2016 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict | |||||||||
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Part of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Artsakh Armenia | Azerbaijan | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Bako Sahakyan Levon Mnatsakanyan Serzh Sargsyan Seyran Ohanyan Yuri Khatchaturov | Ilham Aliyev Zakir Hasanov Najmeddin Sadikov Hikmat Hasanov Polad Hashimov | ||||||||
Units involved | |||||||||
Nagorno-Karabakh Defence Army Armed Forces of Armenia [6] | Azerbaijani Armed Forces | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
Per Armenian sources:
| Per Azerbaijani sources:
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The 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, also known as the Four-Day War, [a] April War, [24] [25] [26] [b] or April clashes, [c] began along the former Nagorno-Karabakh line of contact on 1 April 2016 with the Artsakh Defence Army, backed by the Armenian Armed Forces, on one side and the Azerbaijani Armed Forces on the other.
The clashes occurred in a region that is disputed between the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The region includes the former Soviet Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast and the surrounding districts of Azerbaijan under the control of Armenian forces at the time. Azerbaijan claimed to have started a military operation to prevent purported continuous Armenian shelling of civilian areas in Azerbaijan. [29] However, there was no evidence of Armenian shelling. Until the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the clashes were the worst since the 1994 ceasefire agreement signed by Artsakh, Azerbaijan and Armenia. [30] [31]
A ceasefire was reached on 5 April between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Moscow. The Nagorno-Karabakh authorities also welcomed the oral agreement. [32] [33] After the agreement, both sides accused each other of violations. Azerbaijan claimed to have regained 20 km2 (7.7 sq mi) of land, [34] while Armenian officials suggested a loss of 8 km2 (3.1 sq mi) of land of no strategic importance. [35] [36] However, the International Crisis Group reported that those heights were of strategic importance. [37]
Officially, Baku reported the loss of 31 servicemen without publishing their names. Armenian sources claimed much higher numbers varying between 300 and 500. [38] The Ministry of Defence of Armenia reported the names of 92 military and civilian casualties, in total. [39] The US State Department estimated that a total of 350 people, both military and civilian, had died. [40] Official sources of the warring parties put those estimates either much higher or much lower, depending on the source.
The First Nagorno-Karabakh War ended with a ceasefire agreement between the warring parties that came into effect on 12 May 1994. Violations of the ceasefire occurred periodically in the following years, with notable escalations in 2008 and 2010, but incidents especially increased since 2014. [41] According to the International Crisis Group, there were 60 deaths total, both military and civilian, in 2015 alone because of breaches of the ceasefire. [42] The April 2016 clashes were the most serious breach of the 1994 ceasefire [43] until 2020.
Among the possible reasons behind the escalation of the conflict was the worsening economy of Azerbaijan. The collapse of oil prices in 2015–16 have been frequently cited, with clashes being used to distract the Azerbaijani population from rising prices and unemployment. [23] [44] Alternatively, some Armenian sources blame Turkey for provoking violence. [44] Some Turkish commentators have suggested a Russian strategy to destabilize the region. [23]
Azerbaijan has been openly preparing for offensive operations against Nagorno Karabakh for several years, as evidenced by the continuous massive military buildup, [45] [46] [47] as well as the Azerbaijani authorities' numerous statements in favor of a military solution to the conflict.[ original research? ] Thus, on 23 March 2015, Azerbaijan's Minister of Defence stated that the Azerbaijani military had accumulated the necessary weaponry to destroy 70 percent of opposing forces in a first strike.[ citation needed ] In February 2016, US Director of National Intelligence James Clapper warned that Azerbaijan's military buildup combined with deteriorating economic conditions was increasing the risk of an escalation in 2016. [48]
On 19 March 2016, President Aliyev stated: "To resolve the conflict, in the first place it is necessary for our country and army to become even stronger. A lot is being done in this direction. Today, we have gained full advantage on the line of contact." [49] Furthermore, in his speech, president Aliyev openly accused the Minsk Group Co-Chairs of provocation against Azerbaijan and had stated that Azerbaijan's confidence in their activities had been completely undermined. [50]
