![]() Guarani indigenous women | |
General Statistics | |
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Maternal mortality (per 100,000) | 99 (2010) |
Women in parliament | 15% (2014) [1] |
Women over 25 with secondary education | 35.0% (2010) |
Women in labour force | 57.9% (2011) |
Gender Inequality Index [2] | |
Value | 0.445 (2021) |
Rank | 111th out of 191 |
Global Gender Gap Index [3] | |
Value | 0.707 (2022) |
Rank | 80th out of 146 |
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Women in society |
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Women in Paraguay is a group of women whose rights are challenged in the country of Paraguay. Faced by socioeconomic inequalities and gender pay gap, they experienced significant cultural changes since 1990 as a result of constitutional and legal expansions of women's rights and evolving cultural attitudes. The legal and government institutions currently existing in Paraguay were developed in part through the efforts of feminist organizations in the country that held significant awareness-raising campaigns during the 1990s to formalize the guarantees of women's rights. [4] UN Women supports the Paraguayan State in the challenge to extend women's rights, to fight for gender equality, as well as women's empowerment. It also ensures that women's voices are heard and create more opportunities for women.
In 2015, UN developed its cooperation with state agencies that focused on the empowerment of women. The UN Women cooperation agenda was put into practice by means of the following strategies such as leadership and political participation for women in Paraguay.
Illiteracy rates for women in Paraguay are higher than those of men. This is especially prominent in the older generations of the Paraguay population. The gender gap in education has decreased in recent years. Among youth aged 15 to 24 years, the literacy rate is 99% for both males and females. Young people of both sexes begin dropping out of the education system at significant rates following primary levels and are unlikely to pursue education beyond the secondary level. [5] As of 2010, of the population 15 and over, 92.9% of women and 94.8% of men were literate. [6]
Women's salaries in relation to men's are the second-lowest in Latin America. [7] This is despite the fact that women make up 74% of Paraguay's labour force. [8]
Sexual harassment and discrimination against women in the workplace are common issues in Paraguay. The Labor Code prohibits, but does not criminalize, discrimination or harassment on the basis of sex. Complaints are commonly settled privately. The Secretariat of Women's Affairs occasionally operates programs supporting women's access to employment, social security, housing, land ownership and business opportunities. [9]
Early marriage is common in Paraguay. A 2004 United Nations report estimated that 17 percent of girls between 15 and 19 years of age were married, divorced or widowed. The legal age for marriage in Paraguay is 16. [4]
Divorce was legalized in Paraguay in 1991. [10] Paraguay was one of the last countries to legalize divorce, both in the world and in Latin America. Divorce was also legalized in 1991 in Colombia; [11] across Latin America it was only Chile that had not legalized it by that time, subsequently doing so in 2004. [12] The legalization of divorce in Paraguay had been strongly opposed by the Roman Catholic Church. Divorce rates in Paraguay remain well below worldwide averages, and are the lowest in Latin America. [7]
Fertility rates in Paraguay were historically high relative to other countries in the Latin American region prior to the 1990s, and have significantly declined since then with an estimated rate of 2.9 in 2004. Research has found that births before marriage are common in Paraguay, although this phenomenon is decreasing. One study established that birth rates before a first marriage were 23, 24, and 21 percent, based on 2004, 1998, and 1995–96 data. [13] The maternal mortality rate in Paraguay is 99 deaths/100,000 live births (as of 2010). [14]
Declining cultural influence of the Roman Catholic Church in Paraguay has initiated a change in attitudes towards women's sexuality and the use of birth control. The use of modern contraceptive methods including birth control pills, condoms, and IUDs, increased from a rate of 43% in 1996 to more than 60% by 2004. [13] Adultery was decriminalized in 1990. [15] The HIV/AIDS rate is 0.3% for adults (aged 15–49), as of 2012 estimates. [16]
Abortion remains illegal in Paraguay, with exceptional cases where it can be demonstrated that the life of the mother is in danger. [17] [18]
Agriculture is a significant component of Paraguay's economy and an important source of income, with approximately 45% of Paraguay's workforce being employed in agriculture. Access to land ownership has been problematic for women in Paraguay. However, there are no legal restrictions on female land ownership, although women are half as likely as men to be approved for loans to buy land. The 2002 Agrarian Act includes provisions intended to strengthen women's rights in this regard. [4]
