This article may be affected by the following current event: Exodus of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh . Information in this article may change rapidly as the event progresses. Initial news reports may be unreliable. The last updates to this article may not reflect the most current information.(September 2023) |
2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh | |||||||||
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Part of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict | |||||||||
Military situation in Nagorno-Karabakh on 20 September 2023 Areas of internationally recognised Armenian territory occupied by Azerbaijan (Armenia–Azerbaijan border crisis) For a more detailed map, see the detailed map | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Azerbaijan | Artsakh | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Units involved | |||||||||
Azerbaijani Air Force Ministry of Internal Affairs Special Forces | Artsakh Defence Army | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
192 servicemen killed [5] 511 servicemen wounded [5] | 190+ servicemen killed [6] 360+ servicemen wounded [6] | ||||||||
10 Armenian and 1 Azerbaijani civilian killed Contents
5 Russian peacekeepers killed by Azerbaijan [9] 50,000 ethnic Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh as of 27 September 2023 [10] |
Between 19 and 20 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the self-declared breakaway state of Artsakh, a move seen as a violation of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement. [11] [12] The offensive took place in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as a part of Azerbaijan, but populated by Armenians. [13] [14] The attacks occurred in the midst of an escalating crisis caused by Azerbaijan blockading the Republic of Artsakh, which has resulted in significant scarcities of essential supplies such as food, medicine, and other goods in the affected region. [15]
One day after the offensive started, on 20 September, a ceasefire agreement in Nagorno-Karabakh was reached at the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping command in Nagorno-Karabakh. [16] Azerbaijan held a meeting with representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians on 21 September in Yevlakh, to be followed by another meeting in October. [17] [18] Ceasefire violations by Azerbaijan were nonetheless reported by both Artsakhi residents and officials. [19] [20]
Human rights organizations and experts in genocide prevention issued multiple alerts, stating that the indigenous Armenian population was at risk or actively being subjected to ethnic cleansing and genocide. Luis Moreno Ocampo, a former prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, warned that another Armenian genocide could take place, and attributed the inaction of the international community to encouraging Azerbaijan that it would face no serious consequences. [21]
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is an ethnic and territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians. [22] The Nagorno-Karabakh region is entirely claimed by and partially de facto controlled by the breakaway Republic of Artsakh but is recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan de facto controls one-third of the Nagorno-Karabakh region as well as the seven surrounding districts.
The conflict escalated in 1988, when the Karabakh Armenians demanded the transfer of the region from Soviet Azerbaijan to Soviet Armenia, triggering the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. In late 2020, the large-scale Second Nagorno-Karabakh War resulted in thousands of casualties and a significant Azerbaijani victory. An armistice was established by a tripartite ceasefire agreement on 10 November, resulting in Armenia and Artsakh losing the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh as well as one-third of Nagorno-Karabakh itself. [23] Ceasefire violations in Nagorno-Karabakh and on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border have continued following the 2020 war, with intermittent but ongoing casualties.
Since the 2020 war, Azerbaijan has rescinded its offer of special status or autonomy to its indigenous Armenian residents and instead insists on their "integration" into Azerbaijan. [24] [25] International mediators and human rights organizations have emphasized self-determination for the local Armenian population [26] [27] and do not believe that Artsakh Armenians can live safely under the dynastic, authoritarian regime [28] [29] of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. [30] [31]
Since December 2022, Azerbaijan has blockaded the Republic of Artsakh from the outside world, in violation of the 2020 ceasefire agreement and international legal rulings. [32] The Azerbaijani government seized territory around the Lachin corridor both within Artsakh and Armenia, blocked alternative bypass routes, and installed a military checkpoint. [33] Azerbaijan has also sabotaged critical civilian infrastructure of Artsakh, including gas, electricity, and Internet access. [34] [35]
The blockade has created a humanitarian crisis for the population of Artsakh; imports of essential goods have been blocked, as well as humanitarian convoys of the Red Cross and the Russian peacekeepers, trapping the 120,000 residents of the region. [36] [37] Shortages of essential goods –including electricity, fuel, and water reserves –are widespread and emergency reserves are being rationed, alongside massive unemployment, and closures of schools and public transportation. [38] [39]
Azerbaijan claims its actions are aimed at preventing the transportation of weapons and natural resources; [40] [41] Azerbaijan also says its goal is for Artsakh's "integration" into Azerbaijan, despite opposition from the population, and has threatened military action if the Artsakh government does not dissolve. [42] [43]