The fighting was focused mainly on the front line with a length of 257 km. [41] Each side blamed the other for the outbreak of clashes around the towns of Martakert, Tartar, Aghdam, Martuni, and Fuzuli. [51] According to Armenian sources, on the night of 1 April and early morning of 2 April, the Azerbaijani side launched large-scale attacks along the contact line between Karabakh and Azerbaijan. On 2 April, a 12-year-old Armenian boy was killed as a result of missile artillery attack from a BM-21 Grad near the border with Martuni. [52] Two other children were wounded as well. [53] On 2 April, Azerbaijani positions and inhabited places near the front line came under fire from Armenian military, armed with mortars and high caliber grenade launchers, that killed 2 people and wounded 10 civilians. According to the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence, during a rapid counter-offensive, the Armenian side's front defence line was broken in multiple places and several strategic heights and inhabited places were retaken (including the strategically important hill of Lalatapa). [51] [54] An AFP journalist confirmed that the Lalatapa heights were also under Azerbaijani control. [55] The Azerbaijani side claimed that they had captured some areas, including heights near the village of Talysh, as well as the village of Seysulan. [56] an unmanned aerial vehicle of Armenia was claimed to be shot down in Fuzuli as well. [57] On 8 May the Armenia's First Channel release footage from military positions near Seysulan. [58] 14,400 people living in villages were affected by clashes, but no internal displacement or immediate humanitarian need was reported. [43] Armenian Ministry of Defence spokesman Artsrun Hovhannisyan sharply accused Azerbaijan of launching an unprovoked coordinated ground offensive against Armenia's forces, saying the Azerbaijani military used warplanes, tanks and artillery to try to make inroads into Nagorno-Karabakh. [6] During the first day of fighting, Armenian forces claimed to have destroyed at least three Azerbaijani tanks, two military helicopters (including an Mi-24 [59] [60] and at least one armed Mil Mi-8/17) and two unmanned drones, photographs and videos of which surfaced on the internet. [61] Armenian frontline positions were reinforced, heavy artillery was brought forward, and in the capital Stepanakert reservists were called up.
On 3 April, Armenian military authorities announced that Artsakh Defence Army forces had recaptured positions around Talysh, [62] On 6 April, news footage shown on Armenia's First Channel revealed Armenian journalists and NKR troops freely mingling on the streets of Talysh and Madagiz. [63] On 8 April, news footage shown on an Azerbaijani TV channel showed the Azerbaijan military installations purported to be near the Talysh heights. [64] [65] [66] On 11 April, news footage from Armenia's First channel showed the Talysh heights under the control of Artsakh troops. [67] Again on 8 May, news footage from Civilnet showed journalist Tatul Hakobyan with some NKR soldiers at Talysh heights near Naftalan. [68] Later, Defence Minister Zakir Hasanov stated that if shelling of Azerbaijani settlements by Armenian forces did not cease, Azerbaijan would consider launching an artillery bombardment on Stepanakert. [69] On the same day, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence announced a unilateral end to hostilities. The Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence stated that should Armenian shelling pursue, Azerbaijan would continue its offensive. [70]
On 4 April, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence reported that an Armenian command and control center had been destroyed and released a video which captured footage of the attack. On 5 April, a strategically important military base in Madaghis which is on the main road leading to Aghdara city and a bus carrying "Yerkrapah" Armenian volunteers were fired. [71] [72] The Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence claimed that along with numerous military personnel, two high-ranking Armenian officers were killed as a result. [73] The same day, the Armenian defence ministry announced that an Azerbaijani drone, identified as an Israeli-made IAI Harop, attacked a bus carrying Armenian volunteers enlisting in military service to the Nagorno-Karabakh town of Martakert by slamming itself against it, killing seven people aboard including the heads of two rural communities within the NKR. It is believed to be the first ever combat use of the drone anywhere. [74] [75] An Israeli-made ThunderB surveillance drone was shot down on 2 April according to the Artsakh defence force. [76] Armenian officials later protested Israel's supply of weaponry to Azerbaijan. [77] [78] Some Azerbaijani sources claimed that Madagiz was under Azerbaijani control, citing Azerbaijan Ministry of Defence [79] but Armenian side reported this to be false. [80] Later, the Armenian side published a video to prove that Madagiz remained in their control. [81] [82]
On 5 April, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence claimed that the mutual ceasefire agreement, which was agreed upon in Moscow by the heads of Azerbaijan's and Armenia's militaries, was breached by Armenian forces which shelled Azerbaijani positions near Tap Qaraqoyunlu with 60, 82 and 120 mm mortars. [83]
According to Azerbaijani claims, Armenian Armed Forces directed high caliber artillery fire at a mosque (in Ahmadaghaly, one civilian dead), [84] schools (in Seydimli, one schoolboy injured) [85] and residential buildings as well as civilian infrastructure. [86] [87] Damage to houses in Azerbaijan by Armenian artillery fire was reported in the Russian press. [88] According to Azerbaijan, on 7 April, [89] Armenian armed forces shelled an ambulance evacuating injured Azerbaijani civilians in the Aghdara-Goranboy area. [90] Also, according to the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence, on 7 April, an Armenian "X-55" style drone was shot down by Azerbaijani forces while trying to fly over the frontline. [91] The Ministry of Defence of the Artsakh Republic published some aerial photos to prove that Azerbaijan deploys military units near populated areas and violated the Article 52 of Geneva