Women in Paraguay have no legal restrictions on holding political office. Women have served in the government as members of the Congress (as National Deputies and as Senators), as governors, as heads of ministries, and there has been one female Supreme Court judge. They are underrepresented in comparison to male members of the government, however, and even relative to the rates of female representation in the governments of other countries of Latin America. Indeed, Paraguay has one of the lowest percentage of women in parliament in Latin America, significantly lower than neighboring Argentina and Bolivia, although higher than Brazil. [19] In 1993 the Paraguayan state created a Secretariat for Women's Affairs within the Office of the President. [20] This secretariat was raised to the status of a Ministry of Women by Act No. 4675, in 2012. [21]
Domestic abuse is a common issue in Paraguay. The legal response of Paraguay to domestic violence has been minimal. Paraguay enacted Law No. 1,600 Against Domestic Violence (Ley No 1.600 contra la Violencia Doméstica) in 2000. While the Criminal Code provides for a crime of domestic violence, this crime has a narrow definition as physical violence that is carried out habitually, and is punishable only by a fine. [22] [23] As of 2014, there have been increasing calls, from both inside and outside of the country, for the enactment of a comprehensive law against violence against women. [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29]
Human trafficking for the purposes of forcing young women into prostitution is a pre-existing issue. In recent years, human trafficking networks organized by Taiwanese and Chinese nationals have been blocked by Paraguayan law enforcement, with Paraguayan women being trafficked to Brazil, Argentina, or Spain to work in brothels. There are no precise estimates of the number of women who are victims of human trafficking, but anecdotal estimates suggest that several hundred Paraguayan women are smuggled out of the country annually. Underage girls are also trafficked within Paraguay and to neighbouring countries as domestic servants. [9]
The movement to expand women's rights in Paraguay grew significantly in the 1920s, in large part through the work of María Felicidad González, who represented her country at a feminist conference in Baltimore, in 1922. One year earlier, on April 26, 1921, she opened the Centro Femenino del Paraguay (CFP) (Women's Centre of Paraguay). Influenced by women's rights movements in North America and Europe, Paraguayan women also began to mobilize and claim their rights. During this period, feminism was associated with the Revolutionary Febrerista Party.
In 1936, during the Revolution of February 17, 1936, the Unión Femenina del Paraguay (UFP) (Paraguayan Women's Union) was created. It was founded on April 26, 15 years after the founding of the Women's Centre of Paraguay, at a meeting that took place at the Colegio Nacional de la Capital, in Asunción. The first president of the Union was Maria F. de Casati.
The Union, in addition to its feminist cause, was openly socialist and part of the wider changes resulting from the Revolution of February 17, 1936. In fact, María F. de Casati stated:
Our feminist movement was born on February 17, with the Revolution that was a clarion call to the popular soul, which opened to everyone the hope for social improvement". [30]
Among the participants in the Union were Elena Freis de Barthe, Lorenza C. de Gaona, and Luisa vda. de Felip. The Union published a periodical called Por la Mujer (For Women), which was the first feminist periodical in Paraguay. Among other causes, it promoted women's suffrage and equality of the sexes.
The Union held meetings in the capitol and throughout Paraguay to raise awareness among women about their rights. Ties were strengthened with other feminist groups in the Americas, including: Asociación Argentina Pro-Sufragio Femenino, the Confederación Femenina de la Paz Americana, Liga Femenina Pro-Union Americana, the Asociación Argentina Pro Paz, and the Asociación Cristiana Femenina.
In 1937, with the fall of the government that came into power following the Revolution of February 17, 1936, the Union was driven to separate.
After passing several years between 1940 and 1945 without a women's rights organization, the Unión Democrática de Mujeres (UDM) (Women's Democratic Union) was founded on December 19, 1946. It grew out of the Agrupación de Mujeres Febrerista Residentes en Montevideo (AMFRM) (Association of Febrerista Women Living in Montevideo), which was connected to the Concentración Revolucionaria Febrerista, a Febrerista exile group based out of Montevideo, Uruguay. The founders of this group included Carmen Soler, Esther Ballestrino, Lilia Freis, and several others. This group was pressured to disband following the Paraguayan Civil War in 1947.
The Movimiento Femenino Febrerista de Emancipación (MFFE) (Febrerista Women's Emancipation Movement) was founded in 1949, and it was the successor organization to the Agrupación de Mujeres Febreristas Residentes en Montevideo. It published a periodical, Correspondencia. The MFFE remained associated with the Concentración Revolucionaria Febrerista group. In 1951, the Febrerista Revolutionary Party was founded, and the MFFE was integrated with it.
