Min Aung Hlaing was born on 3 July 1956 in Minbu,Magway Region,Burma (now Myanmar),to Khin Hlaing and Hla Mu,as the fourth of their five children.[22] His parents were teachers from Dawei,in Tanintharyi Region.[23] His family moved to Mandalay as duty when he was 5 years old. His father,Khin Hlaing,was an artist.[24]
Despite his quiet nature,Min Aung Hlaing’s time at the Defence Services Academy marked the beginning of his military career,which would later define his life. Though not particularly outgoing,he was known for his disciplined approach to training. Over time,he earned a reputation for being organized and focused on his studies and military preparation,often staying away from social interactions but excelling in his academic and physical training. His classmates observed him as reserved,and he did not seek to form close bonds during his time at the academy. However,this period was key in shaping his future. It is said that Min Aung Hlaing’s lack of social engagement allowed him to concentrate on his studies and rise through the ranks,gradually gaining a reputation for his serious and committed attitude toward military life.[30][31]
After completing his training and being commissioned as a lieutenant,he started his service in Myanmar's military,where his ability to focus on his responsibilities and his calm demeanor gradually contributed to his career progression. His time in the Defence Services Academy,though not marked by personal connections,provided him with a solid foundation in military discipline and strategy,which would shape his leadership style in the years that followed.[32][33][34][35][36]
Career
Following graduation,Min Aung Hlaing went on to serve in different command positions,rising slowly through the ranks.[29] Early in his career,military colleagues gave him a nickname referring to cat feces,"something deposited quietly but leaving a powerful stink."[37] As he rose through the ranks,Min Aung Hlaing earned a reputation as a hardliner.[25] His military work earned him the favour of Senior General Than Shwe.[38] Min Aung Hlaing is characterized as having a "big man" management style not conducive to collaboration or listening.[38]
Min Aung Hlaing supported the military crackdown of the Saffron Revolution in 2008.[25] He rose to prominence in 2009 after leading an offensive against the insurgent Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in Kokang.[41] In June 2010,Min Aung Hlaing replaced General Shwe Mann as Joint Chief of Staff of the Army,Navy,and Air Force.[25] After taking on the role of Joint Chief of Staff in June 2010,Min Aung Hlaing’s influence within Myanmar’s military grew significantly. This position,which placed him in control of the army,navy,and air force,allowed him to consolidate his power and strengthen the military's role in the country’s governance. By this point,he had already become an influential advocate for maintaining military dominance in Myanmar's political and security sectors,often siding with hardline military strategies and policies. In the years that followed,Min Aung Hlaing was deeply involved in key military decisions that focused primarily on protecting and advancing the interests of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar's armed forces). His approach to governance was marked by an unwavering commitment to the military’s primacy. He was particularly vocal about the need for military leadership in times of national crisis,consistently rejecting calls for democratic reforms and civilian oversight. His disinterest in peaceful negotiations with ethnic armed groups was evident,as he preferred military action and forceful measures to maintain order and control. This further alienated ethnic minorities and fuelled ongoing tensions across the country.[42][43][44]
Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership also reinforced his reputation as a staunch defender of national security and stability,as he oversaw military operations in conflict-ridden regions,especially in areas with significant insurgency activity. Under his watch,the Tatmadaw continued its offensive strategies against ethnic militias,further cementing his image as a hardliner. His decisions,at times,seemed to prioritize military strength over humanitarian concerns,leading to increasing criticism from both local and international observers. Nonetheless,Min Aung Hlaing remained unwavering in his belief that Myanmar's future stability could only be secured through strong military rule,with minimal involvement from civilian political leaders.[45][46][47][48]
When he became the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Defence Services in 2011,Min Aung Hlaing had already amassed considerable experience and a leading foothold within the military. His reputation as a seasoned officer with a no-nonsense approach to military discipline made him a natural fit for the role. His leadership was crucial during a particularly tumultuous period for Myanmar,as the country navigated growing calls for reform,both internally and externally. As Commander-in-Chief,Min Aung Hlaing was significant to shaping military responses to these calls,ensuring that the Tatmadaw would remain a dominant force in Myanmar's governance.[49][50][51][52]
