Fourth-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began around the early 2010s and is characterized by a focus on the empowerment of women,[1] the use of internet tools,[2] and intersectionality.[3] The fourth wave seeks greater gender equality by focusing on gendered norms and the marginalization of women in society.
Fourth-wave feminism focuses on sexual abuse, sexual harassment, sexual violence, the objectification of women, and sexism in the workplace. Internet activism is a key feature of the fourth wave.[4][5] Fourth-wave feminism broadens its focus to other groups, including the LGBTQ+ community and people of color, and advocates for their increased societal participation and power.[3] It also advocates for equal incomes regardless of sex and challenges traditional gender roles for men and women, which it believes are oppressive. The movement further argues against sexual assault, objectification, harassment and gender-based violence.[6]
Some have identified the movement as a reaction to post-feminism, which argues that women and men have already reached equality. It also brought back some second wave-feminist ideas into discourse, with Martha Rampton writing that the movement criticises "sexual abuse, rape, violence against women, unequal pay, slut-shaming, the pressure on women to conform to a single and unrealistic body-type",[7] and advocates for "gains in female representation in politics and business".
Some feminists argue that in the 1980s conservative figures like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan challenged gains feminists had made up to that point.[8] At the same time, feminists in North America, Latin America, and Europe had succeeded in some of their goals, including the creation of state-run institutions that explicitly promoted women's rights, or feminist involvement in government; however, these institutions also weakened feminist movements by letting the state take over implementation of feminist goals.[9]
European and Latin American third-wave feminism began in the 1990s, as lipstick feminism and consumerist feminism started to come to an end and as feminist activists were rejecting queer theory espoused by American academics.[10][11][12][13][14][15] Fourth-wave feminism developed slowly, globally via the media and the Internet.[16][15] The wave emerged from a new generation of women who had largely not been informed about previous waves through their education at high school, institutions and university. Knowledge about feminism was gained informally and it developed a virtual academy where feminists learned that "the personal is political"; it did not emerge from structured feminist learning.[16] Fourth-wave feminism, like other waves before it, in this period was not about the existence of a single ideology, entity, or collective.[17] It was about drawing together in collective groups to work together towards a common goal of ending violence against women in order to free them for the options to take the paths they desire; it was about mutual commitment and support to other women.[18]
The movement in Spain traces its roots to the murder of Ana Orantes; on 17 December 1997,[17][10] she was burned to death by her husband in her house in Granada for speaking publicly on Canal Sur about how he abused her.[19][20] Early fourth-wave Spanish feminism used television and newspapers as the primary social network.[17][10] Orantes' death brought domestic violence against women to national attention,[21][22] and resulted in RTVE changing its policies on how the station reported on gender-based violence. Similar conversations took place at other television networks and media organizations across the country.[17] Jokes about domestic violence were no longer accepted on Spanish TV.[21][20] Journalists from El Mundo, El País and infoLibre were among Spain's first participants in the fourth-wave, using their positions in the media to talk about a number of issues, mostly centered around sexist violence and its portrayal in the media. They later went on to talk about Spain's gender parity pay problems and promoted taking activism to virtual spaces.[23]
The beginnings of this movement in this period took place in Latin America and Poland.[24] Some of this global desire to act, particularly in a Polish context, came out of the World Conference on Women, 1995 in Beijing.[25]
Social media had an amplifying effect as the fourth-wave feminist movement began to grow.[19][26] Fourth-wave feminism began its peak in Spain, Argentina, Chile and Brazil in 2018 as a result of a number of different factors, with women mobilized on a large scale to take to the streets.[20][27][26] Their mobilization also challenged for the first time, the legitimacy of Spain's judiciary, whereas in previous waves the focus had been more on political leadership and acts of the legislature.[27] The wave in Spain would also face a major challenge, including the emergence of Vox, a far right political party who won seats in Andalusia. Vox was opposed to The Organic Law of Comprehensive Protection Measures against Gender Violence and wanted to see it overturned.[20] In Argentina, the peak would be around the abortion rights issue which saw thousands of women with green scarves take to the streets.[26][28]