Women's suffrage was gained in Paraguay in 1961, primarily because the strongarm president, Alfredo Stroessner, lacking the approval of his male constituents, sought to bolster his support through women voters. [31]
In recent years, almost all major political parties in Paraguay have included groups focussed on women's rights issues. Many members of these groups were part of the Mujeres por la Alianza (Women for the Alliance) movement that supported the candidacy of Fernando Lugo, on April 20, 2008. [32]
Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in Uruguay rank among the highest in the world. Same-sex sexual activity has been legal with an equal age of consent since 1934. Anti-discrimination laws protecting LGBT people have been in place since 2004. Civil unions for same-sex couples have been allowed since 2008 and same-sex marriages since 2013, in accordance with the nation's same-sex marriage law passed in early 2013. Additionally, same-sex couples have been allowed to jointly adopt since 2009 and gays, lesbians and bisexuals are allowed to serve openly in the military.
As established in the Colombian Constitution of 1991, women in Colombia have the right to bodily integrity and autonomy; to vote ; to hold public office; to work; to fair wages or equal pay; to own property; to receive an education; to serve in the military in certain duties, but are excluded from combat arms units; to enter into legal contracts; and to have marital, parental and religious rights. Women's rights in Colombia have been gradually developing since the early 20th Century.
The Courts for Violence Against Women are Specialised criminal courtrooms associated to the Inquiry Courts, established by the Organic Law 1/2004 of Comprehensive Protection Measures against Violence against women. Extraordinarily these courts also have powers in the civil jurisdiction acting as Courts of First Instance and Inquiry. They are associated to the Judicial District, even though one court can be created to cover the area of two or more districts.
Domestic violence in Argentina is a serious issue. Since the 1990s onwards, the Government of Argentina has taken steps to address this problem. However, the policies of Argentina have been criticized for being weak, primarily due to focusing on civil, rather than criminal dealing with this form of violence, and for stressing conciliation between victim and perpetrator. The policy dealing with domestic violence has also been made more difficult due to the decentralized nature of the country: Argentina being a federal state with 23 provinces has caused significant regional variation between provincial policies on domestic violence, with women across the country having differing levels of protection.
The status of women in Argentina has changed significantly following the return of democracy in 1983; and they have attained a relatively high level of equality. In the Global Gender Gap Report prepared by the World Economic Forum in 2009, Argentine women ranked 24th among 134 countries studied in terms of their access to resources and opportunities relative to men. They enjoy comparable levels of education, and somewhat higher school enrollment ratios than their male counterparts. They are well integrated in the nation's cultural and intellectual life, though less so in the nation's economy. Their economic clout in relation to men is higher than in most Latin American countries, however, and numerous Argentine women hold top posts in the Argentine corporate world; among the best known are Cris Morena, owner of the television production company by the same name, María Amalia Lacroze de Fortabat, former CEO and majority stakeholder of Loma Negra, the nation's largest cement manufacturer, and Ernestina Herrera de Noble, director of Grupo Clarín, the premier media group in Argentina.
The lives, roles, and rights of women in Chile have gone through many changes over time. Chilean women's societal roles have historically been impacted by traditional gender roles and a patriarchal culture, but throughout the twentieth century, women increasingly involved themselves in politics and protest, resulting in provisions to the constitution to uphold equality between men and women and prohibit sex discrimination.
The most pervasive violations of women's rights in Paraguay involve sexual and domestic abuse. On average one woman is murdered every 10 days. Although Paraguay has taken several measures to deal with this problem, including creating special police units for domestic violence victims, lack of adequate laws, as well as conservative attitudes within a male dominated society hinder progress.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons in Paraguay face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Both male and female same-sex sexual activity are legal in Paraguay, but same-sex couples and households headed by same-sex couples are not eligible for all of the same legal protections available to opposite-sex married couples. Paraguay remains one of the few conservative countries in South America regarding LGBT rights.
Violence against women in Guatemala reached severe levels during the long-running Guatemalan Civil War (1960-1996), and the continuing impact of that conflict has contributed to the present high levels of violence against women in that nation. During the armed conflict, rape was used as a weapon of war.
