Indigenous peoples in Chile

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Indigenous peoples in Chile or Native Chileans form about 13% of the total population of Chile. According to the 2017 census, almost 2,200,000 people declare having indigenous origins. [1] Most Chileans are of partially indigenous descent; however, indigenous identification and its legal ramifications are typically reserved to those who self-identify with and are accepted within one or more indigenous groups.

Contents

The Mapuche, with their traditional lands in south-central Chile, account for approximately 80% of the total indigenous population. There are also small populations of Aymara, Quechua, Atacameño, Qulla (Kolla), Diaguita, Yahgan (Yámana), Rapa Nui and Kawésqar (Alacalufe) people in other parts of the country, [2] as well as many other groups such as Caucahue, Chango, Picunche, Chono, Tehuelche, Cunco and Selk'nam (Ona).

Geographic distribution of Indigenous Chileans Pueblos indigenas de Chile.svg
Geographic distribution of Indigenous Chileans

History

Before the Spanish arrived in the mid 16th century, Chile was home to the southernmost portion of the Inca Empire. The Inca first expanded into Chile under Túpac Inca Yupanqui who ruled from 1471 to 1493. At its peak, the empire’s southern border was the Maule River in central Chile. Shortly thereafter, Spanish conquistadors led by Francisco Pizarro started to make contact with Inca in Peru in the 1530s. [3] The combination of European diseases and internal conflicts over succession severely weakened the strength and size of the empire, which ultimately collapsed during Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire in 1532.

While the Inca Empire fell, the Mapuche people were never formally defeated by Spanish conquistadors. Instead, this indigenous population maintained a tense independence from Spain throughout the colonial period. There were several small skirmishes throughout the 1500s and in 1553 a Mapuche attack killed the regional Spanish governor. [4] The conflict between the Mapuche and the Spanish culminated in the Arauco War which ultimately ended with official recognition for the Mapuche people and their territory. The Mapuche were one of the few indigenous groups in Latin America who were formally recognized as possessing territory by the Spanish. Because of this recognition, the Mapuche did not align with Chilean nationalists during the Chilean War of Independence. Instead they chose to side with the Spanish, because the imperial power’s legal recognition of the Mapuche tribe made them more of a known quantity than the Chilean rebels. [5]

After the war, the newly-formed Chilean government forced the Mapuche onto reservations approximately 1/20th the size of the area they had previously occupied. Much of their former land was further divided up and sold, including to extractive industries such as forestry and hydropower. [6]

The ancient flag of the Mapuche people. Ancient mapuche flag.svg
The ancient flag of the Mapuche people.

Although indigenous Chileans were not allies of Chilean independence fighters, by the mid-19th century, Chilean school curriculum included depictions of indigenous warriors that claimed they were central to the development of the Chilean identity. [5] Even so, those indigenous groups were still excluded from any participation in political life, making indigenous representation purely symbolic. [7]

The Indigenous Law

Since the fall of the Pinochet regime in 1990 and subsequent return to democracy, the Chilean government has revisited indigenous peoples’ role in Chilean society. President Patricio Aylwin Azócar’s Concertación government established a Comisión Especial de Pueblos indígenas (Special Commission of Indigenous People). This commission’s report provided the intellectual framework of the 1993 "Indigenous Law" (ley indígena) or Law Nº 19.253.

The Indigenous Law established the National Corporation for Indigenous Development ( CONADI ), which included directly elected indigenous representatives, advised and directed government programs to assist the economic development of indigenous people. [2] Part of that cultural recognition included legalizing the Mapudungun language and providing a bilingual education in schools with indigenous populations. The Indigenous Law recognized in particular the Mapuche people, victims of the Occupation of the Araucanía from 1861 to 1883, as an inherent part of the Chilean nation. Other indigenous people officially recognized included Aymara, Atacameña, Colla, Quechua, Rapa-Nui (Polynesian inhabitants of Easter Island), Yahgan (Yámana), Kawésqar, Diaguita (since 2006), Chango (since 2020) and Selk'nam (Ona) (since 2023).