In an Anglosphere feminist context, journalist Pythia Peay argued for the existence of a fourth wave as early as 2005, to focus on social justice and civil rights,[29] and in 2011, Jennifer Baumgardner dated the start of the fourth wave to 2008.[30]Twitter, the social network most popular with the 18-to-29 age group, was created in 2006,[31] making feminism more accessible and giving rise to "hashtag feminism".[32]
In 2013, Democratic Texas State Senator Wendy Davis staged a 13-hour filibuster in Texas, in an attempt to prevent an anti-abortion bill from passing. Other women showed support by rallying around the Texas State Capitol and those who were not physically present used the hashtag #StandWithWendy. Similarly, women protested the perceived sexist questions (for example, focusing on appearance or love life) often directed at female celebrities by tweeting the hashtag #askhermore.[33]
Due to the simultaneous existence of multiple waves of feminism – namely the second, third and fourth – many scholars are questioning the use of the wave metaphor in feminism. However, it is still the terminology most commonly used and most easily understood by the public. As the fourth wave finds much of its definition in relation to the previous ones, it is important to understand what the other waves were.[37]
Internationally, comparisons between waves can be difficult. Anglospheric first-wave feminism is second-wave for Europeans and Latin American feminists. Second-wave American and British feminism is also third-wave for Europeans and Latin Americans.[38] Spanish feminism went through several waves in the Franco era.[39]
Broadly speaking, there are first-wave feminism taking place from the mid-nineteenth century to 1965, second-wave feminism taking place from 1965 to 1975 and third-wave feminism taking place from 1975 to 2012.[40][41][42] Fourth-wave feminism in Spain began in the mid-1990s.[17][10] When resolving waves around the work of important Spanish-speaking feminists discussing wave theory like Amelia Valcárcel, the Spanish fourth-wave may at times actually represent an international fifth wave, not a fourth one.[43]
Each feminist wave has a separate identity, although they get harder to distinguish and define clearly as time goes on, due to debate among activists and scholars. In an Anglospheric feminist context, the first wave was characterized by the suffragette movements and had the aim of legalizing women voting in public elections.[37] In the same context, second wave is more difficult to comprehensively define, but is thought to have roots in the 1960s. Its focus shifted to social and personal rights, such as equal pay, choice over bodily issues, sexual liberation and resistance to the gendered double standard in society.[37] There is much debate among Anglosphere academics and activists regarding the true definition of the third wave of feminism. It is most commonly understood as a push by younger generations to create a feminism more centered on inclusivity; privileging the plights of queer and non-white women in their messaging. American poet Natasha Sajé has written, "[It] is an amalgamation of many different streams of theorizing—including that of women of color and younger women disillusioned with what they perceive to make up the body of 'second wave' feminism—in intrinsically different formulations than the theorizing coming from anti-feminists".[44][37]
The Vagenda (2014) by British writers Rhiannon Lucy Cosslett and Holly Baxter (based on their online UJ feminist magazine, The Vagenda, launched in 2012)
Sex Object: A Memoir (2016) by American writer Jessica Valenti
Cosslett and Baxter's book aims to debunk stereotypes of femininity promoted by mainstream women's press.[49] Bates, a British feminist writer, created the Everyday Sexism Project on 16 April 2012 as an online forum where women could post their experiences of everyday harassment.[50]
Third-wave feminists began introducing the concept of male privilege in their writings in the 1990s and fourth-wave feminists continue to discuss it in academia and on social media.[51] American Peggy McIntosh was one of the first feminists to describe the phenomenon of privilege in 1988, calling it (in regards to white privilege) "an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks."[52] Fourth-wave feminists have taken action to reduce and combat this "knapsack" by raising awareness of privileged and unprivileged groups. Alliance is greatly encouraged by these feminists, who believe that males and other privileged groups can still take action for social change within their communities.[53]