Convention. [92] During a BBC visit to Azerbaijan's side of frontline, a team of BBC journalists asked to see and ensure where the alleged military objects are placed but the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence refused for "safety reasons". [93] [94] On 8 April, artillery fire was exchanged between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces, with the Armenians reporting two soldiers killed. [95] A temporary ceasefire agreement mediated by the International Committee of the Red Cross and field assistants of the OSCE, allowed for both sides to collect dead and missing soldiers. [96] [97] On 14 April, the Azerbaijani government reported that one of its soldiers had been killed by Armenian forces on the line of contact. [98] On 15 April, Nagorno-Karabakh reported one of its soldiers had been killed in action with Azerbaijani forces. [99] A soldier of the Nagorno-Karabakh military was reported killed in action with Azerbaijani forces on 19 April. [100] Further skirmishes occurred on 21 April, killing another Nagorno-Karabakh soldier. [101]
According to Armenian officials, residents of Talysh and Madagiz had been evacuated and provided with shelter in other parts of the region. [102] Armenian and international reporters announced that after Talysh was retaken by Armenian troops, an elderly Armenian couple had been found shot in their home and their corpses had been mutilated. According to these reports, Azerbaijani soldiers also killed another elderly woman. [103] [104] [105] Photographs of corpses with ears cut off revived memories of the atrocities of the 1988–1994 war, observed a Le Monde reporter. [106] According to the Russia's leading human rights lawyer, [107] the head of the International Protection Centre Karinna Moskalenko, complaints about these facts of violence against the civilian population are already prepared to be sent to the European Court of Human Rights. [108]
On 4 April, it was reported that Azerbaijani forces decapitated the body of a Yazidi-Armenian soldier, Kyaram Sloyan, who had been killed in action, [109] [110] [111] with videos and pictures of his severed head posted on social networks. [112] [113] [114] [115] According to The Sunday Times , it included "shocking souvenir photos of uniformed Azerbaijani soldiers posing with the severed head". [111] Sloyan's body was buried without its head on 5 April 2016, in his native village of Artashavan. On 8 April, through the mediation of the Red Cross, the Azerbaijani side returned Sloyan's head. [116] Sloyan was interred for a second time the following day, to lay his head with his body. [116] [117] [118] [119] According to Regnum News Agency and KavNews Russian agency, during his visit to Terter, Agdam and Barda districts, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev awarded the Azerbaijani soldier who allegedly posed with the severed head of Sloyan. [120] Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister Shavarsh Kocharyan condemned the encouragement of the Azerbaijani serviceman who was depicted on another photo where the mutilated head of Sloyan was manifestly shown. [121]
On 8 April, Artak Beglaryan, a spokesperson for the NKR Prime Minister, posted a photo on his Twitter account showing the beheaded corpse of an Armenian soldier. He called the beheading in a Tweet a "barbaric act & Daesh/ISIS style war crime." [122] According to the public report of the Human Rights Defender (ombudsman) of Artsakh, "the facts of beheading [of] Hayk Toroyan, Kyaram Sloyan, and Hrant Gharibyan by the Azerbaijani troops, as well as the torturing and mutilation of 18 Artsakh army members constitute grave breaches of customary international law". [123]
Relatives of three Armenian soldiers killed and beheaded during the escalation filed a complaint against Azerbaijan to the European Court of Human Rights. The plaintiffs demanded to recognize the case of inhumane treatment with regard to the bodies, lack of respect for their privacy, and discrimination based on nationality. [124]
In April 2016 the European Ombudsman Institute issued a statement that condemns any violation of human rights regarding civilians and attacks on civilian objects in Nagorno-Karabakh. According to their statement, "civilian citizens of Nagorno-Karabakh were inhumanly treated without any respect and by that offended in their dignity". "We are concerned by the information received, that peaceful civilians were killed in the Nagorno-Karabakh settlements through partly cruel and inhuman methods of execution. All these operations constitute gross violations of human rights; they are opposed to European human rights and human values; they significantly endanger the European system for the protection and promotion of human rights". [125]
Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe stated their intentions to report the beheadings and other human rights violations allegedly conducted by Azerbaijan to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights. The co-rapporteurs said: "We are going to submit a report to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights on the fact of murdering and beheading of a conscript, and then publicizing it." [126] [127]
HALO Trust reported that Azerbaijan had dropped rocket-dispensed cluster bombs around civilian settlements in NKR. [128]
