General Statistics | |
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Maternal mortality (per 100,000) | 350 (2010) |
Women in parliament | 3.5% (2013) |
Women over 25 with secondary education | 22.5% (2012) |
Women in labour force | 60.6% (2012) |
Gender Inequality Index [1] | |
Value | 0.635(2021) |
Rank | 163rd out of 191 |
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Women in Haiti have equal constitutional [2] rights as men in the economic, political, cultural and social fields, as well as in the family.
However, the reality in Haiti is quite far from the law: "political, economic and social features of Haiti negatively affect most Haitians, but Haitian women experience additional barriers to the full enjoyment of their basic rights due to predominant social beliefs that they are inferior to men and a historical pattern of discrimination and violence against them based on their sex. Discrimination against women is a structural feature in Haitian society and culture that has subsisted throughout its history, both in times of peace and unrest." [3]
Some Haitian scholars argue that Haitian peasant women are often less restricted socially than women in Western societies or even in comparison to more westernized elite Haitian women. [4] They attribute this fact to the influence of African matriarchal systems and of the Haitian Vodou religion which places women at the center of society contrary to purely Judeo-Christian systems. [5] Women priests (named mambos) play equal roles to male priests or Houngan in Haitian vodou. [4]
The sexual equality inherent to Haitian vodou translates into the inclusion of women in all aspects of society. [6] Peasant women specifically, because of their proximity to vodou, have traditionally played a crucial role in Haitian life. [7] Compared to their Latin-American counterparts, the participation of Haitian women in agriculture, commerce and industry has been high. [7] During the US occupation of Haiti (1915-1934) peasant women actively participated in guerilla warfare and anti-US intelligence gathering to free the country. [6] Because of their involvement in commerce, Haitian peasant women have accumulated resources independent of their partners in contrast to more westernized elite Haitian women. [8]
The Haitian government contains a Ministry of Women's Affairs, but it also lacks the resources to address issues such as violence against women and harassment in the workplace. A number of political figures such as Michele Pierre-Louis, Haiti's second female Prime Minister, have adopted a determined agenda in order to fight inequalities and persecutions against women. Her position in office as Prime Minister has had positive effect on female political leadership in a country where the percentage of women in government at ministerial level was 25% in 2005. [9]
Women have been involved in social movements in Haiti since the battle for independence. [10] [11]
A women's movement emerged in Haiti in the 1930s during an economic crisis which is thought to have forced some middle-class Haitian women to work outside the home for the first time unlike peasant women who had always done so. [4] This was also a time at which more elite women began to pursue post-secondary education and when L'Université D'Etat d'Haiti opened its doors to women. [4] The first Haitian woman to receive a secondary education graduated during this period in 1933. [4]
One of the first established feminist organizations in Haiti was called the Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale (Feminine League for Social Action) and was created in 1934. [12] Its mostly elite initial members included: Madeleine Sylvain, Alice Garoute, Fernande Bellegarde, Thérèse Hudicourt, Alice Mathon, Marie-Thérèse Colimon, Léonie Coicou Madiou, Marie-Thérèse Poitevien. [13] The Ligue was banned by the government two months after its founding. [13] The league was reestablished when it agreed to study its goals instead of immediately implementing them. [13] The league is credited for the granting of voting rights for women in 1957. [13]
In 1950, writer and feminist Paulette Poujol-Oriol joined the league. She later served as President of the League from 1997 until her death on March 11, 2011. She was also a founding member of L'Alliance des Femmes Haitiennes, an umbrella organization for more than 50 women's groups. [14]
Some women were appointed to government leadership positions under François Duvalier: Rosalie Adolphe (aka Madame Max Adolphe) was appointed head of the secret police Volontaires de La Sécurité Nationale, also known as the Tonton Macoute, while Lydia O. Jeanty was named Under-Secretary of Labor in 1957 and Lucienne Heurtelou, the widow of former president Dumarsais Estimé, was Haiti's first female ambassador.[ citation needed ] Marie-Denise Duvalier nearly succeeded her father in 1971. [4]
Women in Haiti may suffer threats to their security and well-being because of rape, kidnapping and human trafficking. Women suffer the most from Haiti's chronic political instability.
