]

Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Japanese prime minister Shinzō Abe in Tokyo, 4 August 2017

Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Russian defense minister Sergei Shoigu on 20 January 2018

Min Aung Hlaing also began to signal his interest in civilian politics. ^[89] He began assuming a more statesman-like persona, and became increasingly assertive about the military's role. ^{[96] [40]} In the lead-up to the 2020 Myanmar general election, he worked with the USDP to position himself as the next President. ^[96] Throughout 2019, Min Aung Hlaing made several public appearances dubbed a "charm offensive," at several religious sites and charity functions, ^[97] raising speculation about his political ambitions. ^{[98] [92]} To cultivate his public persona, he began two Facebook pages that commanded a combined following of 4.1 million followers. ^{[99] [100]} In January 2020, Min Aung Hlaing met with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Nay Pyi Taw. Xi promoted the practical cooperation under the framework of the One Belt One Road to achieve results at an early date and benefit Myanmar's people. ^[101] In May 2020, Min Aung Hlaing reshuffled senior military ranks, promoting a new generation of officers loyal to him, including Kyaw Swar Lin, who became the military's youngest lieutenant general. ^[102]

War with the Arakan Army intensified during this period, and the military was accused of targeting Arakanese civilians and their properties. On 17 March 2019, Kyaw Zaw Oo, an Arakanese MP, published a bilingual open letter to Min Aung Hlaing about the many human rights violations of the Tatmadaw in Rakhine State that harmed the lives and property of civilians and damaged buildings of cultural heritage. ^{[103] [104]}

2020–present

In February 2020, Min Aung Hlaing, his wife Kyu Kyu Hla and with his close astrologer Vasipake Sayadaw placed the "Hti" umbrella atop Bagan's most powerful ancient Htilominlo Temple. The meaning of the temple name is "need the royal umbrella, need the King". He was following in the footsteps of some of Myanmar's most powerful political figures including his predecessor, Senior General Than Shwe. Many people believed that the ceremony was a yadaya and seeking divine blessings for his glory. ^[105]

In November 2020, Min Aung Hlaing made a series of public comments questioning the legitimacy of the upcoming 2020 election, in potential violation of the Civil Services Personnel Law. ^[106] On 5 November, the Tatmadaw declared that Min Aung Hlaing's rank is equivalent to Vice President of Myanmar. ^[107] After casting his ballot in the 2020 election, Min Aung Hlaing vowed to accept the election results. ^[108] The 2020 election saw NLD win in a larger landslide than in 2015, forestalling Min Aung Hlaing's political ambitions. In response, the military began intensifying allegations of electoral fraud and irregularities, submitting formal complaints to the Union Election Commission (UEC). On 27 January 2021, Min Aung Hlaing publicly remarked that he would not rule out a coup d'état and abolition of the constitution, if allegations of voter fraud during last year's election were not adequately addressed. ^[109] These comments sparked concern about another potential coup. ^[110] The following day, the UEC issued a statement rejecting claims of electoral fraud, citing the lack of evidence submitted to substantiate these claims. ^[111] On 29 January, the military issued clarifying statements pledging to protect and abide by the constitution and applicable laws. ^[112]

Demonstration against the military coup in Hpa-an, Kayin State, Myanmar, 9 February 2021

Min Aung Hlaing on 27 March 2021

On 1 February 2021, Min Aung Hlaing detained elected leaders including President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and declared himself as Commander-in-chief of Myanmar, one day before democratically-elected members of parliament were scheduled to be sworn in as members of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union). The following day, he established the State Administration Council (SAC) as the country's interim ruling body. ^{[113] [114]}

On 22 May 2021, Min Aung Hlaing gave his first interview since the coup to Hong Kong-based Chinese language Phoenix Television. During the interview, he referred to deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi and he said that she "is in good health. She is at her home and healthy. She is going to face trial at the court in a few days." ^[115] On the same day, Myanmar Now reported that shortly after the coup, Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself indefinitely as the commander-in-chief and therefore the de facto leader of Myanmar. ^[116]

Six months after the coup, on 1 August 2021, Min Aung Hlaing formed a caretaker government and established himself as the country's prime minister. ^{[117] [118] [119]} He also remains the Chairman of the SAC. ^{[120] [121] [122]}

On 13 April 2023, Min Aung Hlaing was featured on Time magazine's list of the "100 Most Influential People of 2023". ^[123]

Myanmar civil war

See also: Myanmar civil war (2021–present)

Military situation in Myanmar as of 4 February 2025. Areas controlled by the Tatmadaw are highlighted in red.