Numerous countries, international organizations, and human rights observers have condemned Azerbaijan's blockade and consider it to be a form of hybrid warfare, [44] [45] ethnic cleansing, [46] and genocide. [47] [48] Multiple international observers also consider the blockade and the inaction of the Russian peacekeepers to be violations of the tripartite 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement signed between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia, which ended the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War and guarantees safe passage through the Lachin corridor. [49] [50] Azerbaijan and Russia have ignored calls from various countries and international organizations to restore freedom of movement through the corridor. [51] [52]
Two weeks before the clashes, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention issued a report in which it said "There is alarming evidence that President [Ilham] Aliyev may be planning a military assault on Artsakh in the very near future," noting that Aliyev recently had signed a new decree ordering all eligible citizens 18 years of age or older to report for military service between 1 October and 31 October 2023. The Lemkin Institute also warned that "A military assault on Artsakh could lead to the mass murder stage of genocide. It would almost assuredly result in the forced displacement of Armenians from Artsakh and the widespread commission of genocidal atrocities...[and]...Artsakh's Armenians would lose their distinct identity as Artsakhsis, an identity that has been forged through centuries—millennia—of independent cultural flourishing in their mountains and valleys." [53]
On 19 September 2023, in violation of the 2020 ceasefire conditions, [11] [12] Azerbaijan launched a large-scale offensive against Republic of Artsakh. The Azerbaijan Ministry of Defense claimed to be undertaking "local anti-terrorist activities" and alleged Armenian land mines caused the death of two Azerbaijani civilians and four policeman as a pretext. [54] [55] The ministry demanding the disarmament and withdrawal of all ethnic Armenian soldiers, as well as the unconditional surrender and dissolution of the Republic of Artsakh. [56] The statement ended with a notice that the Russian peacekeeping contingent and the joint Russian-Turkish Monitoring Centre were informed about the ongoing activities, [57] but Russia denied this, adding that its peacekeepers were only informed of the matter a "few minutes" before it started. [58]
Azerbaijan claimed that no civilian positions were being attacked with weaponry, but it was clear that strikes were being carried out in close proximity to large cities and densely populated areas. [15] The attacks occurred in the midst of Azerbaijan's ongoing blockade of the region. [15] Azerbaijan said that it had set up "humanitarian corridors and reception points on the Lachin road and in other directions" which will "ensure the evacuation of the population from the dangerous area". [59] These announcements were distributed through SMS, leaflets, and social media and triggered fears of ethnic cleansing among the residents. [60] Artsakhi authorities warned its residents that "the Azerbaijani propaganda machine uses large-scale information and psychological influence measures." [61] [62] The Cyber Security Service of Azerbaijan temporarily restricted access to TikTok in Azerbaijan. [63] [64]
Nagorno-Karabakh's leadership offered to negotiate with Azerbaijan after it launched its military offensive. "The Karabakh side appeals to the Azerbaijani side to immediately cease the hostilities and sit down at the negotiation table with the aim of settling the situation", it said issued late in the afternoon. The Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan responded by saying that it is ready to meet with representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians in the Azerbaijani town of Yevlakh. [54] It stressed at the same time that the Azerbaijani offensive will continue unless Artsakhi disband their government bodies and armed forces. [65] The Azerbaijani Defence Ministry later said that its forces had captured more than 60 military posts and destroyed up to 20 military vehicles. [66] The Armenian daily Azg reported there were claims that Azerbaijan had captured the villages of Charektar and Getavan. [67] The Prosecutor General's Office of Azerbaijan claimed Armenian forces attacked Shusha with large-caliber weapons, killing one civilian. [68]
Artsakh authorities said the state's de facto capital, Stepanakert, and other cities were being heavily shelled, accusing Azerbaijan of attempted ethnic cleansing. [69] [70] Artsakh's human rights ombudsman Gegham Stepanyan said two civilians, including a child, were killed, [71] while 11 others were injured, [72] eight of which were children. [58] By the end of the day, Artsakh reported that 27 people had been killed and more than 200 were injured. [73]
Artsakh authorities reported that they had evacuated over 7,000 people from 16 rural settlements, [74] while Russian peacekeepers evacuated 5,000 others. [75] Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova announced that Russian food and medicine arrived in Artsakh via the Lachin and Agdam routes. [76]
Armenian sources reported that Aznavur Saghyan, the mayor of Martuni, was killed [77] by an Azerbaijani sniper. [78] It was also reported that the Amaras Monastery near Sos had fallen under Azerbaijani control. [79] Azg reported that Azerbaijani forces had captured the settlements of Drmbon and Harav; [80] later that day, Chankatagh, Chapar, Karmir Shuka, Khachmach, Machkalashen, Sarushen, Shosh and Vaghuhas were also reported to have been captured. [81] Furthermore, the Armenian daily Aravot reported that the Kashen mine, [82] one of the biggest sources of tax revenue for the Artsakhi government, [83] had fallen under Azerbaijani control. [82] Artsakhi president Samvel Shahramanyan said "Nagorno-Karabakh will have to take relevant steps to ensure physical security of population". [84]