Chile is one of the twenty countries to have signed and ratified the only binding international law concerning indigenous peoples, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989. [8] It was adopted in 1989 as the International Labour Organization Convention 169. Chile ratified the convention in 2008. In November 2009, a court decision in Chile, considered to be a landmark in indigenous rights concerns, made use of the ILO convention 169. The Supreme Court decision on Aymara water rights upholds rulings by both the Pozo Almonte tribunal and the Iquique Court of Appeals, and marks the first judicial application of ILO Convention 169 in Chile. [9]

Constitutional recognition

Despite the benefits established by Indigenous Law, it still has its limitations, spurring the emergence of organized Mapuche movements for more direct constitutional recognition. In the 1990s, the Aukin Ngulam Wallmapu or “Council of All Lands” movement began the fight towards constitutional recognition and self-determination. Recognition of plurinational status in Chile would enshrine the indigenous population as its own group deserving of political representation, autonomy, and territorial protection. [10]

As a result of indigenous mobilization and protest, Mapuche organizers encouraged constitutional reform on the national stage. In 2007, Chilean President Bachelet indicated the indigenous constitutional reform as a "high urgency act". [11] Despite Bachelet’s endorsement, the reform was relabeled as a "low urgency act", delaying the procedure of Indigenous constitutional inclusion.

The rejected constitutional proposals would have safeguarded environmental protections, established gender parity, and extended access to education for the Mapuche people, among a host of other social and democratic provisions. [12]

The indigenous fight for independence and more direct recognition remains relevant today. Recent protests provide indigenous activists an opportunity to advocate for amending the constitution to include indigenous rights. In October 2019, there were a series of protests in Santiago, over the increased fare rates for the transportation system. These protests led to debates and discussions over the privatized Chilean social benefits system, and a call to alter the constitution to increase the efficacy of the social welfare system. [13]

These protests culminated in a constitutional draft that would have included constitutional recognition. [14] While in 2020, 78% of Chilean citizens voted in favor of rewriting the constitution, [15] in the 2022 Chilean national plebiscite, 62% of Chilean voters rejected this proposal. Across the border, indigenous people in Bolivia have constitutional recognition. This recognition respects the identities and rights of many of the same indigenous groups that live in Chile. [16] Still, Chile remains the only Latin American country that has yet to constitutionally recognize indigenous populations. [11] The lack of reform is a result of the deep rooted inequality within the Chilean government, stemming from Pinochet-era policies that favor urban elites over environmental and indigenous issues. [17] Looking forward, the Chilean Congress has granted approval for a new Constitutional process, which will draft another potential Constitution. [18]

Current issues

Social and economic status

In 2005, CONADI regularized the property titles to approximately 70,000 hectares (173,000 acres) of land that were restored to 300 Aymara families in the north. However, some observers criticized a lack of transparency in CONADI's land restoration processes and favoritism of the Mapuche over other indigenous groups. [2]

The Ministry of Education provided a package of financial aid consisting of 1,200 scholarships for indigenous elementary and high school students in the Araucania Region during 2005. The government also implemented the Indigenous Scholarship Program that benefited 36,000 low-income indigenous elementary, high school, and college students with good academic performances. [2]

Still the indigenous people in Chile face systemic poverty and discrimination. The limited representation of indigenous peoples in governmental bodies has resulted in instances of encroachment and appropriation of Mapuche territory. Limited access to education has also hindered the Mapuche people from obtaining higher-paying and skilled jobs. Moreover, the Mapuche people are considered to be on the lowest level of socio-economic livelihood in Chilean society. The poverty level for the Mapuche people is 29% compared to the 20% poverty rate of the non-Indigenous Chilean citizens. [19] Their lack of political influence is evident in their interactions with businesses such as Forestry Farms and Lumber companies that exploit Indigenous land. Dispossession of their land and their exclusion from Chilean politics create an avenue for conflict between Indigenous militias and the Chilean state.