During this time,Min Aung Hlaing’s influence extended beyond the military sphere. He played a crucial role in shaping the country’s political future,especially as Myanmar entered into tentative discussions about political reform and the potential opening of a more civilian-led government. However,Min Aung Hlaing’s commitment to maintaining the military’s control over the country’s politics meant that any reform efforts remained tightly under the military’s influence,and genuine democratic change seemed out of reach.[53][54][55]
As Commander-in-Chief,Min Aung Hlaing's power continued to grow,and by the time he reached the peak of his career,he had become one of the most powerful figures in Myanmar’s modern history. His strategic thinking,coupled with his control over the country’s armed forces,set the stage for his eventual role in the broader political changes that would take place in Myanmar in the coming years. Whether as a military leader or as a key political figure,Min Aung Hlaing’s presence was undeniable,and his actions during this period would continue to shape the trajectory of Myanmar’s political landscape for years to come.[56][57][58][59]
Min Aung Hlaing has been a prominent figure in Myanmar's political and military trajectory over the last decade. Rising through the ranks of the Tatmadaw,his early career was marked by postings in various military commands,where he gained a reputation as a disciplined and strategic officer. His appointment as Joint Chief of Staff in 2010 positioned him as a key player in the military hierarchy,culminating in his promotion to Commander-in-Chief in March 2011. This appointment,seen as a strategic move by outgoing Senior General Than Shwe,ensured the Tatmadaw's influence remained intact during the country's transition to a civilian government. As Commander-in-Chief,Min Aung Hlaing oversaw efforts to modernize the Tatmadaw,emphasizing military training,equipment upgrades,and expanding its role in national governance. Under his leadership,the Tatmadaw maintained significant control over key aspects of the government,including defense,home affairs,and border affairs,as stipulated by Myanmar's 2008 Constitution. These developments underscored his focus on preserving the military’s political and economic influence amidst growing calls for democratization.[60][61][62][63]
In February 2021,following allegations of widespread electoral fraud in the 2020 general election,Min Aung Hlaing declared a state of emergency and assumed leadership of the State Administration Council (SAC). He justified the coup as a necessary step to safeguard the nation’s stability and pledged to hold new elections. This move,however,drew widespread criticism domestically and internationally,leading to significant civil unrest and economic challenges. Despite these criticisms,he emphasized the Tatmadaw’s role in ensuring national sovereignty and unity during a time of upheaval. In August 2021,he further consolidated power by appointing himself Prime Minister,outlining plans for governance reforms and a roadmap to eventual elections. By July 2024,Min Aung Hlaing assumed presidential duties,solidifying his control over Myanmar's executive branch. These developments highlighted his centrality to Myanmar's political system and his continued focus on the Tatmadaw's leadership role. Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership has drawn mixed reactions. Domestically,his tenure has been marked by both support from military loyalists and strong opposition from pro-democracy groups. Internationally,his actions have faced condemnation from Western governments,leading to sanctions,while receiving a more reserved response from regional neighbors.[64][65][66][67][68]
On 31 January 2025,Min Aung Hlaing extended the state of emergency by an additional six months. This decision came four years after the military's takeover and amid ongoing resistance from various armed groups. The extension further delayed elections that had been promised for 2025,with the military stating that the conditions for holding a vote would only be met later in the year. Min Aung Hlaing emphasized that peace and stability were necessary before the state of emergency could be lifted and elections could proceed.[69][70][71][72]
In 1989,as a Captain (3 stars),Min Aung Hlaing took part in the Battle of Wan Kha Thit,better known as the Battle of Kawmoora. This battle was a clash between army troops controlled by then Commander-in-chiefSenior GeneralThan Shwe and the Karen National Union (KNU). Due to the base's difficult position to attack,the Myanmar military repeatedly assaulted it throughout 1989 but failed to seize it,halting operations in 1990 after suffering hundreds of casualties.
To ward off harm from enemy shells and bullets,Min Aung Hlaing carried a Buddha statue in his bag of topographic maps worn across his chest. Despite making speeches for officer cadets to be brave soldiers like him,he never led any missions against KNU troops.
