Language politics

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The politics of language are evident in the French/Dutch bilingual Brussels region, which is enclaved within the Flanders region of Belgium, where people typically speak Dutch. Divisive preference of either language is avoided by using both French and Dutch on nearly all signs in Brussels. French and Flemish Sign in Brussels.jpg
The politics of language are evident in the French/Dutch bilingual Brussels region, which is enclaved within the Flanders region of Belgium, where people typically speak Dutch. Divisive preference of either language is avoided by using both French and Dutch on nearly all signs in Brussels.

Language politics is the way language and linguistic differences between peoples are dealt with in the political arena. This could manifest as government recognition, as well as how language is treated in official capacities.

Contents

The topic covers many related issues. As such, this page serves as a central resource for multiple articles relating to the topic of language and politics. Below are some categories dealing with the overlap between language and politics, along with examples and links to other relevant pages.

Language planning and policy

Language planning refers to concerted efforts to influence how and why languages are used in a community. It is usually associated with governmental policies which largely involve status planning, corpus planning and acquisition planning. There are often much interaction between the three areas. Status planning involves giving a language or languages a certain standing against other languages [1] and is often associated with language prestige and language function. Corpus planning often involves linguistic prescription as decisions are made in graphization, standardization and modernization of a language. [2] Acquisition planning fundamentally involves language policies to promote language learning. [3]

Status planning

Corpus planning

Corpus planning consists of three traditionally recognised forms: graphization, standardization and modernization. Graphization involves the development of written scripts and orthography of languages. [5] Standardization involves giving a selected variety of a language precedence over the other varieties as the "standard" form for others to emulate. [6] Modernization often involves expanding the lexicon of a language as a result of language shift over time.

Language is also utilised in political matters to unify, organise and criticise in order to unify a political group.

Acquisition planning (language in education)

Acquisition planning often manifests in education policies after the status and corpus planning policies have been introduced. [9] These policies can take in the form of compulsory language education programmes, enforcing a specific language of instruction in schools or development of educational materials. In some countries, mainstream education is offered in one language: English in the United States, Italian in Italy, Russian in Russia, just to name a few. In some countries, mainstream education provide education in several languages. This is especially common in countries with more than one official languages. Some countries promote multilingualism in their policies: bilingual policy in Singapore, three-language formula in India, just to name a few.

Linguistic discrimination

Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary, Vancouver, Washington, building entrance, November, 2019 Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary, Vancouver, Washington, building entrance, November, 2019.jpg
Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary, Vancouver, Washington, building entrance, November, 2019

Linguistic discrimination, or linguicism, refers to unequal treatment of speakers of different languages or language varieties. It can be observed with regard to spoken language, where speakers may be discriminated against based on their regional dialect, their sociolect, their accent, or their vocabulary. In terms of language planning, linguistic discrimination can occur at different stages, such as the choice of one or more official languages, choosing the language of instruction, the availability of essential services such as health care in minority languages, and the protection or lack thereof of minority languages and dialects.

In the United States, speakers of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) often experience linguistic discrimination. A study, published in 1982, of attitudes towards AAVE at Martin Luther King Junior Elementary school in Ann Arbor, Michigan, revealed that black students who primarily spoke AAVE received less help from their teachers in comparison to their white peers. [10] One social worker observed that these AAVE-speaking students faced a significant linguistic barrier to academic achievement and success in the predominantly White American society at that time. This is one example of a larger controversy surrounding African-American Vernacular English in education. [11]

Colonialism

Guerillas rugendas Guerillas rugendas.jpg
Guerillas rugendas

Colonialism is a significant context in which linguistic discrimination takes place. When territories were colonized for the purpose of settlement buildling, indigenous languages became gravely endangered because the native speaker groups were either destroyed by war and disease, or had undergone a partial language shift to speak their master's language. [12] In exploitation colonies however, colonizers would usually only teach their language to a select group of locals. [13] In postcolonial states like India, it was observed that the difference in language education had widened the socioeconomic class divide. [14] Thus, access to education, social mobility, and economic opportunities were deprived of the locals who had not learnt the colonial language of before. [14]

