Resignation of Goran Vesić and several other senior state officials[1]
Formalized student demands:
Publishing of all documents related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station
Confirmation from the authorities on the identity of all individuals for whom there is reasonable suspicion of physically assaulting students and professors, as well as initiating criminal proceedings against them
Dismissal of all public officials who assaulted students and professors
The dismissal of criminal charges against arrested and detained students at protests, as well as the termination of already initiated criminal proceedings
An increase in the budget for higher education by 20 percent
Investigation regarding the possible use of a sonic weapon (since 5 April)
Investigation regarding the responsibility of the president and journalists being present at ICU after Kočani nightclub fire (since 7 April)
Some of the documents related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station published[31][32]
An increase in the budget for higher education by 20 percent (partially fulfilled as the government increased only material costs portion of budget)[33][34]
Major protest rallies: 355,000 in Belgrade (15 March 2025)[48] 169,000 in Kragujevac (15 February 2025)[49] 140,000 in Belgrade (28 June 2025)[50] ~110,000 in Novi Sad (1 November 2025)[51] 100,000–102,000 in Belgrade (22 December 2024)[52] ~100,000 in Novi Sad (1 February 2025) 15,000 in Niš (1 March 2025)[53]
Government rallies: 55,000 in Belgrade (13 April 2025)[54] 21,000–23,000 in Sremska Mitrovica (16 February 2025)[55] ~14,000 in Belgrade (5 November 2025)[56] 14,000 in Jagodina (25 January 2025)[57]
Casualties and losses
Student/protester casualties: Several students hospitalized (January–August 2025)[58] 22 protesters sought medical help (28 June 2025)[59] 80+ civilians injured (13 August 2025)[60]
Police casualties: 48 police officers injured (28 June 2025)[59] 27 police officers injured (13 August 2025)[60]
In November 2024, mass protests erupted in Novi Sad, Serbia, after the collapse of the city's railway station canopy, which killed 16 people and left another severely injured. By March 2025, the protests had spread to 400 cities and towns across the country.[61] Led by university students, the protests called for accountability for the disaster.[62]
The protests began with student-led blockades of educational institutions, initiated on 22 November at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade, after students were attacked during a silent tribute to the victims. Other faculties and high schools soon joined. In the early stages, protesters enacted daily "Serbia, stand still" (Serbian Cyrillic: Застани, Србијо, romanized:Zastani, Srbijo) traffic blockades from 11:52 am to 12:08 pm—the exact time of the collapse—as a symbolic gesture honoring the deceased, accompanied by a silent protest.[63]
By early 2025, these 16-minute pauses had ceased as a standalone action, and the movement transitioned into sustained civil disobedience. Protesters began organizing extended road blockades, walking demonstrations, a protest cycling and relay race from Belgrade to Strasbourg and Brussels, respectively, and blockades of the headquarters of Radio Television of Serbia that severely disrupted its programming.
Confrontations escalated as supporters of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and the police clashed with demonstrators, leading to street fights and arrests in multiple cities, including smaller ones such as Novi Pazar and Užice. After months of student lockouts at most higher learning institutions, including the University of Belgrade and the University of Novi Sad, classes resumed and the 2025/2026 school year commenced in the previously locked-out institutions.[64] Continuing anti-academic rhetoric by the regime presented a false narrative of the lockouts.[65]
On 1 November 2024, the canopy of the Novi Sad railway station collapsed, killing 14 people on the spot and leaving three with injuries; one of the injured died on 17 November and another died on 21 March 2025.[66]
The collapse led to widespread public concern in Serbia, with many questioning the structural integrity and maintenance oversight of public infrastructure. Authorities launched an investigation into the causes of the incident, but public frustration grew due to lack of accountability in the response.[67]
The station building was constructed in 1964, and was renovated from 2021 to mid-2024 with support from China's Belt and Road Initiative. The official cause of the collapse remains under investigation, with government corruption and opaque dealings with Chinese contractors blamed.[68]
Protests against government corruption and inaction soon began, grew into the hundreds, and spread across the country. The protests continued in 2025 and into 2026.