Although he promoted bravery in his speeches,Min Aung Hlaing showed limited combat capabilities as a junior officer,only participating in two major battles and playing insignificant roles in both. Near the front line,he was known to carry a Buddha figurine,hoping it would ward off death.[75] This action reflected not only his personal beliefs but also the mental strain faced by junior officers in a brutal,ongoing conflict. Min Aung Hlaing’s early years as a junior officer were marked by a cautious approach to combat. While he advocated for bravery in speeches to his fellow officer cadets,he rarely led the charge in the field,which was seen by some as a reflection of his more strategic,methodical mindset. His involvement in military operations,particularly in the early stages of his career,seemed to focus more on logistics,intelligence,and command than direct combat.[76][77]
Despite this,Min Aung Hlaing's early service gave him crucial exposure to the military's inner workings. In the absence of major victories on the battlefield,he began to develop his skills in leadership and management,often working behind the scenes to support more experienced officers. His capacity to navigate the complexities of military operations would later become a key factor in his rapid rise through the ranks. While he had limited combat experience in his early years,his ability to maintain a calm,calculated presence in difficult situations set him apart from his peers.[78][79]
His time in the battalion also gave him firsthand knowledge of the political dynamics within Myanmar's military. As the years passed,Min Aung Hlaing began to forge alliances with influential figures,and his ties to the upper echelons of the Tatmadaw started to take root. The foundational experiences of his junior officer years shaped his worldview,which centered on maintaining discipline,controlling the narrative within the military,and securing the military's political and strategic interests in Myanmar.[80][81]
In retrospect,Min Aung Hlaing's earlier experiences,though less dramatic in terms of direct combat,proved to be essential in shaping his leadership style. The challenges he faced as a junior officer,combined with his dedication to military service and his evolving understanding of the Tatmadaw's role in Myanmar's governance,provided the groundwork for his future rise to the top.[82][83]
Battalion commander
Min Aung Hlaing served as a Battalion Officer Commanding,ranked as a Major,at the No. (369) Light Infantry Battalion (Homalin) under the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) of the Northwestern Regional Military Command. During his tenure,he imprisoned the pregnant wife of a sergeant who was deemed to have deserted the battalion. At that time,the General Officer Commanding of the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) was Brigadier General Thura Aung Ko,and the Tactical Operation CommandOfficer Commanding was Colonel Kyaw Thu. During an inspection,Colonel Kyaw Thu discovered the woman locked in the battalion prison and questioned Major Min Aung Hlaing why he did such a thing. Min Aung Hlaing explained that she was imprisoned because her husband had deserted. Colonel Kyaw Thu responded,"Do not do such a disgraceful thing. It's nonsense to arrest the wife just because her husband deserted. Release her now."[84] The woman was only released thanks to Colonel Kyaw Thu's intervention.
Min Aung Hlaing had a habit of such actions since his time as a Battalion Commander,and it came as no surprise that similar actions were applied to the population after the coup.[85]
The actions taken by Min Aung Hlaing during his time as a Battalion Commander have been noted in various accounts.[85]
DSA rector
Min Aung Hlaing served as the 19th rector of the Defence Services Academy (DSA),having graduated from its 19th intake. During his tenure,he was involved in an incident with Nay Shwe Thway Aung (also known as Phoe La Pyae),the 8-year-old grandson of Senior GeneralThan Shwe. Nay Shwe Thway Aung visited the academy with a colonel acting as his personal bodyguard. At Nay Shwe Thway Aung's request,Min Aung Hlaing organized a football match,dismissing the Officer Cadets from their Physical Training (PT) session. Throughout the match,Min Aung Hlaing frequently inquired about Nay Shwe Thway Aung's well-being,contrasting with his usually strict demeanor towards the officers on the field.[86]
Min Aung Hlaing was known for his strict enforcement of military regulations. He reported several coaches and cadets to the Military Appointment General (MAG) for minor infractions,such as not wearing helmets while riding motorcycles. These actions were perceived as efforts to secure his promotion to Major General and to obtain a position as a General Officer Commanding as a Regional Military Command. As a result of his reports,the officers and cadets faced significant career setbacks,with many unable to advance beyond the rank of Captain.[86]
Commander-in-chief