After four pro-democracy activists were executed on 24 July 2022, the chairman of the ASEAN, Hun Sen, UN representatives, and Western leaders condemned the executions. ^{[124] [125]} On 7 September 2022, Min Aung Hlaing met with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF), in Vladivostok, Russia, the first time that the pair have met since the 2021 coup. ^[126]

In January 2023, Min Aung Hlaing enacted a new electoral law aimed at rigging the next general election in favor of the USDP. ^{[127] [128]} He is himself considered a likely USDP nominee for President in the subsequent presidential election. ^[129]

Min Aung Hlaing refused to give up his emergency powers when they were constitutionally set to expire on 1 February 2023, further delaying new elections. ^{[130] [131]}

In March 2023, Min Aung Hlaing made a rare public appearance at the Armed Forces Day parade stating that his government would continue to fight back against resistance groups in the country and their "acts of terror". Hlaing called his critics supporters of terrorism. ^[132]

Starting in January 2024, multiple pro-military figures condemned Min Aung Hlaing for incompetence and excessive self-interest after the Tatmadaw suffered an unprecedented string of defeats during Operation 1027. ^[133] In February 2024, to address the Tatmadaw's personnel issues, Min Aung Hlaing activated Myanmar's 1959 conscription law for the first time, with plans to draft 60,000 young men and women. ^{[21] [134]} Men aged 18–35 and women aged 18–27 will be required to serve up to five years under the state of emergency, or face five years imprisonment. ^[135]

In March 2024, Min Aung Hlaing claimed at the Armed Forces Day parade young people are being tricked into supporting the resistance against the military, and accused "some powerful nations" of trying to interfere with Myanmar’s internal affairs. ^[136]

While attending the Defence Services Academy during Thingyan, the traditional New Year Water Festival on the evening of 14 April 2024, Min Aung Hlaing escaped a rocket attack by the Mandalay People's Defence Force (MDY-PDF). ^[137]

According to SAC media, resistance groups in Yangon attempted to assassinate Min Aung Hlaing with explosives and firearms in June 2024. ^{[138] [139]}

On 22 July 2024 Min Aung Hlaing became acting President after Myint Swe took medical leave. ^[140]

In January 2025, ASEAN upheld its decision to ban Min Aung Hlaing from attending its summits and limit Myanmar's participation to a non-political level. ^[141]

On 31 January 2025, Myanmar’s ruling military extended the state of emergency for another six months, with the decision approved unanimously by the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) under Section 425 of the 2008 Constitution. Min Aung Hlaing, as chairman of the council, stated that maintaining stability remained necessary before elections could be held. ^{[142] [143] [144] [145]}

The state of emergency, first declared following the February 2021 military takeover, has been extended multiple times. Under Myanmar’s constitutional framework, elections cannot be conducted while a state of emergency is in place. The military has previously announced plans to hold elections in 2025, though the latest extension means they cannot take place until at least the second half of the year. ^{[146] [147] [148] [149]}

Min Aung Hlaing's rise to power in February 2021 marked the beginning of a harsh crackdown on dissent in Myanmar, exemplified by the arrest of prominent pro-democracy activist Nay Soe Maung on 23 October 2024, in Pyigyitagun Township, Mandalay. ^{[150] [151]} This arrest occurred during the ongoing challenges to his rule following the coup. ^{[152] [153] [154]} The groundwork for such actions against opposition figures was laid by Than Shwe, whose enduring influence over the military had previously established its stronghold in Myanmar’s political landscape. ^{[155] [156]}

Corruption

Min Aung Hlaing has been the subject of controversy for his family's extensive business assets and potential conflicts of interest. ^[157] He is a major shareholder in the army-owned Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). During the 2010–11 fiscal year, he had owned 5,000 shares and received an annual dividend of $250,000 (~$341,079 in 2023). ^[158] He sits on MEHL's Patron Group, which runs the conglomerate. ^[159]