On 17 May 2016 Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that on 11 May the Armenian military had used 122-mm calibre white phosphorus munitions prohibited by the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons against Azerbaijani civilians and civilian objects. [129] On 11 May, Azerbaijan's Defense Ministry jointly with the Foreign Ministry invited military attaches from 13 countries to visit the territory in the Askipara village where the Defense Ministry claims to have found a white phosphorus munition fired by Armenian forces. [130] The usage of phosphorus munition by the Armenian military was also reported by Al Jazeera. [131] Azerbaijani Military Prosecutor's Office initiated a criminal case upon the finding. [129] NKR foreign ministry and Armenia defence ministry dismiss it as a falsification and distortion of the reality. [132] [133] Armenian media sources disclaimed it as a staged operation by Azerbaijan, citing absence of evidence of the presence of a shell or of a shell being used by Armenians, adding that this is a non-story as there is no evidence of any prohibited use. [134]
On 10 April, the State Commission on Prisoners of War, Hostages and Missing Persons of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic said that of the 18 bodies of Armenian soldiers transferred that same day by Azerbaijan, all showed signs of torture or mutilation. The commission called these acts "a flagrant manifestation of inhumanity, run counter to the laws and customs of war and are in grave violation of the international humanitarian law", adding that the Karabakh side will ensure that "such behavior of the Azerbaijani side is condemned in strongest terms by the international community and the specialized agencies". [135] [136] Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defence denied the accusations and claimed that the transferred bodies of Azerbaijani servicemen had been mutilated by the Armenian side. [137] The NKR State Commission on Prisoners of War, Hostages and Missing Persons called this claim by Azerbaijan a cynical attempt to mislead the international community, observing that before the start of the exchange procedure, all the bodies of the dead soldiers had been examined in the presence of representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and no traces of abuse or ill-treatment had been discovered or registered on Azerbaijani soldiers. [138]
According to the US State Department, Azerbaijan "took a huge number of casualties, including comparatively", although the number was not specified. Overall, a senior member of the US State Department estimated 350 casualties on both sides, including civilians. [40]
Official estimates of the warring parties are far apart from each other. According to official statements of the involved sides, 91 Armenian [7] and 31 Azerbaijani soldiers were killed during the clashes, [14] and several pieces of military equipment from both sides were destroyed. Also according to official statements, fifteen civilians (9 Armenian and 6 Azerbaijani) were killed in the conflict. [10] [15] Azerbaijani Defence Minister Zakir Hasanov declared that 560 Armenian servicemen were killed during the clashes and Armenian casualties were 10 times higher than Azerbaijani casualties. Hasanov claimed these figures were pronounced by the Armenian parliamentary commission which was established to investigate April clashes. [13]
Various non-official Azerbaijani sources, per research of social networks, put the actual number of Azerbaijani soldiers killed at 94, while two remain missing. [14] [139]
According to Christoph Bierwirth, UNHCR representative in Armenia, more than 2,000 people left Nagorno-Karabakh for Armenia amid the clashes. [140]
In 2017, dozens of servicemen of the Azerbaijani army were arrested and tortured and accused of spying for Armenia. Azerbaijani military expert, retired colonel Isa Sadigov said that the combat losses over these four days showed that "the country is not ready and not able to conduct military operations." Terter region (where mass torture took place a year later) is located in close proximity to the line of contact between the warring parties. The expert believes that the “Terter case” itself appeared due to the desire of the command to “hide its shortcomings” during the April 2016 battles. [141]
There has been no conclusive assessment on the outcome of the clashes. [142] Neil Melvin, director of the armed conflict and conflict management programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, stated that "Azerbaijan suffered heavy losses for relatively minor territorial gains, this is nonetheless seen as a victory, after 25 years of a sense of having been defeated". [143]
Several analysts noted that the clashes did not result in significant changes. [144] Matthew Bodner wrote in The Moscow Times on 6 April that "the previous status quo has been more-or-less preserved." [145] Independent Armenian journalist Tatul Hakobyan, who visited the frontline during the clashes, remarked that the death of scores of soldiers of both sides was "senseless" as no real change occurred. He stated: "Azerbaijan did not win and Armenia did not lose." [146] Russian military expert Vladimir Yevseyev said that the Azerbaijani offensive, despite the initial victory, was not a success because the Azerbaijani side has numerous killed soldiers and destroyed tanks. [147]
The International Crisis Group assessment stated that Azerbaijan gained "small but strategically important pieces of land". [148] Russian military analyst Pavel Felgenhauer believes that Azerbaijan "won the first round of fighting". [149] Former Minister of Defence of the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Samvel Babayan stated that the territories gained by Azerbaijan have strategic importance, and that Armenia lost these territories within one hour. [150] The governments of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh rejected his criticism. [151]