Artsakhi authorities agreed to a proposal by Russian peacekeeping forces to establish a ceasefire from 13:00 on 20 September. [85] Under the terms of the agreement, the government of the Republic of Artsakh agreed to disarm and to enter into talks with the government of Azerbaijan regarding the reintegration of the territory. [86] Among the Azerbaijani demands was a requirement for Arsakh and Armenia to surrender a list of individuals to Azerbaijan for prosecution and trial, including former and current Artsakhi civilian and military leaders. [87] [88] Large masses of Armenian civilians began fleeing Artsakh after the ceasefire announcement, with many of them gathering at Stepanakert Airport. [89] [90] Later, Nikol Pashinyan commented on this that "it is obvious to me that this is being done to cause internal political upheavals and chaos". [91] The Armenian government said it was not involved in the drafting of the ceasefire agreement, while Azerbaijani presidential envoy Elchin Amirbekov said that Russian peacekeepers helped facilitate the ceasefire. [75]
Colonel Anar Eyvazov , Spokesperson for the Azerbaijani Defense Ministry, announced that during the operation, Azerbaijan had captured 90 combat positions. He also said that Azerbaijani forces had captured seven combat vehicles, one tank, four mortars and two infantry fighting vehicles from Armenian military units as trophies. [92]
Shelling of Stepanakert continued until the city's electrical grid was knocked out several hours after the ceasefire was supposed to go into effect. [93] [94] According to a statement from the Russian Ministry of Defense, several peacekeepers were killed near the village of Chankatagh in Tartar District after their vehicle was attacked while they were returning from an observation post. [95] [96] [97] The Azerbaijani ministry of defense reported that "As a result of the shelling, the Russian servicemen in the vehicle were killed," and expressed condolences to Russia and vowed to launch a probe into what happened. [98] [99] [100] [101] Among those killed was Captain First Rank Ivan Kovgan, the deputy commander of Russia's Northern Fleet submarine forces, [102] and a concurrent deputy commander of the peacekeeping force. [103] With Azerbaijani cooperation, Russian peacekeepers detained suspects, and an Azerbaijani commander was suspended. [104] President Ilham Aliyev subsequently apologized over phone to Russian President Vladimir Putin for the incident. [105] According to the Prosecutor General's Office of Azerbaijan, a group of military personnel of the Azerbaijan army opened fire on a car with Russian peacekeepers, mistaken believing they were Armenian forces due to the difficult terrain and foggy-rainy weather conditions. As a result five peacekeepers were killed. [9] [106]
Armenia accused Azerbaijan of firing at its soldiers in the border town of Sotk, which Azerbaijan denied. [75]
In a televised address that evening, President Aliyev reiterated that "Karabakh is Azerbaijan", adding that his "iron fist" had consigned the idea of Karabakh being a separate Armenian state to history. [107]
Negotiations between representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan took place in Yevlakh to discuss security, rights and "issues of re-integration". [108] The Artsakhi delegation consisted of Sergey Martirosyan and Davit Melkumyan , and was escorted by Russian peacekeepers. The Azerbaijani delegation consisted of Ramin Mammadov, Bashir Hajiyev and Ilkin Sultanov. [109] The head of the Joint Russian-Turkish Monitoring Center, Oleg Semyonov, was also present. [110] [111] The talks, which lasted two hours, ended without a formal agreement, however a statement from the Azerbaijani government said the they were "constructive and positive" and that further negotiations would continue in October. [112] [113] [114] According to the Artsakhi delegation, the negotiations stalled due to a "whole host of questions", but specifically when they requested security guarantees that the Azerbaijani government would not force ethnic Armenians to leave the Nagorno-Karabakh region, however, both sides agreed on the cessation of military action. [115] [116] Azerbaijan agreed to send food and fuel supplies to the region. [117]
The Artsakh Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that the Azerbaijani military violated the ceasefire and continued to shell Stepanakert "with different types of small arms". [19] Rheinische Post reported ceasefire violations by Azerbaijani forces and gunfire in Stepanakert, according to residents. [20] It was reported that electricity in Artsakh cannot be supplied because a number of substations that feed the electrical grid were under Azerbaijani control, with "Artsakhenergo" CJSC carrying out restoration works in Stepanakert. [118] Russia recorded two instances of ceasefire violations in Shusha District and three other instances in Mardakert District. [119]
Artak Beglaryan , former Artsakhi Minister of State, reported that Karkijahan, a suburb of Stepanakert, was "empty" following a ceasefire violation. Many residents took refuge in Stepanakert itself. [120] He stated that Azerbaijani troops entered several houses in the neighborhood. [121] To avoid further tensions, Russian peacekeepers were deployed in the outskirts of Stepanakert, including in Karkijahan. [122] Artsakhi armed forces were also deployed to the area. [121]
At a meeting of the United Nations Security Council, Armenia proposed that a United Nations peacekeeping mission should be deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh and called for the establishment of an international mechanism for dialogue between the Azerbaijan and representatives of the ethnic Armenian community in the region. [123] [124]
Hikmet Hajiyev, foreign policy adviser to Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev, stated that his government would ensure that civilians can travel safely in their own vehicles on roads that connect Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. [125] He also suggested that an amnesty would be offered to former combatants who agree to disarm. Some ethnic Armenian armed groups vowed to continue fighting. [126] [127] Rumors spread on some Internet news publications that these included former colonel Karen Jalavyan and his subordinates. A journalist from Hraparak contacted Jalavyan and asked him if the rumors were true, but he did not answer the question directly. Noticeably upset, he stated that "the entire nation has washed its hands from the people of Karabakh" and told Pashinyan to "go defend Artsakh". [128] [129]