Min Aung Hlaing's son, Aung Pyae Sone, owns a number of companies, including Sky One Construction Company and Aung Myint Mo Min Insurance Company. ^[160] He also has a majority stake in Mytel, a national telecoms carrier. ^[160] In 2013, his son Aung Pyae Sone won a no-bid government permit well below market rates, for a 30-year lease on land at the Yangon People's Square and Park for a high-end restaurant and art gallery, following his father's promotion to Commander-in-Chief. ^[161] Aung Pyae Sone also runs A&M Mahar, which offers Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approvals and customs clearance services for drugs and medical devices. ^[162] Myanmar's customs department is led by Kyaw Htin, a former MEHL director. ^[162]

His daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon founded a major film studio, 7th Sense Creation, in 2017. ^[163] That same year, his daughter-in-law, Myo Yadanar Htaik, founded another entertainment company, Stellar Seven Entertainment. ^[163] The US Embassy in Yangon came under media scrutiny in December 2020, for collaborating with 7th Sense Creation, because Min Aung Hlaing is technically subject to US economic sanctions. ^[164]

Rohingya genocide

Main article: Rohingya genocide

Destroyed village in Rakhine State, September 2017

  Area that traditionally had Rohingya speakers, currently most are in refugee camps in Bangladesh

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) reported that Min Aung Hlaing's soldiers have been deliberately targeting civilians in northern states of Myanmar and have been committing systemic discrimination and human rights violations against minority communities in Rakhine State. ^[165] In particular, he has been accused of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people. ^[166] These human rights violations could amount to genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. ^[167]

In 2018, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, led by Marzuki Darusman, determined that Min Aung Hlaing and other Myanmar's military generals oversaw atrocities against the Rohingya in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states, and did so with genocidal intent. ^[168] The UN investigative panel said that Min Aung Hlaing, along with four other commanders (Soe Win, Aung Kyaw Zaw, Maung Maung Soe, and Than Oo) should be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity (including genocide) in the International Criminal Court (ICC) or an ad hoc international tribunal. ^[168]

Facebook banned Min Aung Hlaing from its platform along with 19 other top Burmese officials and organisations to prevent further heated ethnic and religious tensions in Myanmar. This action followed a UN investigation's report that certain military leaders in Myanmar should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide against Rohingya Muslims. ^{[169] [170]} Twitter later banned him on 16 May 2019. ^[171]

The United States has imposed sanctions against Min Aung Hlaing. In July 2019, the U.S. government banned him from travel to the US. ^[172] In December 2020, it froze Min Aung Hlaing's American-based assets and criminalized financial transactions between him and anyone in the US. ^{[172] [173]}

Arrest warrant request

Main article: International Criminal Court investigation in Bangladesh/Myanmar § Cases

In November 2024, as part of the International Criminal Court investigation in Bangladesh/Myanmar, the prosecutor of the ICC, Karim Ahmad Khan, requested an arrest warrant for Min Aung Hlaing, stating that there were reasonable grounds to believe that Hlaing was responsible for crimes against humanity for his role in the genocide. ^{[174] [175] [176]}

On 14 February 2025, a court in Argentina, acting on a petition from the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK and citing the principle of universal jurisdiction, issued arrest warrants against Min Aung Hlaing and other senior Myanmar officials on charges of "genocide and crimes against humanity" against the Rohingyas. ^[177] In response, Myanmar military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun rejected the ruling, calling it "baseless" and accusing Argentina’s judiciary of political interference. He defended Min Aung Hlaing, asserting that the accusations were politically motivated and lacked legitimacy. ^{[178] [179]}

Sanctions

The U.S. Department of the Treasury has imposed sanctions on Min Aung Hlaing since 10 December 2019, pursuant to Executive Order 13818, which builds upon and implements the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and targets perpetrators of serious human rights abuse and corruption. He has committed serious human rights abuses against members of ethnic minorities across Myanmar. The US sanctions include a freezing of assets under the US and a ban on transactions with any US person. ^[180] In 2022, he was also placed on the sanctions list of the OFAC pursuant to Executive Order 14014, in response to the 2-21 coup. ^[181] OFAC also sanctioned some of the companies that Hlaing and/or his associates owned or controlled, including the MEC conglomerate headed by Hlaing. ^[182]