Chatham House fellow Zaur Shiriyev suggested that Azerbaijan prompted a "carefully controlled escalation [that] served to raise international awareness of the fragility of a status quo which Azerbaijan regards as unfavourable, in order to galvanize the international mediators and put pressure on Yerevan to be constructive at the negotiating table." [152] British journalist Thomas de Waal, senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and author of Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War , does not believe that the Azerbaijani offensive was meant as a full-scale military operation but rather as a limited attempt to bring the conflict back on the international agenda and put Armenia under pressure. He believes that after the April violence, the conflict is unlikely to return to its semi-quiet state and that a new round of fighting would be harder to contain than previous conflicts. [153]
Christine Philippe-Blumauer noted, "Russian official reactions suggest that Russian troops would not actually decide to intervene in favor of the Armenian side, should the conflict scale-up to a fully-fledged war yet again." [154]
According to one analysis, the conflict highlighted the sidelining of the OSCE Minsk Group, which has a mandate to mediate negitations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and its replacement by Russian mediation. The OSCE Minsk Group organized a meeting only several days after the beginning of the fighting, and by that time the parties had already come to a ceasefire agreement in Moscow. [155]
Following the conflict, Russia started to increase political and economic ties with both Azerbaijan and Armenia. In Yerevan, Gazprom agreed to increase gas supply to Armenia, and decreased the price of gas, which was already low. In Baku, Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov had a discussion about a railway line from Russia to Iran through Azerbaijan. Dmitry Rogozin, then deputy prime minister of Russia, said that Moscow is the biggest supplier of arms to both sides and will continue to be so in the future.[ citation needed ] People who worked on the settlement process said that none of the sides would have trust in a permanent peace established by Russia alone.[ citation needed ] As the former US ambassador to the Minsk Group Matthew Bryza puts it, "The key to resolving this is to get the two presidents to have sufficient trust in each other, and Russia is not going to be able to do that". [156]
Armenian Ministry of Defence Spokesman Artsrun Hovhannisyan stated that the Azerbaijani attempted to take part of northern Karabakh with a "blitzkrieg", which failed. [157] After a ceasefire was reached NKR Defence Army Colonel Victor Arustamyan said that one military position was left under Azerbaijani control, which was of no strategic significance. [158]
On 24 April President Serzh Sargsyan acknowledged that Azerbaijani troops had taken very small pieces of land in the north and south of the contact line, which he said had no strategic importance for Armenian forces, who had not attempted to reclaim them to avoid additional loss of life. [159] On 17 May Sargsyan stated that the Armenian side had lost control of "800 hectares of land having neither tactical nor strategic importance". [35] [160] [161]
On 26 April 2016 Sargsyan fired 3 senior Armenian army officials, including the chiefs of the Logistics, the Intelligence and the Communications Departments, a move which was apparently influenced by the public criticism of the high death toll among the Armenian soldiers. [162]
President Sargsyan stated that Armenia would formally recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh "if the military operations continue and acquire a large scale." [163] On 5 May 2016 the Government of Armenia approved the bill on recognition of the independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. It was announced, that the recognition of the independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic is "due to the results of discussions between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, [and] considering further developments, including external factors." [164]
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev initially claimed the clashes were a "great victory" for Azerbaijan. [165]
Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence claimed that the Azerbaijani armed forces remain in control of strategic heights near the village of Talysh. [166] Responding to Sargsyan's claim on the Armenian troops' loss of 800 ha of territory, Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence stated that the Azerbaijani military took control of 2000 hectares of territory. [167] In the opinion of analyst Rizvan Huseynov, an article posted on the website of the state oil company owned media CBC claimed, "Nearly 5% of occupied territories returned" (nearly 57,290 hectares of territory). [168]
Azerbaijani opposition websites say Azerbaijan long-serving chief of general staff Najmaddin Sadigov may be replaced over 4-day war by the First Corps Commander and deputy Nizami Osmanov, but this was refuted by the Ministry of Defence spokesman. [169] [170]
A number of Armenian military servicemen were awarded with orders and medals in Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. [171] Junior sergeant Robert Abajyan was posthumously awarded with Hero of Artsakh which is the highest honorary title of NKR. He became the youngest person ever to hold the title at 19 years old. [172]