Approximately 1.35 billion people in the world now speak English, with about 360 million native English speakers. [15] As of 2015, more than 75% of all scientific papers were published in English. [16] English is also the most commonly studied foreign language in the world. [17] This global prevalence of English can be attributed to many developments that have occurred in recent history, namely, the expansion of the British Empire, which has resulted in the establishment of English as an official language in at least 75 countries. [18] David Crystal gives a detailed explanation about the spread of English worldwide in Chapter 9 of A History of the English Language (ed. Richard M. Hogg). [19] Robert Phillipson has posited this is an example of linguistic imperialism. [20] However, this notion is contested in the field of applied linguistics. [21]

Linguistic Imperialism

Linguistic imperialism refers to the dominance of one language over another on a national (and sometimes international) scale as a result of language policy and planning. According to Robert Phillipson, it is a variant of linguicism and is enacted through systemic changes and language attitudes, resulting in unfair treatment of non-dominant language groups. [22] This form of discrimination works in ways similar to racism, sexism, and classism, on a national administrative scale.

As an example, a case study on the usage of Irish Sign Language (ISL) in Ireland revealed unfair treatment of a deaf community in Ireland. [23] The study observed the enforcement of English over ISL in the educational system, as well as the prohibition of ISL among deaf children who were deemed capable enough to learn oral language (oralism). The study also highlighted anti-ISL language attitudes among school officials, unequal pay of ISL teachers, unequal status given to ISL in the education system, and the systemic marginalisation of ISL users. Efforts to elevate the usage of English over ISL also entailed the teaching of Manually Coded English (MCE) to deaf students, a signed language based on the grammatical structure of English. Unfortunately, MCE and other manually coded languages are often difficult and slow to use for communication among signers. [24] Despite this, such language policies have influenced members of the deaf community (especially older members) to internalise the belief that ISL is inferior to spoken language.

Names and politics

Critical toponymies

Toponymy is the study of place names (from Ancient Greek: τόπος / tópos, 'place', and ὄνομα / onoma, 'name'). According to Lawrence D. Berg and Jani Vuolteenaho, traditional research into place names has focused more on describing their origins in an empirical way. [25] : 6  However, they note that there are 'power relations inherent in geographical naming', [25] : 1  because to have the power to name something is to have the 'power of "making places"'. [25] : 9  Their book, Critical Toponymies, is, according to them, the 'first interdisciplinary collection published in English that tackles explicitly place naming as "a political practice par excellence of power over space"', and gathers research from various scholars about the politics inherent in the naming of places.

Choice of language

Road signs in Karasjok (Karasjohka), northern Norway. The top and bottom names are Northern Sami; the second-from-bottom is Finnish; the rest are Norwegian. Road sign Karasjok.jpg
Road signs in Karasjok (Kárášjohka), northern Norway. The top and bottom names are Northern Sámi; the second-from-bottom is Finnish; the rest are Norwegian.

As an example, the powers-that-were in Norway began strictly regulating Sámi place names in the 1870s, replacing them with Norwegian names in official documents, [26] : 260  even suggesting that if no Norwegian name had yet been made for a certain place, a Norwegian translation of the name ought to be used on maps. [26] : 262  This 'toponymic silence' gave the impression that Norwegians had settled in places where the Sámi historically lived; [26] : 260  and the silence lives on till the present—Norwegians may believe that Sámi place names which have not been recorded on maps etc. are not in common use (even though they are); alternatively, since Sámi names for natural features have remained but not names for settlements, Norwegians may believe that Sámi people only reside in otherwise uninhabited areas. [26] : 263  Now, even though Sámi place names can be restored to official status, they must still be proven to actually be in use among the community. This is not the case for Norwegian names, which will remain official even if few people in the locality use that name. [26] : 264  With these observations, it can be concluded that the Sámi have not received full 'decolonisation' yet - the colonisation being in the Norwegian power to rename Sámi places. [26] : 265–6 

Choice of pronunciation

In places where native names have been reclaimed in writing, there is a secondary issue of pronunciation. With reference to New Zealand, Robin Kearns and Lawrence Berg note that how a place name is pronounced also has a political meaning. Letters to the editors of New Zealand newspapers sometimes complain about newscasters' choice to pronounce place names in a more Māori-like way. [27] : 167–9  Even if Lake Taupō maintains an ostensibly Māori-derived name, some argued against a Member of Parliament telling others to read it 'toe-po' ([ˈtoʊpɔː]; see Taupō). [27] : 199  Kearns and Berg note that the written forms of Māori place names give no hints as to how they should be pronounced, and so even some Māori speakers might not know the 'true' pronunciation. These people might not be trying to make any political statement by reading the names their own way. [27] : 164  Even so, their utterance of the name becomes situated in a wider political context of 'a resurgence of Maori cultural forms, and increasing calls for self-determination', which 'presents a threatening and uncertain environment for members of the status quo'. [27] : 161–2  In this way, language in the form of place names becomes part of politics - part of the 'contest over the symbolic ownership of place' in New Zealand. [27] : 162 