Artsakhi government spokesperson Armine Hayrapetyan told Agence-France Presse that Azerbaijani forces had positioned themselves around Stepanakert, prompting residents to hide in basements for fear of killings. She also added that since the Azerbaijani offensive, Stepanakert and other parts of Nagorno-Karabakh have lost most basic services such as electricity, gas, food, fuel, internet and telephone connections. [130] Azerbaijan said it had sent two 20-tonne trucks with food and hygiene products and well as two trucks with bread to Nagorno-Karabakh from Aghdam. [130]
The second day of negotiations also ended in deadlock despite the amnesty offer to Artsakhi commanders and fighters as the Artsakhi delegation stated the questions of humanitarian aid, security guarantees, and a promise from the Azerbaijani delegation to not drive Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh were unresolved. [131] According to Armenian journalist Tatul Hakobyan, a meeting between the head of State Security Service of Azerbaijan, Ali Naghiyev, and Artsakh's president Samvel Shahramanyan took place in Shusha. [132]
Elements of the Artsakh defense force began transferring their weapons to Russian peacekeepers, [133] with the Russian defence ministry confirming the turnover of six armored vehicles, more than 800 small arms units and 5,000 rounds of ammunition. [134] The memorial tank monument, a restored T-72 tank of Gagik Avsharyan commemorating the capture of Shusha and located on Shusha road, was reportedly dismantled by Azerbaijan. [135] [136] Additionally, a convoy of 15 trucks from the Russian peacekeepers left Armenia for Nagorno-Karabakh, crossing the Lachin corridor. [137] More than 50 tonnes of humanitarian aid was delivered to Nagorno-Karabakh by Russian peacekeepers, according to the Russian defence ministry. [138]
For the first time since the Azerbaijani offensive, a Red Cross aid convoy was spotted at the Armenia–Azerbaijan border heading for Nagorno-Karabakh. [139] The Red Cross later evacuated 17 people who were injured during the clashes. [140] In a separate delivery, Russia sent 50 tons of aid to Stepanakert. [141]
The Russian Ministry of Defense said one ceasefire violation was recorded in the Mardakert region, which resulted in one Azerbaijani soldier being injured following a shootout. [142] [143]
A mass evacuation of ethnic Armenian civilians from Nagorno-Karabakh started, fearing persecution and ethnic cleansing if they remain. [144] [145] The first group of refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh arrived in Armenia through the border post at Kornidzor. [146] By the end of the day, the Armenian government said 1,050 refugees had arrived in the country. [147] The government of Artsakh said that families left homeless due to Azerbaijan's military offensive and who expressed a desire to leave Artsakh will be transferred to Armenia, accompanied by Russian peacekeepers. It was reported that 23 ambulances, accompanied by specialists and the Red Cross, were transporting 23 severely injured people from Artsakh to Armenia. [148] It was also reported that due to Azerbaijan's offensive, more than 8,000 residents were displaced from their homes. [148]
The town of Martakert was reported to have came under Azerbaijani military control. [149]
The Azerbaijani Defence Ministry claimed that two of its soldiers were killed after their truck hit a landmine. [150]
According to the Armenian government, 6,500 refugees had arrived from Nagorno-Karabakh. [151] The theatre in the city of Goris was converted into a base for the Red Cross to accommodate refugees. [152] A secondary hub was later opened in Vayk. [153]
At least 125 people were killed [154] and more than 290 people were injured after an explosion at a fuel storage facility in Berkadzor, 6 kilometres (3.7 miles) from Stepanakert. Most of the victims were queueing to obtain fuel for their vehicles while on their way to Armenia. [150] Victims with various degrees of burns were treated in the Republican Medical Center of Artsakh, facilities of the Arevik community organization, medical facilities in Ivanyan, and the medical station of Russian peacekeepers. [155] The Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan said it sent an ambulance carrying medical supplies. [156] [157]
A second round of negotiations between representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians and Azerbaijan took place in Khojaly, where according to Azerbaijan, humanitarian issues were discussed. [158] [159] The two sides agreed to a third meeting taking place in a few days time. [160]
Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan travelled to Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic to meet with President Aliyev. [161] [151] United States Agency for International Development head Samantha Power and State Department Acting Assistant Secretary for Europe and Eurasian Affairs Yuri Kim visited Armenia. [162]
The Armenian government said at least 28,120 people had fled Nagorno-Karabakh, [154] [163] equivalent to a quarter of the region's population. [164] Azerbaijani forces were reported to be screening the refugees as part of its search for "war criminals" in border checkpoints. [165]
Azerbaijani forces reportedly took control of Martuni (Khojavend). [166]
A meeting between Armen Grigoryan, head of Armenia's Security Council and Hikmat Hajiyev, Foreign Policy Advisor to the President of Azerbaijan, was hosted by the European Union in Brussels. At the meeting the EU emphasized the need for access for humanitarian and human rights organizations into Nagorno-Karabakh. It also wanted more details about the Azerbaijani government's plans for the future of Karabakh Armenians in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan outlined its plans to provide humanitarian assistance and security to the local population in the region. [167] [168]