The Government of Canada has imposed sanctions on him since 18 February 2021, pursuant to Special Economic Measures Act and Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations, in response to the gravity of the human rights and humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Canadian sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on transactions with any Canadian person. ^{[183] [184]}

HM Treasury and the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office of the United Kingdom have imposed sanctions on him since 25 February 2021, for his responsibility for serious human rights violations in Myanmar. The UK sanctions include a freezing of assets under the UK and travel ban to the UK. ^[185]

The Council of the European Union has also imposed sanctions on him since 22 March 2021, pursuant to Council Regulation (EU) 2021/479 and Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2021/480 which amended Council Regulation (EU) No 401/2013, for his responsibility for the 2021 coup and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators. The EU sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on entry or transit to the bloc. ^{[186] [187]}

Personal life

Min Aung Hlaing married Kyu Kyu Hla, a retired lecturer, in 1980. ^{[188] [189]} He has several children, including son Aung Pyae Sone and daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon. ^[163]

Promotions

• Major General – 2008/2009 ^{[9] [ better source needed ]}
• Lieutenant General – Late 2009 ^{[9] [ better source needed ]}
• General – Early 2011 ^{[9] [ better source needed ]}
• Vice-Senior General – Early 2012 ^{[9] [ better source needed ]}
• Senior General – March 2013 ^{[9] [ better source needed ]}

Awards and decorations

Domestic honors

On 17 April 2022, Min Aung Hlaing gave himself Myanmar's two highest titles; the Thadoe Thiri Thudhamma (The Most Glorious Order of Truth) and the Thadoe Maha Thray Sithu (the Order of the Union of Myanmar). ^{[190] [191]}

On 7 October 2019, the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) awarded him the title of Mingaladhamma Zawtika Dhaza and the permanent patron of the YMBA. ^{[192] [193]} On 9 December 2020, YMBA awarded him the title of Thado Thiri Agga Maha Mingalar Zawtika. ^[194]

Thai delegation with members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), including Min Aung Hlaing (third from the right), Senior General Than Shwe (first from the right), Vice-Senior General Maung Aye (second from the left), Thura Shwe Mann (to the left of the middle), and Thein Sein (first from the left), at the Zeyathiri Beikman, Naypyidaw on 11 October 2010.

Foreign honours

• 2013 -   Thailand: The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand, Knight Grand Cross (1st Class), Thailand ^[195]
• 2018 -   Malaysia: The Most Gallant Order of Military Service, Gallant Commander of the Malaysian Armed Forces (Darjah Panglima Gagah Angkatan Tentera), Honorary Malaysian Armed Forces Order for Valor (1st Degree), Malaysia. ^[196]
• 2018 -   Thailand: The Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant, Knight Grand Cross (1st Class), Thailand ^[197]
• 2020 -   Russia: Medal "For strengthening the military commonwealth" (Ministry of Defense, Russia) ^[198]
• 2020 -   Russia: Badge of Honor of FSMTC "For the Merits in the Field of Military-Technical Cooperation" ^[199]
• 2023 -   Russia: The Order of Alexander Nevsky for "his valuable endeavours to develop multi-sectoral cooperation with the Russian Federation" ^[200]