Documented cases of politically motivated rape, massacres, forced disappearance, and violent assaults on entire neighborhoods increased greatly at the end of 1993 under the military dictatorship of Raoul Cédras. Reports from women's rights groups in Haiti revealed that women were targeted for abuse in ways and for reasons that men were not. Uniformed military personnel and their civilian allies threatened and attacked women's organizations for their work in defense of women's rights and subjected women to sex-specific abuse ranging from bludgeoning women's breasts to rape. [15]
The troubles before the 2004 coup were seen by most of the nationwide women's group as a reminder of the 1991–94 coup d'etat tactics with the use of rape, kidnapping and murders as forms of intimidation. If most of the feminist activists in Haiti campaigned for the election of Jean-Bertrand Aristide before his first term (1991–1995), many of them, especially intellectuals like Myriam Merlet or Magalie Marcelin, condemned how the first democratically elected president of Haiti ruled the country during his second term (2000–2004). [16] Other observers, more favorable of the Fanmi Lavalas party, were more inclined to criticise the period after the coup as a "rewind" back to the same dictatorship tactics, "a terror campaign employing rape, murder and disappearance as tactics, and rapidly increasing insecurity undermining all economic activity of the informal sector." [17]
To this day, Haiti is "gripped by shocking levels of sexual violence against girls"; of particular concern is the number of cases of sexual violence reported in the run-up to or during Carnival. [18]
Amnesty International [19] and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights [3] have laid particular pressure on the duty of the state to act in due diligence necessary to prevent and eradicate violence and discrimination against women.
Though the MINUSTAH has come with a peace-keeping mandate, a number of cases have arisen where the UN soldiers were found to have abused women. [20]
Women in Haiti do not benefit from an equal access to education, this has been an issue for a long time. When researching the history of women's education in Haiti, there are no accounts that start before 1844 since a male dominated society with colonial origins didn't allow girls and women to go to school. This formally changed with The Constitution in 1843, but the first actual account of a primary school establishment for girls was in Port-au-Prince the following year, 1844. The Although the political leadership tried to do something about the unequal education at that time, the economic and social barriers made it very difficult to reach that goal, and it wasn't as late as 1860, that there was a difference in the number of girls going to school. However, secondary school for women developed faster than the girls. The first secondary educational school was established by Marie-Rose Léodille Delaunay in 1850. Organized after the law of 1893, by 1895 the government had established six secondary institutions for women. [21] Though most Latin American countries have achieved universal or near universal primary education for all children, for Haiti primary education, the enrollment rate of boys was still somewhat higher than that of girls by 1987.
The education system in Haiti is one that is underdeveloped. Although there are primary, secondary, and tertiary schools, attendance and graduation from these schools, and upper levels is low, being that the majority of the population are combating poverty and are focused on labour income in order to live. How the system is structured is that formal education begins at preschool followed by 9 years of fundamental education. Starting from the second year of secondary education, students are allowed to seek vocational training programs. Higher education after the completion of second year studies is not common but highly appraised being that most children don't have the chance to begin in the first place. Tuition rates have dramatically increased in the past starting from the preschool level. What once cost 1628 gourdes ($41) in 2004, increased to 4675 gourdes ($117) in 2007. This increase was 187% in the 3 years that most families simply cannot afford, [22] especially for families in rural Haiti. The rural-urban difference is also considerable as nearly 25% of the women in urban areas have finished secondary school, compared with less than 2 percent in rural areas. Overall, according to a study by the Haitian Institute of Statistics and IT, 39% of Haitians has never attended school. There's a high percentage especially in the 6-12 age range that's at 37.7%. [22] Situations only worsened after the 2010 earthquake.