United States Secretary of State Anthony Blinken spoke with President Aliyev by telephone and urged him to refrain from further hostilities and to allow an international observer mission into Nagorno-Karabakh. [169] German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock also urged that independent observers be allowed into the region. [170] Russia insisted that any international observer mission in the region can only happen with permission from the government of Azerbaijan. [171]
Armenian authorities reported that over 50,000 refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, nearly half of the region's population, had left for Armenia, including 17,000 children. [172] Azerbaijan said that 192 of its servicemen were killed and 511 wounded during the offensive. [5] Former State Minister of Artsakh Ruben Vardanyan was arrested by the Azerbaijani State Border Service in Lachin corridor while attempting to cross into Armenia. [173] [174] United States Department of State spokesperson Matthew Miller announced the government of Azerbaijan had given assurances that it would welcome an international monitoring mission to the region and that the United States and its allies would discuss the the composition and mandate of such a mission in the coming days. [175] [176] [177]
Human rights organizations and experts in genocide prevention issued alerts stating that the indigenous Armenian population in Nagorno-Karabakh was at risk of genocide, [lower-alpha 2] while others stated that Azerbaijan was already carrying out such actions. [186] [187] [188] The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention states "There is no doubt in the minds of experts in genocide prevention – at the Lemkin Institute, but also at Genocide Watch, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, and among legal experts such as former ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo – that what Armenians are facing from Azerbaijan is genocide." [189] Experts in genocide prevention have stated that Azerbaijan's ongoing blockade of Artsakh and sabotage of public infrastructure constitutes genocide according to the Genocide Convention: "Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction" and that there are various indicators that Azerbaijan possesses genocidal intent: President Aliyev's public statements, his regime's openly Armenophobic practices and noncompliance with the International Court of Justice orders to end the blockade. [190] [191] [192]
Christian Solidarity International emphasized that the "United States has had ample notice of the forced deportation that is now unfolding in Nagorno Karabakh, starting with Genocide Watch Emergency Alerts in 2020, 2021, 2022, and a Genocide Warning issued by the Save Karabakh Coalition in December 2022. These warnings were followed by two Genocide Emergency Alerts issued Genocide Watch in 2023, and a declaration of genocide by the first Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno Ocampo." [188] Thomas de Waal, a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, commented on Azerbaijan's ongoing nine-month long blockade of the region: "Armenians fear that this is a prelude to an Azerbaijani attempt to fully drive them all out of their homeland." [193]
Various political analysts and Artsakh residents consider Azerbaijan's underlying goal for the offensive to be ethnic cleansing. [59] [194] Luis Moreno Ocampo, the first Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, warned that another Armenian genocide was about to take place. Citing the 1948 Genocide Convention, he stated that Azerbaijan was "deliberately inflicting" living conditions to physically destroy a specific group by blocking the Lachin corridor, and was proceeding to "kill" and cause "serious bodily and mental harm". Moreno Ocampo attributed the inaction of the international community to encouraging Azerbaijan that it would face no serious consequences for committing genocide. He also discredited Aliyev's claims that his regime was not seeking ethnic cleansing, pointing out that Aliyev regularly referred to Armenia as "Western Azerbaijan" and claimed "present-day Armenia is our land". [21]
Thomas de Waal said that Azerbaijan was emboldened to start its offensive during a downturn in relations between Russia and Armenia, and the loss of the Russian peacekeeping force's "best commanders" to the invasion of Ukraine. He also said that Russia could use such a crisis to instigate regime change in Armenia. [58]
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that the Armenian Armed Forces were not involved in the fighting and that its forces were not stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh. He also reiterated that the situation in the Armenia-Azerbaijan border was stable and said that Azerbaijan was trying to ethnically cleanse the region. [69] Pashinyan also said that Azerbaijan's motivation for the attack was to draw Armenia into a military confrontation. [61] Following the ceasefire on 20 September, Pashinyan said the country was preparing for an influx of 40,000 families from Nagorno-Karabakh. [195]
Armenia's Ministry of Defense accused Azerbaijani officials of spreading misinformation, saying that there is no Armenian military equipment or personnel present in Nagorno-Karabakh. [69] [196] The Armenian foreign ministry accused Azerbaijan of unleashing "large-scale aggression" against Karabakh and attempting "ethnic cleansing" in the region. [69] [70] Armenia called on the United Nations Security Council and Russia to take action to end the military operation, while Pashinyan called an emergency meeting of the country's National Security Council. [69] The council's secretary, Armen Grigoryan, accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to protect Nagorno-Karabakh, [197] which was also echoed by Pashinyan. [198]
Russian foreign ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said that Russia was "deeply alarmed by the sharp escalation." [69] [199] Chairman of the Security Council of Russia Dmitry Medvedev said that Russia will not defend Armenia from the Azerbaijani offensive, while strongly criticizing Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. [200] This comes despite Russia and Armenia both being members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization mutual defense pact and Russia stationing several thousand soldiers in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh as peacekeepers. [201]