Symbols and slogans
А red handprint, a symbol commonly used by the protesters.Red handprints with You have blood on your hands! (Serbian: Krvave su vam ruke!) text on the left
A common protester slogan was "corruption kills". Protest symbols included red handprints with the caption "your hands are bloody", referring to the authorities and ruling politicians, and bleeding doves (the dove is a symbol of Novi Sad).[70] Banners accompanied protests and blockades. Most of them mention Vučić and other members of the ruling party, public prosecutor Zagorka Dolovac[sr], and generally support the students. Some of the banners feature quotes or references from Serbian and world pop culture, including Better Call Saul ("Not Even Saul Will Save You"), Grand Theft Auto VI ("The People Rose Up Before [the Release of] GTA VI"), Game of Thrones'Daenerys Targaryen, and Charli XCX's album Brat.[71] National Serbian flags, both contemporary and historical, as well as the flags of many Serbian cities and municipalities, and university and faculty flags, were common sights.[72]Ferrari flags and paraphernalia, once a prominent symbol of opposition to the Milošević regime, made a return.[73] Students called out Vučić's excessive behavior, arguing that he is acting ultra vires by involving himself in matters that are out of his legal capacity as the President.[74]
Some banners included the word "ćaci" ("ћаци"), a reference to an anti-protest graffiti ćaci u školu; this was reported to be an attempt by the ruling SNS to provoke the students, backfiring due to the creator's illiteracy. The pro-government encampment in Pioneers Park was widely dubbed ćacilend by protesters. Another catchphrase originated from Reddit, is "pump it" ("pumpaj"), meaning to "keep increasing the pressure", which also appeared in memes and banners.[75] Another closely related phrase, "stew it" (dinstaj), was popularized by sociologist Jovo Bakić.[76]
Some protests adopted specific names that are wordplays:
"Sretnimo se na Sretenje ("Let's meet on Sretenje")
"Iz Banata, iz inata" ("From Banat, out of spite")
"1.2. na 3 mosta" ("1.2. (February 1) on 3 bridges")
"Munze želi konza" (A šatra saying of "Zemun želi zakon", which means "Zemun wants (the) law"
"Munze konza", "Zemun rules!")
Reactions
Before the 15 March and 28 June protests in Belgrade, public transit operations there halted. Private bus companies cancelled most departures to and from Belgrade. Passenger trains coming in and out of Belgrade were halted due to bomb threats.[77][78][79][80] An attempt of Niš students to organise transport to Belgrade failed after a private bus company allegedly received threats from people close to the government.[81]
The EU Commission enlargement director-general, Gert Jan Koopman, stated that the EU "will not accept or support a violent change of power in Serbia."[83]
US President Donald Trump's envoy for special missions, Richard Grenell, wrote on X that the United States supports peaceful demonstrations but does not support "those who undermine the rule of law or who forcefully take over government buildings."[84][85]
Neutral stance
The European Commission and the Council of the European Union remained neutral.[86][87] On 28 January 2025, a group of Serbian public figures sent a letter to EU officials, including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, urging them to become more actively involved in supporting a "free, democratic and European Serbia".[44][b]
Many supportive Serbs interpreted this lack of attention as backing the government. For example, several days after a "15. za 15" protest in Belgrade, Vučić met with European Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos in Brussels, a meeting the EU diplomat described as "constructive." Kos made no mention of the use of a sound cannon against non-violent protesters the weekend before, drawing criticism from protesters and their supporters.[88] Support for EU membership fell after the protests began, with many Serbs in support of the protests viewing the EU as an opponent of democratization and bureaucratic reform efforts,[89] resulting in the absence of EU flags and other pro-European symbols from rallies.[90]
Domestic support
Protests were publicly supported by over 5,000 university professors, cooperators and researchers.[91]
Political organizations
Political organizations that supported the protests include:
Numerous public figures, artists and celebrities from Serbia, as well as from other former Yugoslav republics supported the protests,[115][116][117][118] including:
On 2 February 2025, during a protest gathering in front of the Embassy of Serbia in Budapest, an unknown man inside the embassy gave the middle finger to the protesters from the open window. Ambassador Aleksandra Đurović declined to either apologize or reveal the man's identity.[349]
International support
Vasilije Čarapić, Montenegrin politician and member of the leading Europe Now! party, publicly expressed support for the students. In his statement, Čarapić emphasized the importance of regional solidarity and the need for accountability in infrastructure projects, urging governments to prioritize public safety to prevent such tragedies.[350]
↑The European Union has shown strong support for democratic protests in Venezuela and Georgia, the European Commission and the Council of the European Union have offered no such support for the protests in Serbia and EU officials have stated they would not accept or support "violent change of power" in the country. Students in Serbia, part of the country's media, and some European analysts have interpreted this as silent support for Vučić
↑"Why is the EU ignoring Serbia's student protests?". EUobserver. 31 January 2025. The EU Commission enlargement director-general, Gert Jan Koopman, was quoted in regime-aligned Politika as having told Serbian civil society that the EU "will not accept or support a violent change of power in Serbia." This echoed Vučić's own public musings and deflection.
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