References

1. Press Release - Congratulatory Message of His Excellency Senior General Min Aung Hlaing (Published on August 22, 2023)
2. Wai Moe (24 May 2011). "Bangladesh Army Chief Visits Burma". The Irrawaddy . Archived from the original on 7 February 2023. Retrieved 7 February 2023.
3. "တပ်မတော်ကာကွယ်ရေးဦးစီးချုပ် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင် Asian Fame Media ၏ ပေါ်ပြူလာနယူးစ်ဂျာနယ်မှ မေးမြန်းမှုများအား Video Teleconference မှတစ်ဆင့် လက်ခံတွေ့ဆုံဖြေကြားမှုများအပိုင်း(၁)". cincds.gov.mm (in Burmese). 4 November 2020. Archived from the original on 3 January 2022. Retrieved 3 January 2022.
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5. "Myanmar army ruler takes prime minister role, again pledges elections". Reuters . 1 August 2021. Archived from the original on 1 August 2021. Retrieved 10 August 2021.
6. "Who is Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing? 5 things to know," Archived 19 December 2021 at the Wayback Machine 6 February 2021, Nikkei Asia, retrieved 28 December 2021
7. "Myanmar coup: Aung San Suu Kyi detained as military seizes control". BBC News. 1 February 2021. Archived from the original on 31 January 2021.
8. "မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကြောင့် နာမည်ပျက်ရတဲ့ ဒေါ်စိန်အေး" [Daw Sein Aye who lost her reputation due to Min Aung Hlaing]. မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး ဖြစ်ချိန်တွင် ဦးသန်းရွှေ၏ မြေးဖြစ်သူ နေရွှေသွေးအောင် (ခ) ဖိုးလပြည့် ငယ်ငယ် ၈ တန်း ကျောင်းသားအရွယ်က DSA ကို လာလည်သည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့် အနီးကပ် ကိုယ်ရံတော် ဗိုလ်မှူးကြီးတဦးလည်း ပါသေး၏။ ဗိုလ်လောင်းများနှင့် ဘောလုံးကစားချင်ကြောင်း ပြောသောအခါ ချက်ချင်း ဗိုလ်လောင်းများ၏ ကိုယ်ကာယ လေ့ကျင့်ချိန် PT Time ကို ဖျက်ပြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်က ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးသည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့်ကို ဖိနပ်စီးမပေးရုံတမယ်နှင့် 'သား၊ အဆင်ပြေရဲ့လား' ချည်း ပြောနေသည့် DSA ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးရသည့် နည်းပြအရာရှိများဘက် မျက်နှာလှည့်သည့်အခါ အခါတရာမက ငေါက်ငန်းနေခဲ့ပေသည်။ တပ်မတော်ကြီးဆိုတာ သည်လိုပါလားဟု ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ကြည့်ကာ အတော်တရားရခဲ့မိပါသည်။ စစ်တက္ကသိုလ်၏ ၁၉ ယောက်မြောက် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဖြစ်လာသည့် DSA ဗိုလ်လောင်းသင်တန်း အမှတ်စဉ် ၁၉ ဆင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဘဝကတည်းက မာန်မာနအပြည့်နှင့် ဖြစ်သည်။[Min Aung Hlaing was the 19th rector of DSA as well as a graduate from DSA 19th intake. At the time he was a DSA rector, an 8 years old Phoe La Pyae, grandson of Than Shwe, visited the academy alongside a Colonel as if personal bodyguard. After Phoe La Pyae's request that he wanted to play Football, Min Aung Hlaing dismissed all the Officer Cadets from the PT Time and mad a Football match at which he was constantly asking Phoe La Pyae "Son, are you ok?" despite the fact he was always scolding and yelling at the officers at the match whether they did anything wrong or not.]
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87. "ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖုံးဝှက်ထားသော ရုပ်ပုံလွှာ". မလုပ်ကောင်းတာတွေ မလုပ်နဲ့ကွာ၊ ယောက်ျားထွက်ပြေးလို့ မိန်းမကို ဖမ်းတယ်ဆိုတာ အဓိပ္ပာယ်မရှိဘူး၊ အခုလွှတ်ပေးလိုက်[Hey, don't do such disgraceful action. It doesn't make any sense to arrest a wife for her husband's action]
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External links

Media related to Min Aung Hlaing at Wikimedia Commons

His Excellency [1] Senior General Maha Thray Sithu Thiri Thudhamma Min Aung Hlaing
မင်းအောင်လှိုင်
Min Aung Hlaing in 2021
Chairman of the State Administration Council
Incumbent
Assumed office 2 February 2021

Military offices
Preceded by Shwe Mann	Joint Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces 2010–2011	Succeeded by Hla Htay Win
Preceded by Than Shwe	Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services 2011–present	Incumbent
Political offices
Preceded by Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor of Myanmar	Chairman of the State Administration Council 2021–present	Incumbent
Preceded by Myint Swe	Acting President of Myanmar 2024–present
Vacant Title last held by Thein Sein (2011)	Prime Minister of Myanmar 2021–present