Presidential spokesperson Dmitry Peskov denied accusations from Armenia that the country's peacekeepers had failed to protect Nagorno-Karabakh from the Azerbaijani attack, calling them "unfounded". [197] A week before the fighting, President Vladimir Putin said that the country could do nothing if Armenia had already recognized Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan, referring to statements made by Pashinyan in May that appeared to recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh in exchange for security guarantees towards the Armenian population. [75]
The independent Russian media outlet Meduza said it had obtained a guidance document from the Kremlin circulated on 19 September to state media outlets that recommended blaming Armenia and the West, rather than Azerbaijan, for the escalation of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. [197] Speaking at the 78th United Nations General Assembly in New York City on 23 September, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov accused the Armenian leadership of adding "fuel to the fire", referring to the conflict, and reiterated that agreements made following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 stated that the existing borders of its former constituent republics were inviolable, hereby recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan. [202]
Hakan Fidan, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, offered diplomatic support to Azerbaijan, stating that their military operation was "justified" and that "Azerbaijan has taken the measures it deems necessary on its own sovereign territory." [203] Addressing the United Nations General Assembly, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated "As everyone now acknowledges, Karabakh is Azerbaijani territory. Imposition of another status [to the region] will never be accepted," and that "[Turkey] support[s] the steps taken by Azerbaijan — with whom we act together with the motto of one nation, two states — to defend its territorial integrity." [204]
Nagorno-Karabakh is a region located in the South Caucasus, covering the southeastern stretch of the Lesser Caucasus mountain range. Part of the greater region of Karabakh, it spans between Lower Karabakh and Syunik. Its terrain mostly consists of mountains and forestland.
Stepanakert or Khankendi is the de facto capital and the largest city of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, de jure part of Azerbaijan, located within the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. The city is located in a valley on the eastern slopes of the Karabakh mountain range, on the left bank of the Qarqarçay (Karkar) river.
Artsakh, officially the Republic of Artsakh or the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, is a breakaway state in the South Caucasus whose territory is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan. Between 1991–2023, Artsakh controlled parts of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, including the capital of Stepanakert. It has been an enclave within Azerbaijan. Its only overland access route to Armenia is via the 5 km (3.1 mi) wide Lachin corridor.
The Artsakh Defence Army was the defence force of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh). Established in 1992, it united previously disorganized self-defence units which were formed in the early 1990s with the goal of protecting the ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh from attacks by Soviet and Azerbaijani armed forces. It was disbanded on 21 September 2023 under the terms of Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement following the 2023 Azerbaijani military offensive.
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is an ethnic and territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians, and seven surrounding districts, inhabited mostly by Azerbaijanis until their expulsion during the 1990s. The Nagorno-Karabakh region is entirely claimed by and partially de facto controlled by the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, but is recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan controls the remainder of the Nagorno-Karabakh region as well as the seven surrounding districts.
Arayik Vladimiri Harutyunyan is an Artsakhi politician who served as the fourth president of the de facto-independent Republic of Artsakh from May 2020 to September 2023. Under his predecessor Bako Sahakyan, he served as the sixth and last Prime Minister from 2007 until the abolishment of that position in 2017 and as the first State Minister of the Republic of Artsakh from 2017 until his resignation in 2018. Harutyunyan led Artsakh through the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War with Azerbaijan, during which the republic lost most of the territory under its control. He resigned on 1 September 2023 in the midst of the Azerbaijani blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Zabukh or Aghavno is a village in the Lachin District of Azerbaijan. The village came under the control of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh after 1992 and was renamed Aghavno and settled by Armenians. Following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Zabukh came under the control of the Russian peacekeeping forces in Nagorno-Karabakh. On 26 August 2022, Azerbaijan regained control of Zabukh along with other settlements located along the former route of the Lachin corridor, including Lachin and Sus.
Sus is a village within the strategic Lachin corridor, which links the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia. It was formerly under the supervision of the Russian peacekeeping force following the ceasefire agreement that ended the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. The village came under the de facto control of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh from 1992–2022, administrated as part of its Kashatagh Province, and is de jure part of the Lachin District of Azerbaijan. As of 26 August 2022, Azerbaijan regained control of villages in the Lachin corridor, including Lachin, Sus, and Zabukh.