On 19 April 2016, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev signed orders on awarding honorary titles, orders and medals to a group of Azerbaijani military servicemen. [173] Among them Lieutenant Colonel Shukur Hamidov, [174] Lieutenant Colonel Murad Mirzayev [175] and Major Samid Imanov [176] were awarded with the medal of National Hero of Azerbaijan. Colonel Mais Barkhudarov was awarded with the rank of general-major by the Azerbaijani President because of his personal participation in the military operation to take the heigh of Lalatapa. [177]
Ali Karimli, the leader of Azerbaijani Popular Front party, who criticized the Azerbaijani government over its actions during the clashes, became a subject of a series of protests (the latest one held on 12 April in front of Karimli's house), organized by the authorities. The protesters demanded that Karimli be exiled from the country. According to human rights lawyer Intigam Aliyev, attacks against Karimli are "diverting attention from truly important issues and testing technologies to distract people's justified anger caused by the serious consequences of wrong decisions." [178] [179]
Russian TV channel Dozhd reported that the Azerbaijani authorities launched a criminal case against journalists of the Azerbaijani independent channel Meydan TV because of the publication of the list of Azerbaijani soldiers killed during the clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh. Their list consisted of 94 names, while the Ministry of Defence of Azerbaijan confirmed only 31 deaths. According to the Meydan TV chief editor Emin Milli, each person on their list really died in the clashes, and he stated that the Ministry of Defence of Azerbaijan could not deny this information. [180]
The societal reactions to the April clashes were different in Armenia and Azerbaijan. In Azerbaijan, the clashes surged patriotism in the public, and thousands of people volunteered to fight, yet the Ministry of Defence did not allow them to do so. Even people with the critical voice could not hide their surprise at the intense and quick social mobilization. For this reason, the declaration of the ceasefire on 5 April led to a sense of disappointment in the public. [41]
According to conflict expert Laurence Broers, reactions to the outbreak of violence were more "sombre" in Armenia. Following the ceasefire, demonstrations took place in Yerevan, which were caused by the anti-Russian attitudes that objected to Moscow's arms sales to Baku. Even though the Armenian officials firstly emphasized the effective performance of the Armenian army, there was a growing public disappointment about the complacency and corruption in the army. Out-of-date equipment and poor communication lines were believed to be the cause for the death of many Armenian soldiers within the first few hours of the clashes. After the declaration of the ceasefire, four high-ranking army officials were dismissed from their position. [41]
Rumors circulated following the war that Armenian president Serzh Sargsyan had agreed to territorial concessions to Azerbaijan. Nationalist politician and war veteran Jirair Sefilian formed a "resistance committee" to oppose such concessions before being arrested on 20 June 2016. [181] In July 2016, armed gunmen demanding the release of Sefilian and the ruling out of any territorial concessions in Nagorno-Karabakh took over a police station in Yerevan, triggering a two-week hostage crisis. [182] [183]
Since leaving office in 2018, former Armenian president Serzh Sargsyan has made a number of statements about the 2016 clashes. In August 2020, Sargsyan asserted that Armenia had won the Four-Day War and stated that "despite some minor shortcomings, almost all military, political, state and civilian parties did their best during the hostilities." He acknowledged that Armenian military intelligence had failed to detect the Azerbaijani offensive in advance. [184] [185] He also stated that he declined to order a counterattack to retake the territory lost to Azerbaijan during the war in order to avoid further Armenian casualties. [186]
The Armenian parliament formed a commission to investigate the circumstances of the 2016 war in June 2019. [187] Among the people called to testify before the commission were president Serzh Sargsyan, former defense minister Seyran Ohanyan and former Artsakh Defence Army commander Levon Mnatsakanyan, former NKR president Bako Sahakyan, and former foreign minister Eduard Nalbandyan, as well as officers and soldiers. The commission found that rumors that the Armenian side had suffered from shortages in ammunition, food and fuel during the war were false. [188] The full findings of the commission were kept secret. [189]
In November 2020, then speaker of the parliament of Artsakh Arthur Tovmasyan stated that, following the April War, Serzh Sargsyan met with former NKR president Bako Sahakyan and 22 parliamentarians urging them to accept the return of the seven Armenian-controlled districts of Azerbaijan surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, which the NKR representatives refused. [190] In a February 2021 interview, Serzh Sargsyan stated that he was ready to accept a compromise solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict involving the return of districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh and attempted to remain in power after 2018 to realize this solution. [191] Responding to Sargsyan's statements, Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia Armen Grigoryan claimed in an interview that the April War had been stopped because Serzh Sargsyan made promises regarding the return of the Armenian-controlled districts, but that he had delayed the return using the 2016 hostage crisis and the 2017 Armenian constitutional changes as reasoning, creating "serious problems" for the succeeding government . [192]