London author Nikki van der Gaag discusses the damaging effects of raising young boys with privilege, citing the Consultative Group on Early Child Care and Development, "a tendency to privilege boys [...] does not teach boys responsibility, nor clarify what will be expected from them".[51] Fourth-wave feminists have begun promoting solutions to avoid these issues, such as raising children as gender-neutral. Professor of Neuroscience at Chicago Medical School Lise Eliot points out that infants and growing children are so impressionable that any small differences in raising the child can lead to large personality differences over time, resulting in reinforced gender stereotypes.[54]
Fourth-wave feminists have argued that reinforced gender stereotypes create pressure for men to be breadwinners, as opposed to women, who feel obligated to take on the role of homemakers. Feminists argue that these pressures to conform socially can cause gender discrimination in the workplace and more widely in society.[55] According to Pew Research, a majority of women working in male-dominated workplaces believe that sexual harassment is a problem in their industry.[56]
Intersectionality
One of the main critiques of past waves of feminism has been the centrality and privileging of the voices of middle class white women in the movement. The concept of intersectionality originates in black feminism throughout the 20th century and the specific term's coinage is attributed to Kimberle Williams Crenshaw in 1991. Intersectionality in a broad sense is defined as "the interactivity of social identity structures such as race, class and gender in fostering life experiences, especially experiences of privilege and oppression".[57] It addresses the complexities of how different systems of oppression interact and overlap and has expanded to become a topic in fields of study outside of gender studies and feminism as well,[58] and its main goal as a tool within the feminist movement is to give a voice and power to those who have been pushed to the margins, namely women of color and queer people.[59]
While it has been used widely in conjunction with feminism since the 1990s, the fourth wave of feminism gives the concept a new level of prominence in the movement as the voices of those with marginalized identities are more easily heard with the use of social media. Intersectionality is most closely associated with black feminism in the eyes of both the general public and the world of academia, as a community operating under the oppressive systems of both racism and sexism and as the term intersectionality first gained traction through the work of black feminists. Some would say that "black feminists are read as the embodiment of intersectionality". While the use of intersectionality as a lens through which to view feminist discourse and practice has helped the movement make leaps of progress in regards to bringing forward the voices and needs of oppressed identities, the close association with black women and feminists has given rise to critiques on both sides of the debate.[58]
In terms of defending black women's experiences of intersectionality, one phrase that has been used is "I live it", in reference to the fact that critics are often attempting to disprove life experiences of black women that they have not themselves experienced or have grounds to falsify. Additional critiques against intersectionality from the viewpoint of white, middle-class leaders of feminism include the supposed use of the term to attack these leaders and the essentializing of gender oppression alone as opposed to all systems of oppression. For example, on a 2013 episode of 'Women's Hour' about fourth wave feminism, a Radio 4 program in the UK, a white feminist leader named Caroline Criado-Perez said "a big part of the problem is the way certain women use intersectionality as a cloak to abuse prominent white feminists". This was said in response to a critique of racism within modern feminism made by Reni Eddo-Lodge, a black feminist. On the other side, while intersectionality gives voices to marginalized communities it also often puts the labor of explaining and educating others about the term on those living under oppression, especially black women.[58]
Although a large percentage of activists operating under fourth wave feminism define themselves as intersectional feminists, intersectionality lives mostly in the realm of academia at this point in time.[58]
British professor of marketing and consumer research Pauline Maclaran[60] argues that although celebrities are at the forefront of fourth-wave feminism, ready access to information has enabled the movement to draw greater attention to economic inequalities faced by women than heretofore possible.[61]
Regarded as more inclusive of the LGBTQIA+ community,[61] fourth-wave feminists such as Jacob Bucher of Baker University[62] have protested stereotypes surrounding men's supposed uncontrolled sexual desire and objectification of women. He states that gay men specifically are stigmatized by such stereotypes because they lie outside of the typical standard for masculinity.[63]