The Armenian-occupied territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh were areas of Azerbaijan, situated around the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), which were occupied by the ethnic Armenian military forces of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh with military support from Armenia, from the end of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994) to 2020, when the territories were returned to Azerbaijani control by military force or handed over in accordance to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement. The surrounding regions were seized by Armenians under the justification of a "security belt" which was to be traded for recognition of autonomous status from Azerbaijan.
The Lachin corridor is a mountain road that links Armenia and Republic of Artsakh.
The political status of Nagorno-Karabakh has remained unresolved since its declaration of independence from the Soviet Union on 10 December 1991. During Soviet times, it had been an ethnic Armenian autonomous oblast of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a conflict arose between local Armenians who sought to have Nagorno-Karabakh join Armenia, and local Azerbaijanis who opposed this.
The Lachin offensive was a military operation launched by Azerbaijan against the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh and their Armenian allies along the Armenia–Azerbaijan border during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, with the suspected goal of taking control of the Lachin corridor. The offensive began in mid-October, when the Azerbaijani forces advanced into Qubadlı and Laçın Districts after capturing Zəngilan. On 25 October, the Azerbaijani forces seized control of the city of Qubadlı.
The Battle of Shusha was a battle fought between the armed forces of Azerbaijan and the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh, militarily supported by Armenia, over the control of the city of Shusha, during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. The battle is considered one of the bloodiest battles of the war.
The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement is an armistice agreement that ended the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. It was signed on 9 November by the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, the Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan and the President of Russia Vladimir Putin, and ended all hostilities in the Nagorno-Karabakh region from 00:00, 10 November 2020 Moscow time. The president of the self-declared Republic of Artsakh, Arayik Harutyunyan, also agreed to an end of hostilities.
In the aftermath of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, peacekeeping operations were initiated by Russia in the Nagorno-Karabakh region to monitor the ceasefire between the Armenian and Azerbaijani forces. Separate from the Russian operation, Turkey also has personnel working in a joint Russian–Turkish monitoring centre.
The military forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in a border conflict since 12 May 2021, when Azerbaijani soldiers crossed several kilometers into Armenia in the provinces of Syunik and Gegharkunik. Azerbaijan is currently occupying at least 50 square kilometres (19 sq mi) of Armenian territory. Azerbaijan has not withdrawn its troops from internationally recognised Armenian territory despite calls to do so by the European Parliament, United States and France – two of three co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group. Since the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Azerbaijan has made numerous incursions into Armenian territory.
Events of the year 2023 in Armenia.
This is a list of individuals and events related to Azerbaijan in 2023.
The blockade of the Republic of Artsakh is an ongoing event in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The region is disputed between Azerbaijan and the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, which has an indigenous Armenian population and is supported by neighbouring Armenia.
On 20 September 2023 a ceasefire agreement ending the Azerbaijani military offensive against the self-proclaimed Armenian Republic of Artsakh in Nagorno-Karabakh was reached. The agreement was brokered by the Russian peacekeeping contingent stationed in the region since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. Under the terms of the agreement, the Artsakh Defence Army was disbanded. The Russian peacekeepers sheltered at their base camp 2,261 people, of whom 1,049 were children.
The offensive was seen as a major victory for Azerbaijan, which won a 2020 war with Armenia and has since sought to repopulate Karabakh.
Under the agreement, confirmed by both sides and effective from 1 pm (0900 GMT) on Wednesday, separatist forces will disband and disarm and talks on the future of the region and the ethnic Armenians who live there will start on Thursday.
...the Russian peacekeeping contingent is incapable of preventing Azerbaijan's seizure of the region, despite this being a clear violation of the November 2020 ceasefire brokered by Russia that ended the last war.
We condemn in the strongest terms today's pre-planned and unjustified attack of Azerbaijan against Nagorno-Karabakh...We recall that the attack takes place in the context of a major humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, following Azerbaijan's blockade of the Lachin Corridor for the past nine months, in violation of Baku's commitments under the ceasefire statement of 9 November 2020 and of the legally binding orders of the International Court of Justice. Humanitarian access to Nagorno-Karabakh needs to be fully and permanently restored.
Azerbaijan and Armenia have repeatedly clashed over Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but largely populated by ethnic Armenians and largely governed by the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh.
President Aliyev told Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians to 'obey the laws of Azerbaijan [and] be a loyal and normal citizen of Azerbaijan'. He threatened that if the territory's separatist institutions were not dissolved, Azerbaijan would dissolve them by force and rejected the prospect of international protections for ethnic Armenians.
For nearly 30 years, they built a self-proclaimed independent republic with democratic elections, a free press, and a range of public institutions. Officially, it remained within the territorial boundaries of Azerbaijan, unrecognized by any foreign country, though international mediators made reference to the right of self-determination for local Armenians as part of ongoing peace talks.
With Azerbaijan now starving the 120,000 people it claims are its citizens, many observers now agree that the idea that Karabakh Armenians can live safely in Ilham Aliyev's Azerbaijan is hardly credible.