2011–2015:Union Solidarity and Development Party rule
Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi on 29 July 2015
Not long after becoming Commander-in-chief,he removed the Adjutant General,Lieutenant General Kyaw Phyo and General Officer Commanding of Central Regional Military Command Major General Tin Ngwe and built the atmosphere of fear among the top brass.[86]
In November 2011,according to The Irrawaddy,it was "widely believed" that following Min Aung Hlaing's meetings with Chinese military officials that month and his leadership in creating a bilateral agreement on defense cooperation with the Chinese,he had also held talks with Chinese vice-president Xi Jinping regarding cooperation from China with respect to the Kachin Conflict.[41]
In 2014,as Min Aung Hlaing approached the age of 60,which is the mandatory age of retirement for military officers,the Armed Forces' Department of Defence Council issued a directive,enabling Min Aung Hlaing to extend his mandatory retirement age to 65,in 2021.[90]
In August 2015,the USDP fractured,and President Thein Sein purged the faction led by Shwe Mann,a former general and Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw.[87] Min Aung Hlaing oversaw a direct military intervention to oust Shwe Mann from power,indicating the military's desire to continue furthering its agenda through USDP.[91] Shwe Mann had advocated for legislation and constitutional amendments that would have decreased the military's influence,against the interests of the military and USDP.[91]
2016–2020:Transition to National League for Democracy rule
Min Aung Hlaing meeting with Japanese prime minister ShinzōAbe in Tokyo,4 August 2017
Min Aung Hlaing also began to signal his interest in civilian politics.[87] He began assuming a more statesman-like persona,and became increasingly assertive about the military's role.[94][37] In the lead-up to the 2020 Myanmar general election,he worked with the USDP to position himself as the next President.[94] Throughout 2019,Min Aung Hlaing made several public appearances dubbed a "charm offensive," at several religious sites and charity functions,[95] raising speculation about his political ambitions.[96][90] To cultivate his public persona,he began two Facebook pages that commanded a combined following of 4.1 million followers.[97][98] In January 2020,Min Aung Hlaing met with Chinese leaderXi Jinping in Nay Pyi Taw. Xi promoted the practical cooperation under the framework of the One Belt One Road to achieve results at an early date and benefit Myanmar's people.[99] In May 2020,Min Aung Hlaing reshuffled senior military ranks,promoting a new generation of officers loyal to him,including Kyaw Swar Lin,who became the military's youngest lieutenant general.[100]
War with the Arakan Army intensified during this period,and the military was accused of targeting Arakanese civilians and their properties. On 17 March 2019,Kyaw Zaw Oo,an Arakanese MP,published a bilingual open letter to Min Aung Hlaing about the many human rights violations of the Tatmadaw in Rakhine State that harmed the lives and property of civilians and damaged buildings of cultural heritage.[101][102]
2020–present
In February 2020,Min Aung Hlaing,his wife Kyu Kyu Hla and with his close astrologer Vasipake Sayadaw placed the "Hti" umbrella atop Bagan's most powerful ancient Htilominlo Temple. The meaning of the temple name is "need the royal umbrella,need the King". He was following in the footsteps of some of Myanmar's most powerful political figures including his predecessor,Senior General Than Shwe. Many people believed that the ceremony was a yadaya and seeking divine blessings for his glory.[103]
In November 2020,Min Aung Hlaing made a series of public comments questioning the legitimacy of the upcoming 2020 election,in potential violation of the Civil Services Personnel Law.[104] On 5 November,the Tatmadaw declared that Min Aung Hlaing's rank is equivalent to Vice President of Myanmar.[105] After casting his ballot in the 2020 election,Min Aung Hlaing vowed to accept the election results.[106] The 2020 election saw NLD win in a larger landslide than in 2015,forestalling Min Aung Hlaing's political ambitions. In response,the military began intensifying allegations of electoral fraud and irregularities,submitting formal complaints to the Union Election Commission (UEC). On 27 January 2021,Min Aung Hlaing publicly remarked that he would not rule out a coup d'état and abolition of the constitution,if allegations of voter fraud during last year's election were not adequately addressed.[107] These comments sparked concern about another potential coup.[108] The following day,the UEC issued a statement rejecting claims of electoral fraud,citing the lack of evidence submitted to substantiate these claims.[109] On 29 January,the military issued clarifying statements pledging to protect and abide by the constitution and applicable laws.[110]
Demonstration against the military coup in Hpa-an,Kayin State,Myanmar,9 February 2021Min Aung Hlaing on 27 March 2021