More than 4,000 schools (preschool fundamental, secondary, higher education, and vocational institutions) were damaged and over 1,200 destroyed. The deaths of teachers and students were plenty more. The entire education system had to be shut down, not least because the Ministry of Education itself collapsed. [23] “ With a lack of stable infrastructure. supplies, and a high demand for educated school officials, children, especially women, had to help their family in informal ways. A pre-earthquake study by the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights concluded that almost all Haitian girls work in the informal market, primarily between the ages of 5 and 9. Although sources would like to announce that educational inequality is narrowing as the average growth enrollment has been significantly greater for girls than for boys, it is simply not the case. As of 2015, only 60.7% of the population is literate. [24] Males are more educated, about 64.3% of them know how to learn and write while women, constricted by gender roles and violence are only at 57.3%. [25] [26] [22]
General:
Sex-positive feminism, also known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism, is a feminist movement centering on the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women's freedom. They oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether they are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with marginalized groups. Sex-positive feminism is connected with the sex-positive movement. Sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, LGBT activists, feminist scholars, producers of pornography and erotica, among others. Sex-positive feminists believe that prostitution can be a positive experience if workers are treated with respect, and agree that sex work should not be criminalized.
Sexual violence is any harmful or unwanted sexual act—or attempt to obtain a sexual act through violence or coercion—or an act directed against a person's sexuality without their consent, by any individual regardless of their relationship to the victim. This includes forced engagement in sexual acts, attempted or completed, and may be physical, psychological, or verbal. It occurs in times of peace and armed conflict situations, is widespread, and is considered to be one of the most traumatic, pervasive, and most common human rights violations.
Homosexuality in Haitian Vodou is religiously acceptable and homosexuals are allowed to participate in all religious activities. However, in West African countries with major conservative Christian and Islamic views on LGBTQ people, the attitudes towards them may be less tolerant if not openly hostile and these influences are reflected in African diaspora religions following Atlantic slave trade which includes Haitian Vodou.
Violence against women (VAW), also known as gender-based violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), is violent acts primarily committed by men or boys against women or girls. Such violence is often considered a form of hate crime, committed against persons specifically because they are of the female gender, and can take many forms.
Haitian Vodou is an African diasporic religion that developed in Haiti between the 16th and 19th centuries. It arose through a process of syncretism between several traditional religions of West and Central Africa and Roman Catholicism. There is no central authority in control of the religion and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Vodouists, Vodouisants, or Serviteurs.
Marie-Thérèse Colimon-Hall, was a Haitian writer.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons in Haiti face social and legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Adult, noncommercial and consensual same-sex sexuality is not a criminal offense, but transgender people can be fined for violating a broadly written vagrancy law. Public opinion tends to be opposed to LGBT rights, which is why LGBT people are not protected from discrimination, are not included in hate crime laws, and households headed by same-sex couples do not have any of the legal rights given to married couples.
Patrick Bellegarde-Smith is a professor emeritus of Africology at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee. Bellegarde-Smith is an associate editor of the Journal of Haitian Studies and former president of the Haitian Studies Association and the Congress of Santa Barbara (KOSANBA), a scholarly association for the study of Vodou and other African-derived religions.
The status of women in Ghana and their roles in Ghanaian society has changed over the past few decades. There has been a slow increase in the political participation of Ghanaian women throughout history. Women are given equal rights under the Constitution of Ghana, yet disparities in education, employment, and health for women remain prevalent. Additionally, women have much less access to resources than men in Ghana do. Ghanaian women in rural and urban areas face slightly different challenges. Throughout Ghana, female-headed households are increasing.
There have been several studies concerning women in Ethiopia. Historically, elite and powerful women in Ethiopia have been visible as administrators and warriors. This never translated into any benefit to improve the rights of women, but it had meant that women could inherit and own property and act as advisors on important communal and tribal matters. As late as the first part of the 20th century, Queen Menen, consort of Emperor Haile Selassie I, had a decisive role in running the Ethiopian Empire. Workit and Mestayit regents to their minor sons have been held responsible for their provinces. They owed their rights to landed property because of a special type of land tenure that expected tenants to serve as militia to overlords, irrespective of gender. In 1896, Empress Tayetu Betul, wife of Emperor Menelik II, actively advised the government and participated in defending the country from Italian invasion. Prominent and other landowning women fought against the second invasion in 1935–41. With the assistance of European advisors, women in the ensuing period were kept out of the army and politics, even as advisors. Instead, they were restricted to family and household work of raising children and cooking. With a steady increase in female representation in education, they have started to undertake nursing, teaching, and other similarly supportive roles. Over the 2018–2019 period, their gradual participation in state politics has been increasing at a steady pace.