Cross-state conflicts

Even across states, agreement on a single name is difficult. This can apply to places which a state does not own: for example, see the Sea of Japan naming dispute or the Persian Gulf naming dispute. Mapmakers often acquiesce by creating two versions of the same map, but with the names of geographical features swapped out depending on which state the maps are sold in. [28] : 85  Notably, Greece objected to the use of the name 'Macedonia' by the then newly-independent Republic of Macedonia. According to Naftalie Kadmon, the Greek government was worried that '[c]laims of the South Yugoslavians to the name Macedonia might in time lead to political demands towards Greece, and finally to military aggression.' The case was escalated to the UN and it was decided that the new state would be referred to as Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). [28] : 85  The naming dispute was resolved in 2019, with the latter being renamed to North Macedonia.

A view of Piran from Savudrija. The Bay of Piran/Savudrija separates these two settlements. Piran from Savudrija 01.jpg
A view of Piran from Savudrija. The Bay of Piran/Savudrija separates these two settlements.

These conflicts between states regarding names still nevertheless indicate a conflict over ownership or belonging. For example, the Bay of Piran between Croatia and Slovenia began being referred to by Croatian official sources as the Bay of Savudrija (Savudrijska vala) around the early 2000s. [29] : 73  In both cases, the names of the bay are taken from towns (Piran is in Slovenia, and Savudrija is in Croatia). This recent Croatian insistence on a new name linked to Croatia 'represents a transfer of the identity of the bay elsewhere - to another place far from Piran', and stakes 'Croatia's ownership of this part of the bay'. [29] : 73–4 

Recognition of importance of names

The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) set up the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN) and the United Nations Conferences on the Standardization of Geographical Names (UNCSGN). The UNCSGN has three main objectives:

  • 'encourage national and international geographical names standardization;
  • 'promote the international dissemination of nationally standardized geographical names information; and
  • 'adopt single romanization systems for the conversion of each non-Roman writing system to the Roman alphabet.' [30]

The UNCSGN occurs every five years, and the UNGEGN 'meets between the Conferences to follow up the implementation of resolutions adopted by the Conferences and to ensure continuity of activities between Conferences'. [31]

Other names

The politics applied to naming places can also applies to naming ethnic groups. For example, it is generally offensive to use words which are considered by some to have negative implications (pejorative exonyms) to describe a group of people: e.g. 'Gypsies' (or even more negatively, 'Gypos') instead of 'Romani', or indeed using the term 'Gypsies' to cover Traveller peoples as well as Romani people.

As another example, the Haudenosaunee Confederacy writes that although they have been 'called the Iroquois Confederacy by the French, and the League of Five Nations by the English, the confederacy is properly called the Haudenosaunee Confederacy meaning People of the long house.' [32] The rejection of the exonym 'Iroqouis' (which is still the name used in, for example, the Wikipedia page) is inherent in the statement that the confederacy (and the people) are properly called 'Haudenosaunee'.

Related Research Articles

Dialect refers to two distinctly different types of linguistic relationships.

African-American English is the set of English sociolects spoken by most Black people in the United States and many in Canada; most commonly, it refers to a dialect continuum ranging from African-American Vernacular English to a more standard American English. Like all widely spoken language varieties, African-American English shows variation stylistically, generationally, geographically, in rural versus urban characteristics, in vernacular versus standard registers, etc. There has been a significant body of African-American literature and oral tradition for centuries.

Toponymy, toponymics, or toponomastics is the study of toponyms, including their origins, meanings, usage and types. Toponym is the general term for a proper name of any geographical feature, and full scope of the term also includes proper names of all cosmographical features.

Linguistic imperialism or language imperialism is occasionally defined as "the transfer of a dominant language to other people". This language "transfer" comes about because of imperialism. The transfer is considered to be a sign of power; traditionally military power but also, in the modern world, economic power. Aspects of the dominant culture are usually transferred along with the language. In spatial terms, indigenous languages are employed in the function of official (state) languages in Eurasia, while only non-indigenous imperial (European) languages in the "Rest of the World". In the modern world, linguistic imperialism may also be considered in the context of international development, affecting the standard by which organizations like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank evaluate the trustworthiness and value of structural adjustment loans by virtue of views that are commonly foregrounded in English-language discourse and not neutral.