The status of women in Spain has evolved from the country's earliest history, culture, and social norms. Throughout the late 20th century, Spain has undergone a transition from Francoist Spain (1939-1975), during which women's rights were severely restricted, to a democratic society where gender equality is a fundamental principle. As such, during the past decades the position of women in Spanish society has greatly improved. Women in the broader Spanish population outnumber men by 900,000, totaling an estimated group of 24 million. Until the establishing of separation of church and state in 1978, the Catholic Church in Spain has played a major role with regard to official views on women's role in society.
Women in Panama are the women who live in or are from Panama. Panamanian women, by tradition, are Hispanic and they are treated as equal to men, accorded with "deference and respect".
Women in Uruguay are women who were born in, who live in, and are from Uruguay. According to Countries and Their Cultures, there is a "very high proportion" of Uruguayan women participating in the labor force of the South American country. The Uruguayan legislation maintains that the women of Uruguay have equal rights to power, authority, and privileges". In reality, however, women are still not occupying "higher economic, professional, political, social, and religious positions". In relation to the political arena, UN Women reported that a 2012 study made by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) ranked Uruguay as being "103rd out of 189 countries in terms of representation of women in Parliament". Uruguay low ranking is partly due to its low political participation of women: only 16% of members of Parliament are women as of 2014.
Rosa Julieta Montaño Salvatierra is a Bolivian attorney, human rights defender, woman's rights activist, feminist writer and a 2015 winner of the US State Department's International Women of Courage Award.
Violence against women in Mexico includes different forms of gender-based violence. It may consist of emotional, physical, sexual, and/or mental abuse. The United Nations (UN) has rated Mexico as one of the most violent countries for women in the world. According to the National Institute of Statistics and Geography in Mexico (INEGI), 66.1 percent of all women ages 15 and older have experienced some kind of violence in their lives. Forty-nine percent have suffered from emotional violence; 29 percent have suffered from emotional-patrimonial violence or discrimination; 34 percent from physical violence; and 41.3 percent of women have suffered from sexual violence. Of the women who were assaulted in some form from 2015 to 2018, 93.7 percent of them did not seek help or report their attacks to authorities.
Ni una menos is a Latin American fourth-wave grassroots feminist movement, which started in Argentina and has spread across several Latin American countries, that campaigns against gender-based violence. This mass mobilization comes as a response to various systemic issues that proliferate violence against women. In its official website, Ni una menos defines itself as a "collective scream against machista violence." The campaign was started by a collective of Argentine female artists, journalists and academics, and has grown into "a continental alliance of feminist forces". Social media was an essential factor in the propagation of the Ni Una Menos movement to other countries and regions. The movement regularly holds protests against femicides, but has also touched on topics such as gender roles, sexual harassment, gender pay gap, sexual objectification, legality of abortion, sex workers' rights and transgender rights.
Montserrat Boix Piqué is a Spanish journalist, considered among the most influential women in her country. In early 2000, she created and developed the concepts of social cyberfeminism, and a year later those of feminist hacktivism. Another of her main areas of work is gender violence and communication. She has also stood out as a defender of the right to communication and citizenship rights for women. Since 1986, she has been a journalist for the Information Services of Televisión Española (TVE), in the international section.
Sergia Galván Ortega is a Dominican feminist activist, teacher, and counselor. She has been active in the feminist movement since 1979. She was born in the provincial capital, Hato Mayor del Rey, in the Dominican Republic.
The Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity is a ministry of the Argentine Government tasked with overseeing the country's public policies on issues affecting women and gender and sexual minorities. The ministry was created in 2019, as one of the initial measures of President Alberto Fernández; the first and current minister is Elizabeth Gómez Alcorta.
Isabel Agatón Santander is a Colombian poet, lawyer, writer and feminist. Promoter of the Rosa Elvira Cely Law which defines femicide as a crime in Colombia, she integrated the editorial commission of Law 1257 of 2008 about violence against women. She was a judge in the Tribunales de Conciencia de Justicia Para las Mujeres in Nicaragua (2015) and El Salvador in which they tried cases of sexual violence and femicide convened by the Red Feminista frente a la Violencia contra las Mujeres (REDFEM) and the Red contra Violencia of the respective countries.
Femicide, broadly defined as the murder of a woman motivated by gender, is a prevalent issue in Latin America. In 2016, 14 of the top 25 nations with the highest global femicide rates were Latin American or Caribbean states. 4,445 women were recorded victims of femicide in the region in 2021, translating to the gender-based murder of about one woman every two hours in Latin America.