Mapuche conflict

Since 2009, there have been frequent instances of violent confrontations between indigenous Mapuche groups and landowners, logging companies, and local government authorities in the southern part of the country. These conflicts were a result of encroachment on indigenous land, a direct result of the continuing lack of constitutional recognition. The confrontations ranged from protests and, occasionally, instances of rock throwing, land occupations, and burning of crops or buildings. Many of these actions were initiated by the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), an indigenous group that has been accused of terrorist acts. [20] [21]

Three CAM-related Mapuches and a non-indigenous sympathizer remained imprisoned in a 2001 arson case in which antiterrorism penalties were applied. The four initiated a hunger strike in March, demanding the terrorism convictions be voided to allow their release on parole. In April the court acquitted two other individuals of all charges, criminal and terrorist, in the same case. In September the Senate rejected a proposed law to allow the release of the four imprisoned on terrorist charges. Government-sponsored legislation which would clarify the application of the antiterrorism law remained pending at year's end. [2]

The government did not act on a United Nations special rapporteur's 2003 recommendation that there be a judicial review of cases affecting Mapuche leaders. The government had not applied the antiterrorism law in Mapuche-related prosecutions since 2002. [2] However, it began again to apply this law in August, 2009, as the Mapuche conflict deepened following several acts of occupation and arson, as well as the killing of a Mapuche activist. [22]

The tensions exposed by the Mapuche Conflict of 2009 reemerged in 2017 under the Bachelet government, in which a covert operation, ‘Operation Hurricane,’ was carried out by police. As a result of the operation, eight CAM Mapchue members were wrongfully arrested for a string of arson attacks. Citing past rhetoric associated with CAM’s political demands, media and business sectors painted a violent picture of the Mapuche community members allegedly involved. However, in October 2017, Chile’s Supreme Court intervened and released the accused based on falsified evidence. As a result, both the director of the intelligence unit and head of police lost their jobs. [23] The incident exposed repeated patterns of violent associations cast on Mapuche activist groups by the press (See also: Rapa Nui police repression and Aymara mining protests). [11]

Still, these types of conflict have continued sporadically to present day with both CAM and the splinter group Weichan Auka Mapu (WAM) continuing to lead protests. Both groups have expressed a willingness to use violence, attacking and sabotaging forestry operations, infrastructural corporations, and private homes of non-indigenous civilians who live on former indigenous lands. These acts are performed with the intent to further the political goals of land redistribution. [24]

Environment

The frequent conflict and protests are mostly a result of threatened indigenous territories. Indigenous land is often at risk as the government or private organizations impact nearby ecosystems. For example, recent hydropower projects harm waterflow and local biodiversity on indigenous land, threatening indigenous spirituality and plant-based medicinal items. [25] Chile has attempted to develop hydropower projects in indigenous territory where the rivers that the energy companies hope to use are sacred to the Mapuche people.

One area impacted by hydropower development is the Puelwillimapu Territory, whose interconnected waterways are referred to as the watershed of Wenuleufu or the ‘River Above,’ giving the region spiritual value. [25] To combat this encroachment, Indigenous people have protested and pushed for more of a voice in projects that can impact their territories. However, smaller scale hydropower projects do not require indigenous consultation.

Indigenous populations have had some success in working with the government to ensure traditionally indigenous coastal areas remain under indigenous administration. Specifically, the Marine and Coastal Areas for Indigenous Peoples Policy (MCAIP) was established in 2008 to protect fisheries and increase Indigenous inclusion in decision making. [26] The government protects these areas as a means of supporting ecological development while also ensuring that indigenous groups are able to maintain control of culturally significant locations.

Indigenous women

Women are at the forefront of Mapuche protests against institutions like forestry companies and the formation of the Ralco Dam. In particular, Berta and Nicolasa Quintremin led the protests against the Dam construction. [5] Their actions marked a transitional period where indigenous movements grew in displays of non-violent fights against social abuses of the state against indigenous life. Indigenous women find themselves at the intersection of the struggle for indigenous rights and the fight for women’s rights. However, indigenous women do not feel represented by the larger women’s rights movement. [5] Their concerns relate to their indigenous identity and they advocate for Mapuche women leadership, land access, collective upliftment of indigenous cultures and increased attainment of rights.