A standard language is a language variety that has undergone substantial codification of its grammar, lexicon, writing system, or other features. Typically, the varieties that undergo standardization are those associated with centers of commerce and government, used frequently by educated people and in news broadcasting, and taught widely in schools and to non-native learners of the language. Within a language community, standardization usually begins with a particular variety being selected, accepted by influential people, socially and culturally spread, established in opposition to competitor varieties, maintained, increasingly used in diverse contexts, and assigned high social prestige as a result of the variety being linked to the most successful people. As a sociological effect of these processes, most users of a standard dialect—and many users of other dialects of the same language—come to believe that the standard is inherently superior to, or consider it the linguistic baseline against which to judge, the other dialects. However, such beliefs are firmly rooted in social perceptions rather than any objective evaluation.

A dialect continuum or dialect chain is a series of language varieties spoken across some geographical area such that neighboring varieties are mutually intelligible, but the differences accumulate over distance so that widely separated varieties may not be. This is a typical occurrence with widely spread languages and language families around the world, when these languages did not spread recently. Some prominent examples include the Indo-Aryan languages across large parts of India, varieties of Arabic across north Africa and southwest Asia, the Turkic languages, the Chinese languages or dialects, and parts of the Romance, Germanic and Slavic families in Europe. Terms used in older literature include dialect area and L-complex.

African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is the variety of English natively spoken, particularly in urban communities, by most working- and middle-class African Americans and some Black Canadians. Having its own unique grammatical, vocabulary, and accent features, AAVE is employed by middle-class Black Americans as the more informal and casual end of a sociolinguistic continuum. However, in formal speaking contexts, speakers tend to switch to more standard English grammar and vocabulary, usually while retaining elements of the non-standard accent. AAVE is widespread throughout the United States, but is not the native dialect of all African Americans, nor are all of its speakers African American.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mutual intelligibility</span> Closeness of linguistic varieties

In linguistics, mutual intelligibility is a relationship between languages or dialects in which speakers of different but related varieties can readily understand each other without prior familiarity or special effort. It is sometimes used as an important criterion for distinguishing languages from dialects, although sociolinguistic factors are often also used.

In sociolinguistics, a sociolect is a form of language or a set of lexical items used by a socioeconomic class, profession, age group, or other social group.

A pluricentric language or polycentric language is a language with several codified standard forms, often corresponding to different countries. Many examples of such languages can be found worldwide among the most-spoken languages, including but not limited to Chinese in mainland China, Taiwan and Singapore; English in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, South Africa, India, and elsewhere; and French in France, Canada, and elsewhere. The converse case is a monocentric language, which has only one formally standardized version. Examples include Japanese and Russian. In some cases, the different standards of a pluricentric language may be elaborated to appear as separate languages, e.g. Malaysian and Indonesian, Hindi and Urdu, while Serbo-Croatian is in an earlier stage of that process.

In sociolinguistics, prestige is the level of regard normally accorded a specific language or dialect within a speech community, relative to other languages or dialects. Prestige varieties are language or dialect families which are generally considered by a society to be the most "correct" or otherwise superior. In many cases, they are the standard form of the language, though there are exceptions, particularly in situations of covert prestige. In addition to dialects and languages, prestige is also applied to smaller linguistic features, such as the pronunciation or usage of words or grammatical constructs, which may not be distinctive enough to constitute a separate dialect. The concept of prestige provides one explanation for the phenomenon of variation in form among speakers of a language or languages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Linguistic purism</span> Preferring a language variety as purer

Linguistic purism or linguistic protectionism is the prescriptive practice of defining or recognizing one variety of a language as being purer or of intrinsically higher quality than other varieties. Linguistic purism was institutionalized through language academies, and their decisions often have the force of law.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Language geography</span> Study of the geographic distribution of language(s)

Language geography is the branch of human geography that studies the geographic distribution of language(s) or its constituent elements. Linguistic geography can also refer to studies of how people talk about the landscape. For example, toponymy is the study of place names. Landscape ethnoecology, also known as ethnophysiography, is the study of landscape ontologies and how they are expressed in language.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Languages of Sweden</span>

Swedish is the official language of Sweden and is spoken by the vast majority of the 10.23 million inhabitants of the country. It is a North Germanic language and quite similar to its sister Scandinavian languages, Danish and Norwegian, with which it maintains partial mutual intelligibility and forms a dialect continuum. A number of regional Swedish dialects are spoken across the country. In total, more than 200 languages are estimated to be spoken across the country, including regional languages, indigenous Sámi languages, and immigrant languages.