On 22 May 2021,Min Aung Hlaing gave his first interview since the coup to Hong Kong-based Chinese language Phoenix Television. During the interview,he referred to deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi and he said that she "is in good health. She is at her home and healthy. She is going to face trial at the court in a few days."[113] On the same day,Myanmar Now reported that shortly after the coup,Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself indefinitely as the commander-in-chief and therefore the de facto leader of Myanmar.[114]
Min Aung Hlaing made an official visit to Moscow on 3 March 2025 at Putin's invitation,holding talks at the Grand Kremlin Palace the following day.[125] During this visit,they oversaw the signing of ten memorandums of understanding covering sectors such as nuclear energy,space exploration,trade,education,and investment.[126] An agreement was also reached to build a small-scale nuclear power plant in Myanmar,starting with a capacity of 110 megawatts and potential expansion. Additionally,a memorandum on space exploration and satellite technology led to reports of a satellite imagery analysis center being established in Myanmar with Russian support.[127] Min Aung Hlaing expressed gratitude for Russia's support in international forums and reiterated Myanmar's backing for Russia's actions in Ukraine. Putin also invited him to attend the Victory Day celebrations in Moscow on 9 May 2025.[128][129][130]
In January 2023,Min Aung Hlaing enacted a new electoral law aimed at rigging the next general election in favor of the USDP.[131][132] He is himself considered a likely USDP nominee for President in the subsequent presidential election.[133]
Min Aung Hlaing refused to give up his emergency powers when they were constitutionally set to expire on 1 February 2023,further delaying new elections.[134][135]
In March 2023,Min Aung Hlaing made a rare public appearance at the Armed Forces Day parade stating that his government would continue to fight back against resistance groups in the country and their "acts of terror". Hlaing called his critics supporters of terrorism.[136]
Starting in January 2024,multiple pro-military figures condemned Min Aung Hlaing for incompetence and excessive self-interest after the Tatmadaw suffered an unprecedented string of defeats during Operation 1027.[137] In February 2024,to address the Tatmadaw's personnel issues,Min Aung Hlaing activated Myanmar's 1959 conscription law for the first time,with plans to draft 60,000 young men and women.[18][138] Men aged 18–35 and women aged 18–27 will be required to serve up to five years under the state of emergency,or face five years imprisonment.[139]
In March 2024,Min Aung Hlaing claimed at the Armed Forces Day parade young people are being tricked into supporting the resistance against the military,and accused "some powerful nations" of trying to interfere with Myanmar’s internal affairs.[140]
According to SAC media,resistance groups in Yangon attempted to assassinate Min Aung Hlaing with explosives and firearms in June 2024.[142][143]
On 22 July 2024 Min Aung Hlaing became acting President after Myint Swe took medical leave.[144]
In January 2025,ASEAN upheld its decision to ban Min Aung Hlaing from attending its summits and limit Myanmar's participation to a non-political level.[145]
On 31 January 2025,Myanmar’s ruling military extended the state of emergency for another six months,with the decision approved unanimously by the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) under Section 425 of the 2008 Constitution. Min Aung Hlaing,as chairman of the council,stated that maintaining stability remained necessary before elections could be held.[146][147][148][149]
The state of emergency,first declared following the February 2021 military takeover,has been extended multiple times. Under Myanmar’s constitutional framework,elections cannot be conducted while a state of emergency is in place. The military has previously announced plans to hold elections in 2025,though the latest extension means they cannot take place until at least the second half of the year.[150][151][152][153]
Min Aung Hlaing's rise to power in February 2021 marked the beginning of a harsh crackdown on dissent in Myanmar,exemplified by the arrest of prominent pro-democracy activist Nay Soe Maung on 23 October 2024,in Pyigyitagun Township,Mandalay.[154][155] This arrest occurred during the ongoing challenges to his rule following the coup.[156][157][158] The groundwork for such actions against opposition figures was laid by Than Shwe,whose enduring influence over the military had previously established its stronghold in Myanmar’s political landscape.[159][160]
On 27 March 2025,during the 80th anniversary of Myanmar Armed Forces Day,Min Aung Hlaing said that a general election would be held by the end of the year,pledging that the military would hand over power to the winning party in a structured and lawful manner.[161][162]