In the Spring of 2018, Emilia Nuyado and Aracely Leuquen became the first two women of the Mapuche Indigenous group to join the Chilean Congress. [27] Nuyado and Leuquen are representatives of the Araucania region, where the tensions between the state and the Indigenous peoples are brewing into a bigger conflict. Nuyado intended to increase the social welfare of Mapuches and oppose anti-terrorist legislation against Mapuche groups.

COVID-19

Historically, indigenous groups have little availability to basic social services, and the COVID-19 pandemic showed the disparity in access to public health services. [28] Coupled with the low-equipped hospitals and inadequate preventive sanitation measures in indigenous towns, indigenous citizens who traveled to find better health care facilities are discriminated against and language barriers prevent proper treatment. Recent studies have found that Indigenous people were much more likely to die from COVID-19 related deaths and were much more susceptible to the virus than any other group in Chile. Data suggests that in the first five months of the pandemic (August 2020), there were 17.5% more cases for cities with large numbers of Indigenous citizens than communities with smaller or no indigenous presence. [29]

Following the Chilean government's mishandling of COVID-19, which disproportionately affected indigenous groups, Mapuche activists gathered in town squares in the Araucania and Biobio regions advocating for Mapuche prisoners. [29] When the virus spread to the prison systems, activists appealed to place Mapuche prisoners in house arrest rather than remaining in prison to avoid unnecessary health risks.

More generally, the Chilean health industry often neglects indigenous healers or other health based traditions. Government regulations prevent certain rituals such as burying the placenta after giving birth. One Intercultural Hospital, however, in the Araucania region has a wing dedicated to Mapuche healthcare and their traditional medicine. There have been several protests to increase these more inclusive practices throughout the country and improve healthcare options for indigenous peoples throughout the country. [30]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Aymara people</span> Ethnic group

The Aymara or Aimara, people are an indigenous people in the Andes and Altiplano regions of South America. Approximately 2.3 million Aymara live in northwest Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and Peru. The ancestors of the Aymara lived in the region for many centuries before becoming a subject people of the Inca Empire in the late 15th or early 16th century, and later of the Spanish in the 16th century. With the Spanish American wars of independence (1810–1825), the Aymaras became subjects of the new nations of Bolivia and Peru. After the War of the Pacific (1879–1883), Chile annexed territory with the Aymara population.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mapuche</span> Ethnic group in South America

The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who share a common social, religious, and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their homelands once extended from Choapa Valley to the Chiloé Archipelago and later spread eastward to Puelmapu, a land comprising part of the Argentine pampa and Patagonia. Today the collective group makes up over 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile and about 9% of the total Chilean population. The Mapuche are concentrated in the Araucanía region. Many have migrated from rural areas to the cities of Santiago and Buenos Aires for economic opportunities, more than 92% of the Mapuches are from Chile.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Araucanía Region</span> Region of Chile

The Araucanía, La Araucanía Region is one of Chile's 16 first-order administrative divisions, and comprises two provinces: Malleco in the north and Cautín in the south. Its capital and largest city is Temuco; other important cities include Angol and Villarrica.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kingdom of Araucanía and Patagonia</span> Self proclaimed unrecognized state

The Kingdom of Araucanía and Patagonia, sometimes referred to as Kingdom of New France, was an unrecognized state declared by two ordinances on November 17, 1860 and November 20, 1860 from Antoine de Tounens, a French lawyer and adventurer, who claimed that the regions of Araucanía and eastern Patagonia did not depend on any other states and proclaimed himself king of Araucanía and Patagonia. He had the support of some Mapuche lonkos around a small area in Araucanía, who thought they could help maintain independence from the Chilean and Argentine governments.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Occupation of Araucanía</span> Incorporation of Araucanía into Chile