African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is a nonstandard dialect of English deeply embedded in the culture of the United States, including popular culture. It has been the center of controversy about the education of African-American youths, the role AAVE should play in public schools and education, and its place in broader society. The linguistic and cultural history of African Americans has been fostered and maintained in part through the Black church, including some lexicon and the call and response style of linguistic engagement. Artistic and cultural movements originating with African Americans, such as jazz and hip-hop, have also significantly showcased, influenced, or sometimes mainstreamed elements of AAVE in the broader American culture and even on the global stage. The dialect is also seen and heard in advertising.

Linguistic discrimination is unfair treatment of people based on their use of language and the characteristics of their speech, including their first language, their accent, the perceived size of their vocabulary, their modality, and their syntax. For example, an Occitan speaker in France will probably be treated differently from a French speaker. Based on a difference in use of language, a person may automatically form judgments about another person's wealth, education, social status, character or other traits, which may lead to discrimination.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names</span>

The United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN) is one of the nine expert groups of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) and deals with the national and international standardization of geographical names. Every five years it holds the UNGEGN conference. The UNGEGN also publishes international guidelines.

Linguistic profiling is the practice of identifying the social characteristics of an individual based on auditory cues, in particular dialect and accent. The theory was first developed by Professor John Baugh to explain discriminatory practices in the housing market based on the auditory redlining of prospective clientele by housing administrators. Linguistic profiling extends to issues of legal proceedings, employment opportunities, and education. The theory is frequently described as the auditory equivalent of racial profiling. The bulk of the research and evidence in support of the theory pertain to racial and ethnic distinctions, though its applicability holds within racial or ethnic groups, perceived gender and sexual orientation, and in distinguishing location of geographic origin.

Dialect levelling is an overall reduction in the variation or diversity of features, accompanied by an increase in the similarities, between two or more dialects in contact with each other. This can come about through assimilation, mixture, and merging of certain dialects, often by language codification, which can be a precursor to standardization. One possible result is a koine language, in which various specific dialects mix together and simplify, settling into a new and more widely embraced form of the language. Another is a speech community increasingly adopting or exclusively preserving features with widespread social currency at the expense of their more local or traditional dialect features.

In sociolinguistics, covert prestige is a type of scenario in which nonstandard languages or dialects are regarded to be of high linguistic prestige by members of a speech community. This is in contrast to the typical case of linguistic prestige, wherein only the standard varieties of a speech community are considered prestigious.