Vazgen Zaveni Sargsyan was an Armenian military commander and politician. He was the first Defence Minister of Armenia from 1991 to 1992 and then from 1995 to 1999. He served as Armenia's Prime Minister from 11 June 1999 until his assassination on 27 October of that year. He rose to prominence during the mass movement for the unification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia in the late 1980s and led Armenian volunteer groups during the early clashes with Azerbaijani forces. Appointed defence minister by President Levon Ter-Petrosyan soon after Armenia's independence from the Soviet Union in late 1991, Sargsyan became the most prominent commander of Armenian forces during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. In different positions, he regulated the military operations in the war area until 1994, when a ceasefire was reached ending the war with Armenian forces controlling almost all of Nagorno-Karabakh and seven surrounding districts.
Robert Sedraki Kocharyan is an Armenian politician. He served as the President of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic from 1994 to 1997 and Prime Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh from 1992 to 1994. He served as the second President of Armenia between 1998 and 2008 and as Prime Minister of Armenia from 1997 to 1998.
Artsakh, officially the Republic of Artsakh or the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, was a breakaway state in the South Caucasus whose territory was internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan. Between 1991 and 2023, Artsakh controlled parts of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast of the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic, including its capital Stepanakert. It had been an enclave within Azerbaijan from the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war until the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive, when the Azerbaijani military took control over the remaining territory controlled by Artsakh. Its only overland access route to Armenia after the 2020 war was via the five kilometres (3.1 mi)–wide Lachin corridor, which was placed under the supervision of Russian peacekeeping forces.
The First Nagorno-Karabakh War was an ethnic and territorial conflict that took place from February 1988 to May 1994, in the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in southwestern Azerbaijan, between the majority ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh backed by Armenia, and the Republic of Azerbaijan with support from Turkey. As the war progressed, Armenia and Azerbaijan, both former Soviet republics, entangled themselves in protracted, undeclared mountain warfare in the mountainous heights of Karabakh as Azerbaijan attempted to curb the secessionist movement in Nagorno-Karabakh.
The Artsakh Defence Army was the defence force of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh. Established in 1992, it united previously disorganized defence units which were formed in the early 1990s.
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is an ethnic and territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians until 2023, and seven surrounding districts, inhabited mostly by Azerbaijanis until their expulsion during the 1990s. The Nagorno-Karabakh region was entirely claimed by and partially controlled by the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, but was recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan gradually re-established control over Nagorno-Karabakh region and the seven surrounding districts.
Samvel Andraniki Babayan is an Armenian military officer and politician. He was one of the founders and main commanders of the Artsakh Defence Army during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War and became a war hero among Armenians for the military victories achieved under his command.
Serzh Azati Sargsyan is an Armenian politician who served as the third President of Armenia from 2008 to 2018, and twice as the Prime Minister of Armenia from 2007 to 2008 and again from 17 to 23 April 2018, when he was forced to resign in the 2018 Armenian revolution.
There are no diplomatic relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The two neighboring states had formal governmental relations between 1918 and 1921, during their brief independence from the collapsed Russian Empire, as the First Republic of Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan; these relations existed from the period after the Russian Revolution until they were occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union, becoming the constituent republics of Soviet Armenia and Soviet Azerbaijan. Due to the five wars waged by the countries in the past century—one from 1918 to 1921, another from 1988 to 1994, and the most recent in 2016, 2020 and 2023—the two have had strained relations. In the wake of hostilities, social memory of Soviet-era cohabitation is widely repressed through censorship and stigmatization.
The 2008 Mardakert clashes began on March 4 after the 2008 Armenian election protests. It involved the heaviest fighting between ethnic Armenian and Azerbaijani forces over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh since the 1994 ceasefire after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.