The Occupation of Araucanía or Pacification of Araucanía (1861–1883) was a series of military campaigns, agreements and penetrations by the Chilean army and settlers into Mapuche territory which led to the incorporation of Araucanía into Chilean national territory. Pacification of Araucanía was the expression used by the Chilean authorities for this process. The conflict was concurrent with Argentine campaigns against the Mapuche (1878–1885) and Chile's wars with Spain (1865–1866) and with Peru and Bolivia (1879–1883).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco</span> Indigenist organization

Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM) is a radical, militant indigenous organization engaged in political violence in pursuit of attaining an autonomous Mapuche state in the territory they describe as Wallmapu.

The Mapuche conflict involves indigenous Mapuche communities, also known as the Araucanians, located in Araucanía and nearby regions of Chile and Argentina. It is often referred to as a conflict between the Mapuche and the Chilean government or state, despite the fact that there have been a variety of other actors participating in the conflict such as the Spanish Empire as well as corporations such as big forestry companies and their contractors. In the past decade of the conflict, Chilean police and some non-indigenous landowners have been confronted by militant Mapuche organizations and local Mapuche communities in the context of the conflict. Some scholars argue the conflict is an indigenous self-determination conflict; others like Francisco Huenchumilla see it as the expression of a wider political conflict that affects all of Chile given the existence of other indigenous groups.

Plurinationality, plurinational, or plurinationalism is defined as the coexistence of two or more sealed or preserved national groups within a polity. In plurinationalism, the idea of nationality is plural, meaning there are many nationals within an organized community or body of peoples. Derived from this concept, a plurinational state is the existence of multiple political communities and constitutional asymmetry. The usage of plurinationality assists in avoiding the division of societies within a state or country. Furthermore, a plurinational democracy recognizes the multiple demoi within a polity. Reportedly the term has its origin in the Indigenous political movement in Bolivia where it was first heard of in the early 1980s. As of 2022 Bolivia and Ecuador are constitutionally defined as plurinational states.

José Bengoa Cabello is a Chilean historian and anthropologist. He is known in Chile for his study of Mapuche history and society. After the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, José Bengoa was dismissed from his work at the University of Chile by the Pinochet regime. He was the principal advocate for the first Social Forum of the ACLU International Human Rights Task Force, during the SubCommission's fifty-fourth session in August 2002. Bengoa had been living in Cajón del Maipo for some time. For medical reasons and concerns, he sometimes returns to his home in Ñuñoa. The anthropologist had been diagnosed with bone cancer and had a bone marrow transplant in 2017.

As an archaeological culture, the Mapuche people of southern Chile and Argentina have a long history which dates back to 600–500 BC. The Mapuche society underwent great transformations after Spanish contact in the mid–16th century. These changes included the adoption of Old World crops and animals and the onset of a rich Spanish–Mapuche trade in La Frontera and Valdivia. Despite these contacts Mapuche were never completely subjugated by the Spanish Empire. Between the 18th and 19th century Mapuche culture and people spread eastwards into the Pampas and the Patagonian plains. This vast new territory allowed Mapuche groups to control a substantial part of the salt and cattle trade in the Southern Cone.

Terrorism in Chile has occurred since the 1980s and continues until the present. A number of bombings targeted public places, such as subway stations, as well as commercial institutions and interests, such as banks and ATMs.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">CONADI</span> Chilean institution

The National Corporation for Indigenous Development, or Corporación Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena (CONADI') in Spanish, is a Chilean institution founded on September 28, 1993, by the "Ley Indigena 19253".