References

  1. ↑ Edwards, John. "Language, Prestige, and Stigma," in Contact Linguistics. Ed. Hans Goebel. New York: de Gruyter, 1996.
  2. ↑ Ferguson, Gibson. (2006). Language Planning and Education. Edinburgh University Press.
  3. ↑ Cooper, Robert L. (1989). Language planning and social change. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  4. ↑ Alan Patten (October 2011). "Political Theory and Language Policy" (PDF). Political Theory. 29 (5). Princeton: 691–715. doi:10.1177/0090591701029005005. S2CID   143178621 . Retrieved September 7, 2018.
  5. ↑ Liddicoat, Anthony J. (2005). "Corpus Planning: Syllabus and Materials Development," in Eli Hinkel, Handbook of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning, Routledge, pp 993-1012.
  6. ↑ Christian, Donna (1988). "Language Planning: the view from linguistics", in Frederick J. Newmeyer, Language: the socio-cultural context, Cambridge University Press, pp 193-211.
  7. ↑ Chen, Ping (1999), Modern Chinese: History and Sociolinguistics, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN   978-0-521-64572-0
  8. 1 2 Ramsey, S. Robert (1987), The languages of China, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ISBN   978-0-691-01468-5
  9. ↑ Ferguson, Charles A. "Sociolinguistic Settings of Language Planning." Language Planning Processes. Ed. Rubin, Joan, Björn H. Jernudd, Jyotirindra Das Gupta, Joshua A. Fishman and Charles A. Ferguson. The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1977
  10. ↑ Freeman, E. B. (1982). The Ann Arbor decision: The importance of teachers' attitudes toward language. The Elementary School Journal, 83(1), 41–47. https://doi.org/10.1086/461291
  11. ↑ BOUNTRESS, NICHOLAS G. (1982). "Educational implications of the Ann Arbor decision". Educational Horizons. 60 (2): 79–82. ISSN   0013-175X. JSTOR   42924480.
  12. ↑ Hamel, Rainer Enrique (1995), "Indigenous education in Latin America: policies and legal frameworks", Linguistic Human Rights, De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 271–288, doi:10.1515/9783110866391.271, ISBN   978-3-11-086639-1
  13. ↑ Parameswaran, Radhika E. (February 1997). "Colonial Interventions and the Postcolonial Situation in India". Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands). 59 (1): 21–41. doi:10.1177/0016549297059001003. ISSN   0016-5492. S2CID   145358972.
  14. 1 2 Mufwene, Salikoko (2002). "Colonisation, globalisation, and the future of languages in the twenty-first century". International Journal on Multicultural Societies. 4 (2): 162–193. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.109.2253 .
  15. ↑ "English | Ethnologue".
  16. ↑ Billings, Linda. (2015). Does Science Need a Global Language? English and the Future of Research. by Scott L. Montgomery. Technology and Culture. 56. 261-263. 10.1353/tech.2015.0013.
  17. ↑ "The world's languages, in 7 maps and charts". Washington Post. ISSN   0190-8286 . Retrieved 2023-05-03.
  18. ↑ Hammond, Alex (2014-03-06). "How did English become the world's most spoken language? | ESL". ESL language studies abroad. Retrieved 2023-05-03.
  19. ↑ Crystal, D. (2006). English worldwide. In R. Hogg & D. Denison (Eds.), A History of the English Language (pp. 420-439). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511791154.010
  20. ↑ Phillipson, Robert (2008). "Lingua franca or lingua frankensteinia? English in European integration and globalisation1". World Englishes. 27 (2): 250–267. doi:10.1111/j.1467-971X.2008.00555.x. ISSN 1467-971X
  21. ↑ Davies, Alan. 1996. “Review Article: Ironising the myth of Linguicism.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. 17:6, 485-596.
  22. ↑ Phillipson, Robert. 1992. Linguistic imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press
  23. ↑ Rose, Heath; Conama, John Bosco (2018-08-01). "Linguistic imperialism: still a valid construct in relation to language policy for Irish Sign Language". Language Policy. 17 (3): 385–404. doi: 10.1007/s10993-017-9446-2 . ISSN   1573-1863.
  24. ↑ Reagan, T. (2006). Language policy and sign languages. In T. Ricento (Ed.), An introduction to language policy. Theory and method (pp. 329–345). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
  25. 1 2 3 Vuolteenahi, Jani; Berg, Lawrence D. (2009). "Towards critical toponymies". In Berg, Lawrence D.; Vuolteenaho, Jani (eds.). Critical toponymies: The contested politics of place naming. Ashgate.
  26. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Helander, Kaisa Rautio (2009). "Toponymic silence and Sámi place names during the growth of the Norwegian nation state". In Berg, Lawrence D.; Vuolteenaho, Jani (eds.). Critical toponymies: The contested politics of place naming. Ashgate.
  27. 1 2 3 4 5 Kearns, Robin; Berg, Lawrence D. (2009). "Proclaiming place: Towards a geography of place name pronunciation". In Berg, Lawrence D.; Vuolteenaho, Jani (eds.). Critical toponymies: The contested politics of place naming. Ashgate.
  28. 1 2 Kadmon, Naftalie (2004). "Toponymy and geopolitics: The political use — and misuse — of geographical names". The Cartographic Journal. 41 (2): 85–87. Bibcode:2004CartJ..41...85K. doi:10.1179/000870404X12897. S2CID   128707537.
  29. 1 2 Kladnik, Drago; Pipan, Primož (2008). "Bay of Piran or Bay of Savudrija? An example of problematic treatment of geographical names". Acta Geographica Slovenica. 48 (1): 57–91. doi: 10.3986/AGS48103 .
  30. ↑ United Nations Statistics Division (n.d.). "UNGEGN Mandate" . Retrieved 28 March 2021.
  31. ↑ United Nations Statistics Division (n.d.). "United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN)" . Retrieved 28 March 2021.
  32. ↑ Haudenosaunee Confederacy (n.d.). "Who We Are" . Retrieved 9 Apr 2021.

See also

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