Following the 2025 Myanmar earthquake on 28 March,Min Aung Hlaing made made a rare invitation for other countries and international organizations to provide relief to Myanmar.[163] On 3 April,he visited Thailand to attend the BIMSTEC summit in Bangkok.[164]
Corruption
Min Aung Hlaing has been the subject of controversy for his family's extensive business assets and potential conflicts of interest.[165] He is a major shareholder in the army-owned Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). During the 2010–11 fiscal year,he had owned 5,000 shares and received an annual dividend of $250,000 (~$341,079 in 2023).[166] He sits on MEHL's Patron Group,which runs the conglomerate.[167]
Min Aung Hlaing's son,Aung Pyae Sone,owns a number of companies,including Sky One Construction Company and Aung Myint Mo Min Insurance Company.[168] He also has a majority stake in Mytel,a national telecoms carrier.[168] In 2013,his son Aung Pyae Sone won a no-bid government permit well below market rates,for a 30-year lease on land at the Yangon People's Square and Park for a high-end restaurant and art gallery,following his father's promotion to Commander-in-Chief.[169]Aung Pyae Sone also runs A&M Mahar,which offers Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approvals and customs clearance services for drugs and medical devices.[170] Myanmar's customs department is led by Kyaw Htin,a former MEHL director.[170]
His daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon founded a major film studio,7th Sense Creation,in 2017.[171] That same year,his daughter-in-law,Myo Yadanar Htaik,founded another entertainment company,Stellar Seven Entertainment.[171] The US Embassy in Yangon came under media scrutiny in December 2020,for collaborating with 7th Sense Creation,because Min Aung Hlaing is technically subject to US economic sanctions.[172]
Facebook banned Min Aung Hlaing from its platform along with 19 other top Burmese officials and organisations to prevent further heated ethnic and religious tensions in Myanmar. This action followed a UN investigation's report that certain military leaders in Myanmar should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide against Rohingya Muslims.[177][178]Twitter later banned him on 16 May 2019.[179]
The United States has imposed sanctions against Min Aung Hlaing. In July 2019, the U.S. government banned him from travel to the US.[180] In December 2020, it froze Min Aung Hlaing's American-based assets and criminalized financial transactions between him and anyone in the US.[180][181]
On 14 February 2025, a court in Argentina, acting on a petition from the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK and citing the principle of universal jurisdiction, issued arrest warrants against Min Aung Hlaing and other senior Myanmar officials on charges of "genocide and crimes against humanity" against the Rohingyas.[185] In response, Myanmar military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun rejected the ruling, calling it "baseless" and accusing Argentina’s judiciary of political interference. He defended Min Aung Hlaing, asserting that the accusations were politically motivated and lacked legitimacy.[186][187]
The Government of Canada has imposed sanctions on him since 18 February 2021, pursuant to Special Economic Measures Act and Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations, in response to the gravity of the human rights and humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Canadian sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on transactions with any Canadian person.[191][192]
The Council of the European Union has also imposed sanctions on him since 22 March 2021, pursuant to Council Regulation (EU) 2021/479 and Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2021/480 which amended Council Regulation (EU) No 401/2013, for his responsibility for the 2021 coup and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators. The EU sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on entry or transit to the bloc.[194][195]
On 7 October 2019, the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) awarded him the title of Mingaladhamma Zawtika Dhaza and the permanent patron of the YMBA.[201][202] On 9 December 2020, YMBA awarded him the title of Thado Thiri Agga Maha Mingalar Zawtika.[203]
2018 – Malaysia: The Most Gallant Order of Military Service, Gallant Commander of the Malaysian Armed Forces (Darjah Panglima Gagah Angkatan Tentera), Honorary Malaysian Armed Forces Order for Valor (1st Degree), Malaysia.[205]
↑ Campbell, Joshua (13 April 2023). "Min Aung Hlaing". The 100 Most Influential People of 2023. TIME. Archived from the original on 16 April 2023. Retrieved 16 April 2023. Min Aung Hlaing has returned Myanmar to a pariah state and made it the world's second most authoritarian regime, per the Economist Intelligence Unit's 2022 Democracy Index. Only Taliban-ruled Afghanistan ranked worse.