In Araucania, southern Chile, resides a large Indigenous group, by the name of the Mapuche. This group makes up the majority of individuals living in this region. They were deprived of their territorial and political rights after Chile declared independence from Spain. This decision resulted in the government forcing the Mapuche to live on reserves that they were forbidden to having full ownership of. Due to the perceived injustices they had been experiencing, they decided to start a hunger strike in hopes of changing the current property laws.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Shooting of Camilo Catrillanca</span> Mapuche rights activist

Camilo Marcelo Catrillanca Marín was a Mapuche farmer from Temucuicui in Chile who was shot to death by the Chilean police force under suspicious circumstances. The incident led to protests against police violence, and occurred in the broader context of the ongoing conflict over Mapuche civil rights.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Weichán Auka Mapu</span> Armed Mapuche revolutionary organization from Chile

Weichán Auka Mapu (WAM) is a Mapuche armed and revolutionary organization that operates mainly in southern Chile, being a supporter of armed struggle through arson attacks, sabotage actions and clashes with firearms against police officers, in order to achieve full autonomy for the Mapuche people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Francisca Linconao</span> Indigenous leader in Chile

Francisca Linconao Huircapán, also known as Machi Linconao, is a machi and human rights activist in Chile. She became the first Indigenous rights defender in Chile to successfully invoke the 1989 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention when she sued to stop a company from logging a forest adjacent to her community. In 2021, she was elected as a representative of the Mapuche people to the Chilean Constitutional Convention election.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Elisa Loncón</span> Chilean Indigenous rights activist

Elisa Loncón Antileo is a Mapuche linguist and indigenous rights activist in Chile. In 2021, Loncón was elected as one of the representatives of the Mapuche people for the Chilean Constitutional Convention. Following in the inauguration of the body, Loncón was elected President of the Constitutional Convention. This role, along with her academic career, has placed her at the center of public attention and controversy. In particular, her formal education became a subject of public scrutiny when the Council for Transparency (CPLT) demanded the release of her academic records, igniting a debate about the intersection of race, class, and public transparency in Chile.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Natividad Llanquileo</span>

Natividad Llanquileo Pilquimán is a Mapuche lawyer and human rights activist. Llanquileo was noted for her role as a spokesperson during the 2010 Mapuche hunger strike. She was a member of the Constitutional Convention during its existence from 2021 to 2022.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rosa Catrileo</span> Mapuche lawyer in Chile

Rosa Catrileo Arias is a Mapuche lawyer and politician who serves as a member of the Chilean Constitutional Convention. As an attorney, she has primarily focused on protecting indigenous land rights in the Mapuche conflict.