Deficient sanitation systems, poor nutrition, and inadequate health services have pushed Haiti to the bottom of the World Bank's rankings of health indicators. According to the United Nations World Food Programme, 80 percent of Haiti's population lives below the poverty line. In fact, 75% of the Haitian population lives off of $2.50 per day. Consequently, malnutrition is a significant problem. Half the population can be categorized as "food insecure," and half of all Haitian children are undersized as a result of malnutrition. Less than half the population has access to clean drinking water, a rate that compares poorly even with other less-developed nations. Haiti's healthy life expectancy at birth is 63 years. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that only 43 percent of the target population receives the recommended immunizations.
Feminism in Egypt has involved a number of social and political groups throughout its history. Although Egypt has in many respects been a forerunner in matters of reform particularly "in developing movements of nationalism, of resistance to imperialism and of feminism," its development in fighting for equality for women and their rights has not been easy.
Women in Cambodia, due to the influence of the dominant Khmer culture, are traditionally expected to be modest and soft-spoken. They are to be well-mannered, industrious, and hold a sense of belonging to the household. It is expected that they act as the family's caregivers and caretakers, financial administrators, and serve as the "preserver of the home". As financial administrators, women can be identified as having household authority at the familial level. Khmer women are expected to maintain virginity until marriage, become faithful wives, and act as advisors to their husbands. Women in Cambodia have also be known as “light” walkers-- "light" walking and refinement of the Khmer women is further described as being "quiet in […] movements that one cannot hear the sound of their silk skirt rustling".
The extent of gender inequalities varies throughout Liberia in regard to status, region, rural/urban areas, and traditional cultures. In general, women in Liberia have less access to education, health care, property, and justice when compared to men. Liberia suffered two devastating civil wars from 1989–1996 and 1999–2003. The wars left Liberia nearly destroyed with minimal infrastructure and thousands dead. Liberia has a Human Development Report ranking of 174 out of 187 and a Gender Inequality Index rank of 154 out of 159.
Sexual violence in Haiti is a common phenomenon today, making it a public health problem. Being raped is considered shameful in Haitian society, and victims may find themselves abandoned by loved ones or with reduced marriageability. Until 2005, rape was not legally considered a serious crime and a rapist could avoid jail by marrying his victim. Reporting a rape to police in Haiti is a difficult and convoluted process, a factor that contributes to underreporting and difficulty in obtaining accurate statistics about sexual violence. Few rapists face any punishment.
Women in Trinidad and Tobago are women who were born in, who live in, or are from Trinidad and Tobago. Depending from which island the women came, they may also be called Trinidadian women or Tobagonian women respectively. Women in Trinidad and Tobago excel in various industries and occupations, including micro-enterprise owners, "lawyers, judges, politicians, civil servants, journalists, and calypsonians." Women still dominate the fields of "domestic service, sales, and some light manufacturing."
Alice Garoute was a Haitian suffragist and advocate for women's rights in Haiti, including those of rural women. On her deathbed in 1950, Alice Garoute asked that flowers be placed on her grave the day Haitian women would finally be able to vote. She may have attended the first meeting of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW) in Havana in February 1930. The IACW was in charge of investigating the legal status of women in Latin-America and is credited for being the first governmental organization in the world to be founded for the express purpose of advocating women's issues.
Lucienne Heurtelou was a Haitian diplomat, women's rights advocate, and author. She was the First Lady of Haiti from 1946 to 1950 as the wife of Haitian President Dumarsais Estimé.
Feminism in Indonesia refers to the long history of discourse for gender equality to bring about positive social change in Indonesia. The issues women in Indonesia currently are facing include gender violence, underage marriages, and lack of representation in the political system. Feminism and the women's right movement began during colonial Indonesia under Dutch rule and were spearheaded by the national heroine Kartini, a Javanese noblewoman who advocated for the education of all women and girls regardless of social status. In the early 19th century, women's rights organizations and movements were allowed to developed under Budi Utomo, the first Indonesian Nationalist organization. Modern day Indonesian feminism include and are influenced by both fundamentalist and progressive Islamic women's organizations.
Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale was a women's organization in Haiti, founded in 1934. It was founded by the leading suffragist Yvonne Sylvain in 1934. It was the first feminist organization in Haiti, and played an important role for the struggle for women's suffrage, which was finally introduced in 1950.