Stepanakert Airport or Khojaly Airport is an airport in the town of Khojaly, 10 kilometers north-east of Stepanakert, Azerbaijan. The airport, in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, had been under the control of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh from 1992 to 2023. Flights ceased with the escalation of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in 1990.
The Armenian-occupied territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh were areas of Azerbaijan, situated around the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), which were occupied by the ethnic Armenian military forces of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh with military support from Armenia, from the end of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994) to 2020, when the territories were returned to Azerbaijani control by military force or handed over in accordance to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement. The surrounding regions were seized by Armenians under the justification of a "security belt" which was to be traded for recognition of autonomous status from Azerbaijan.
The 2010 Mardakert clashes were a series of violations of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War ceasefire. They took place across the line of contact dividing Azerbaijan and the ethnic Armenian military forces of the unrecognized but de facto independent Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. Both sides accused the other of violating the ceasefire regime. These were the worst violations of the cease fire in two years and left Armenian forces with the heaviest casualties since the Mardakert clashes of March 2008.
The Madrid Principles were proposed peace settlements of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, proposed by the OSCE Minsk Group. The OSCE Minsk Group was the only internationally agreed body to mediate the negotiations for the peaceful resolution of the conflict prior to the renewed outbreak of hostilities in 2020. Senior Armenian and Azerbaijani officials had agreed on some of the proposed principles but made little or no progress towards the withdrawal of Armenian forces from occupied territories or towards the modalities of the decision on the future Nagorno-Karabakh status.
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 62/243, titled "The Situation in the Occupied Territories of Azerbaijan", is a resolution of the United Nations General Assembly about the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh, which was adopted on March 14, 2008 at the 62nd session of the General Assembly. It became the seventh United Nations document concerning Nagorno-Karabakh and the third and last United Nations General Assembly document on it.
The 2012 border clashes between the armed forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan took place in early June. The clashes resulted in casualties on both sides.
Clashes on the Armenian–Azerbaijan border (Tavush–Qazakh) and the line of contact between the Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan started on 27 July 2014. Reported casualties of the clashes were some of the highest since the 1994 ceasefire agreement that ended the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.
On 12 November 2014, an Armenian Mil Mi-24 attack helicopter was shot down by Azerbaijani Armed Forces during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, killing all three crew members.
The Line of Contact was the front line which separated Armenian forces and the Azerbaijan Armed Forces from the end of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in 1994 until the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement.
Notes
Citations
Azerbaijan presents its operations of 2–5 April 2016 as a tactical victory and psychological breakthrough.
President Ilham Aliyev, for his part, posted an image on Instagram of himself wearing military fatigues with the caption, "The April War was our glorious historical victory."
....It was noted that during the military actions unleashed by Azerbaijan, the RA Armed Forces fulfilled their task. The NKR Defence Army was victorious in thwarting Azerbaijani aggression and frustrating its plans.
For the first time since the 1990s, Azerbaijani forces managed to regain control of small parts of the territory surrounding Karabakh – the first time the Line of Contact has shifted. Although these changes do not significantly alter the parties' military predicament on the ground...
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: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)...the territories lost during the April war were of no tactical or strategic importance...
...the April War of 2016.
...the short but bloody April war.
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: |work=
ignored (help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Although Azerbaijan gained control of only two strategic heights in the conflict zone, that was enough to restore its people's confidence in their army...
Schoolchildren were killed and wounded in the school yard; elderly people were viciously killed in their homes – all of them peaceful residents, including a 92 year old woman.
The result was inconclusive...
By the fourth day, with at least one hundred and seventy two people killed and negligent territorial gains or losses...
By the time both sides stopped shooting at each other on April 5, it indeed appeared that the previous status quo has been more-or-less preserved.
Սա չորսօրյա պատերազմ է, որտեղ ադրբեջանական կողմը չհաղթեց, իսկ հայկական կողմը չպարտվեց: Սա ես համարում եմ ողբերգություն, որովհետեւ անիմաստ սպանվեցին տասնյակ մարդիկ եւ եղան հարյուրավոր վիրավորներ: [This is a four-day war, where the Azerbaijani side did not win, and the Armenian side did not lose. I consider this to be a tragedy, because tens of people died and hundreds were wounded senselessly].
Colonel Arustamyan gave clarifications about an Armenian military position left under Azerbaijani control. According to him, it's of no strategic significance, as the area of its peak is 5 meters, and the height is 20 meters as compared to the overall landscape.
On Sunday, Azerbaijan's president, Ilham Aliyev, called the skirmishes a "great victory" as the country declared a unilateral ceasefire.
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