References

  1. ↑ "Censo 2017". www.censo2017.cl. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Report on Human Rights Practices 2006: Chile. United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (March 6, 2007). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
  3. ↑ "Pre-Columbian civilizations - Settlement in the Cuzco Valley | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  4. ↑ Sauer, Jacob (July 26, 2022). "When Chile's Indigenous Made the Spanish Back Down". Americas Quarterly. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  5. 1 2 3 4 Richards, Patricia (February 2010). "Of Indians and Terrorists: How the State and Local Elites Construct the Mapuche in Neoliberal Multicultural Chile*". Journal of Latin American Studies. 42 (1): 59–90. doi:10.1017/S0022216X10000052. ISSN   1469-767X.
  6. ↑ "Chile: Terror Law Violates Due Process for Mapuche". Human Rights Watch. 2004-10-27. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  7. ↑ "Reforming Chile | Patrick Barr-Melej". University of North Carolina Press. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  8. ↑ "ILOLEX: Submits English query". www.ilo.org. Archived from the original on 19 November 2002. Retrieved 6 June 2022.
  9. ↑ "Chile's Supreme Court Upholds Indigenous Water Use Rights". The Santiago Times. 2009-11-30. Retrieved 2010-03-02.
  10. ↑ Vo, Steven (2021-05-21). "Mapuche Movements in Chile: From Resistance to Political Recognition". Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  11. 1 2 3 Tomaselli, Alexandra (2012). "Natural Resources Claims, Land Conflicts and Self-Empowerment of Indigenous Movements in the "Cono Sur" – The Case of the Mapuche People in Chile". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights. 19 (2): 153–174. doi:10.1163/157181112X639069. ISSN   1385-4879. JSTOR   24675650.
  12. ↑ Dorfman, Ariel (2022-09-06). "Chileans rejected the new constitution, but they still want progressive reforms". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  13. ↑ "Explainer: Chile's constitutional conundrum - To change or not to change?". Reuters. 2019-11-06. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  14. ↑ Fuentes, Catalina Martínez y Cristóbal (2022-04-06). "Ya hay fecha: plebiscito de salida para votar una nueva Constitución será el 4 de septiembre". La Tercera. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  15. ↑ Loncón, Elisa. "The Mapuche Struggle for the Recognition of its Nation From a Feminine and Decolonizing Point of View". ReVista. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  16. ↑ "Bolivia (Plurinational State of) 2009 Constitution - Constitute". www.constituteproject.org. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  17. ↑ "Constitutional Rights and Indigenous Dispossession in Chile". Brown Political Review. 2021-12-02. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  18. ↑ Robinson, Circles (2023-01-21). "Chile: Mapuches React to Rejection of the "Pluri-National"". Havana Times. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  19. ↑ Meza, Laura E. (2009). "Mapuche Struggles for Land and the Role of Private Protected Areas in Chile". Journal of Latin American Geography. 8 (1): 149–163. ISSN   1545-2476. JSTOR   25765242.
  20. ↑ "Piñera aseguró que la CAM es terrorista y está financiada desde el exterior". www.cnnchile.com. 8 August 2017. Retrieved 19 June 2020.
  21. ↑ Navarrete, José (9 January 2020). "Gobierno presentará denuncia por Ley de Seguridad del Estado contra Héctor Llaitul por "incitar y promover la violencia"". La Tercera (in Spanish). Las Condes, Chile. Retrieved 19 June 2020.
  22. ↑ Chile: muerte ahonda crisis con mapuches, http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/america_latina/2009/08/090813_2233_mapuches_chile_jg.shtml
  23. ↑ de la Maza Cabrera, Francisca (2020). "The Neoliberal State and Post-Transition Democracy in Chile". In Gold, Marina; Zagato, Alessandro (eds.). The Neoliberal State and Post-Transition Democracy in Chile: Local Public Action and Indigenous Political Demands. Corporate State Formation and New Egalitarianisms in Latin America. Vol. 1. Berghahn Books. pp. 111–129. ISBN   978-1-78920-657-9. JSTOR   j.ctv1k5317j.8 . Retrieved 2023-05-02.{{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
  24. ↑ Project, Armed Conflict Location Event Data (2020). "Understanding Indigenous Conflict in Chile: January 2019-August 2020". Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project.{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  25. 1 2 Kelly, Sarah (2019-08-01). "Megawatts mask impacts: Small hydropower and knowledge politics in the Puelwillimapu, Southern Chile". Energy Research & Social Science. 54: 224–235. doi:10.1016/j.erss.2019.04.014. ISSN   2214-6296. S2CID   164606915.
  26. ↑ Hiriart-Bertrand, Luciano; Silva, Juan A.; Gelcich, Stefan (2020-08-01). "Challenges and opportunities of implementing the marine and coastal areas for indigenous peoples policy in Chile". Ocean & Coastal Management. 193: 105233. doi:10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2020.105233. ISSN   0964-5691. S2CID   218966559.
  27. ↑ "Chile's first female Mapuche lawmakers given warm welcome". BBC News. 2018-03-12. Retrieved 2023-05-02.
  28. ↑ "COVID-19 and Indigenous peoples | United Nations For Indigenous Peoples". www.un.org. Retrieved 2023-05-02.
  29. 1 2 Millalen, Pablo; Nahuelpan, Hector; Hofflinger, Alvaro; Martinez, Edgars (December 2020). "COVID-19 and Indigenous peoples in Chile: vulnerability to contagion and mortality". AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples. 16 (4): 399–402. doi: 10.1177/1177180120967958 . ISSN   1177-1801. S2CID   226341256.
  30. ↑ "Flying the flag: Indigenous group fights for rights". BBC News. 2020-11-26. Retrieved 2023-05-02.
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