The following week saw a reconfiguration of road links and military positions in the Lachin Corridor, with Azerbaijani forces constructing a new military post, taking control of strategic heights, ignoring Russian calls to return to their original locations, and seizing land in Armenia around the new road leading from the villages of Tegh and Kornidzor towards Karabakh.
[the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe]...is extremely worried by events...which culminated on 12 December 2022 with the interruption of the free and safe passage through the Lachin corridor and the subsequent deliberate cutting of electricity and gas supplies to the region... [The Assembly]...urges Azerbaijan to restore electricity and gas supplies without delay or impediment.
whereas this humanitarian crisis was further aggravated by Azerbaijan's disruption of the natural gas supply to Nagorno-Karabakh, which left houses, hospitals and schools without heating...[the European Parliament]...urges Azerbaijan to refrain from undermining the functioning of transport, energy and communication connections between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh in future.
Occasional ICRC and Russian traffic continued to pass until June 15, at which point Azerbaijan halted all humanitarian deliveries. No food, medicine or fuel has entered Nagorno-Karabakh since.
Armenian civilians of Nagorno Karabakh and surrounding regions along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border are threatened by Azerbaijan's military and face violence if they try to leave Armenian territory within disputed areas.
Daily two-hour power cuts instituted on 9 January were replaced with four-hour daily power cuts on 17 January.
Others see the escalating humanitarian situation as a way to trigger an exodus. It is "indirect ethnic cleansing", said Giragosian, of the Regional Studies Center. "Not by bayonet, but rather by creating unbearable conditions." Suleymanov, the Azerbaijani ambassador, said Baku instead wanted to achieve full integration of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. "They are our citizens", he said, adding that he believed they would be passport-holders soon.
... Russia is not opposed to allowing Azerbaijan use a hybrid warfare strategy such as this one, which is blockading the only corridor that's a lifeline to, quite basically, eventually pressure Armenia into an actual peace deal, into concessions ...
By utilizing pseudo eco-protesters instead of military movements by Azerbaijani forces, as was the previous strategy, and causing a humanitarian crisis accompanied with false narratives and disinformation, Azerbaijan is employing hybrid warfare tactics against the Armenians. This operation is pursuing short-, mid- and long-term objectives.
Luis Moreno Ocampo, the founding Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, argues that "there is a reasonable basis to believe that a genocide is being committed against Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023," adding that it "should be considered a genocide under Article II (c) of the [UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide] (Genocide Convention): 'Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction.'" Ocampo further added that "There are no crematories, and there are no machete attacks. Starvation is the invisible genocide weapon. Without immediate dramatic change, this group of Armenians will be destroyed in a few weeks."
Siranush Sargsyan, a local Karabakh Armenian journalist, told POLITICO that neither she nor any of her family had received SMS messages warning of the attack and said it was impossible to trust Azerbaijan's "humanitarian corridor" offer to leave. "How can I trust them? They will kill me, definitely," she added.
One ceasefire violation was recorded in the Mardakert region. As a result of the shootout, one serviceman of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces was wounded.
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)'We have to prevent a mass expulsion of ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh,' remarks Oleksandra Matviichuk, FIDH's Vice-President, 'and we fear that the worst is yet to come for civilians who are left at the mercy of the advancing hostile forces unless the international community intervenes.' The international community must intervene to prevent genocide.
France's foreign minister has joined international observers in warning of the risk of 'ethnic cleansing' in the breakaway region.
Today, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh face an acute humanitarian crisis, threats of ethnic cleansing, and chronic shortages of water, energy, healthcare, and food.
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(help)'...there is reasonable basis to believe that President Aliyev has Genocidal intentions: he has knowingly, willingly and voluntarily blockaded the Lachin Corridor even after having been placed on notice regarding the consequences of his actions by the ICJ's provisional orders,' the founding prosecutor of the International Criminal Court wrote in his conclusion.
President Aliyev's intention to commit genocide against the Armenian of Nagorno-Karabakh "should be deduced from his informed, voluntary and antagonistic decisions with full disregard of the International Court of Justice orders....President Aliyev's public statements, coupled with his government's openly Armenophobic practices, clearly display the Azerbaijani regime's goal to completely eliminate the ethnic Armenian community residing in Artsakh, striving to eradicate any Armenian presence from the region. These verbalized aspirations, frequently translated into legal measures and manifested through the cited criminal acts detailed in this report, meet the criteria for the essential intent necessary for classifying these actions as genocidal.
Political analyst and peace activist Bahruz Samadov said the goal was the ethnic cleansing of the region's Armenian population. 'The ultimate goal is to de-Armenianize Nagorno-Karabakh. The constant ontological insecurity that Azerbaijan preserves in [Nagorno-Karabakh] is the policy that has a destination — to destroy Nagorno-Karabakh's agency. The same policy of blockage and bombardment already took place in the 1990s.'
Genocide Watch considers Azerbaijan to be at Stage 4: Dehumanization, Stage 5: Organization, Stage 7: Preparation, Stage 8: Persecution, and Stage 9: Extermination.