↑ "ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖုံးဝှက်ထားသော ရုပ်ပုံလွှာ". 26 March 2022. Archived from the original on 9 July 2024. Retrieved 9 July 2024. မလုပ်ကောင်းတာတွေ မလုပ်နဲ့ကွာ၊ ယောက်ျားထွက်ပြေးလို့ မိန်းမကို ဖမ်းတယ်ဆိုတာ အဓိပ္ပာယ်မရှိဘူး၊ အခုလွှတ်ပေးလိုက်[Hey, don't do such disgraceful action. It doesn't make any sense to arrest a wife for her husband's action]
1 2 "ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖုံးဝှက်ထားသော ရုပ်ပုံလွှာ". 26 March 2022. Archived from the original on 9 July 2024. Retrieved 9 July 2024. ထိုကဲ့သို့ စိတ်နေစိတ်ထားရှိသူသည် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သော ပြည်သူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးရာတွင် ယောက်ျားဖြစ်သူကို မတွေ့သည့်အခါ အမျိုးသမီးအား ဖမ်းဆီးရန်၊ ဆန္ဒပြသည့် သားသမီးများအား ဖမ်းဆီးမရသည့်အခါ မိဘဖြစ်သူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ရန် အမိန့်ပေးလာခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ကဲ့သို့သော ဖြစ်ရပ်မျိုး နွေးဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် များစွာဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။
1 2 3 "မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကြောင့် နာမည်ပျက်ရတဲ့ ဒေါ်စိန်အေး"[Daw Sein Aye who lost her reputation due to Min Aung Hlaing]. Archived from the original on 20 July 2024. Retrieved 20 July 2024. မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး ဖြစ်ချိန်တွင် ဦးသန်းရွှေ၏ မြေးဖြစ်သူ နေရွှေသွေးအောင် (ခ) ဖိုးလပြည့် ငယ်ငယ် ၈ တန်း ကျောင်းသားအရွယ်က DSA ကို လာလည်သည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့် အနီးကပ် ကိုယ်ရံတော် ဗိုလ်မှူးကြီးတဦးလည်း ပါသေး၏။ ဗိုလ်လောင်းများနှင့် ဘောလုံးကစားချင်ကြောင်း ပြောသောအခါ ချက်ချင်း ဗိုလ်လောင်းများ၏ ကိုယ်ကာယ လေ့ကျင့်ချိန် PT Time ကို ဖျက်ပြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်က ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးသည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့်ကို ဖိနပ်စီးမပေးရုံတမယ်နှင့် 'သား၊ အဆင်ပြေရဲ့လား' ချည်း ပြောနေသည့် DSA ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးရသည့် နည်းပြအရာရှိများဘက် မျက်နှာလှည့်သည့်အခါ အခါတရာမက ငေါက်ငန်းနေခဲ့ပေသည်။ တပ်မတော်ကြီးဆိုတာ သည်လိုပါလားဟု ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ကြည့်ကာ အတော်တရားရခဲ့မိပါသည်။ စစ်တက္ကသိုလ်၏ ၁၉ ယောက်မြောက် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဖြစ်လာသည့် DSA ဗိုလ်လောင်းသင်တန်း အမှတ်စဉ် ၁၉ ဆင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဘဝကတည်းက မာန်မာနအပြည့်နှင့် ဖြစ်သည်။[Min Aung Hlaing was the 19th rector of DSA as well as a graduate from DSA 19th intake. At the time he was a DSA rector, an 8 years old Phoe La Pyae, grandson of Than Shwe, visited the academy alongside a Colonel as if personal bodyguard. After Phoe La Pyae's request that he wanted to play Football, Min Aung Hlaing dismissed all the Officer Cadets from the PT Time and mad a Football match at which he was constantly asking Phoe La Pyae "Son, are you ok?" despite the fact he was always scolding and yelling at the officers at the match whether they did anything wrong or not.]
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Tatmadaw 
Myanmar Army 
Senior General 