Canadian art historian Ruth Phillips argues that fourth-wave feminism falls within the broader agenda of financial, political and environmental concerns and is recognized as a key factor in alleviating poverty, improving women's health and achieving economic growth.[6]
In Latin American fourth-wave feminism, a similar concept to intersectionality is that of transversality.[64][65] It describes "a form of feminism that addresses a wide range of issues in an effort to represent the heterogeneity of society".[64] Examples include addressing colonialism or racism, economic topics and LGBTQ issues.[66][64]
In 2017, the MeToo Movement originated in the United States to empower victims of sexual abuse and harassment. Other countries began their own hashtags with a similar goal, even though reactions of local governments differed. Hashtags associated with the worldwide MeToo Movement include:
As the importance of social media in "creating and sustaining feminist community"[37] is an increasingly popular idea, "diversity and creativity continue to characterize feminist activism" around the world in the 21st century.[37] Communities around the globe witnessed the reflections of "the current, Internet-based fourth wave" feminism and investigated the difference of it.[6] Moreover, the increasing social power of fourth-wave feminist movements prioritize these issues for elected governments, encouraging them to engage with the "new and young feminisms" of the modern day.[74]
For instance, in Canada, after the #MeToo hashtag started trending in October 2017, hundreds of people began to credit fourth-wave feminists with the movement.[75] Another hashtag, #AndNow, became popular in Canada due to the support of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. #AndNow supported discussing the solution to sexual harassment or abuse in the workplace to help people fight for equity between all people.[67]
In India, there have been several movements or protests with large numbers of women, which have changed the perspective of many in the nation regarding femininity.[70] These include the 2003 Blank Noise Project, the 2009 Pink Chaddi (underwear) movement, the 2011 SlutWalk protest, the 2015 Pinjra Tod (Break the Cage) movement and the 2017 Bekhauf Azadi (Freedom without Fear) March. Indian social discourse started to focus on long-term and deep-rooted issues, such as gender inequality, sexual violence, child marriage, sex-selective abortions and dowry-related violence. Many believe it led to the questioning of women's freedoms, choices and desires in society.[70] The influence and power of the campaign made the government expand the legal definition of rape, introduced "harsher punishment for rapists, criminalizing stalking and voyeurism",[70] showed "a new kind of Indian femininity that was comfortable with her modernity and sexuality"[70] and demonstrates the rise of fourth-wave feminism in India.[76]
Ni una menos (meaning "Not One Less") is a Latin American feminist movement originating in Argentina which aims to end violence against women. The movement has engaged in women's strikes, including the International Women's Strike.[66][77]Ni una menos has been described as fourth wave feminism.[65][77][78] According to Cecilia Palmeiro, a founding member of the Ni Una Menos collective, "By connecting perspectives such as indigenous feminism with black feminism, migrant feminism, queer feminism and popular feminism, we made alliances and enlightened the intersection of violences as well as featured possible strategies of resistance. That is why our movement has been described as a fourth wave of feminism or feminism of the 99 percent."[77][78]
In Brazil, on September 19, 2018, the Ele Não movement (Portuguese for 'not him'), also known as the protests against Jair Bolsonaro, were demonstrations led by women which took place in several regions of the country as well as the world. The main goal was to protest against Bolsonaro's presidential campaign and his sexist declarations.[79][80][81][82] It was being used even among national and international celebrities. Madonna was one of the international celebrities who took part in the movement. She posted in her Instagram, where she has more than 12.1 million followers, a picture in which she appears with her mouth sealed by a tape with the saying "freedom". Above, it reads in Portuguese "Ele não vai nos desvalorizar, ele não vai nos calar, ele não vai nos oprimir" (He won't devalue us, he won't silence us, he won't oppress us).[83]
Because Latin American fourth-wave feminism encompasses simultaneously distinct movements, many of which are in tension with one another, some refer to Latin American 'feminisms' in the plural.[84] One of the more controversial branches emerged as a reaction to and rejection of queer feminism and of postmodern feminism,[13][85][24][14] and consists of trans-exclusionary activists who reject prominent feminist academics like Judith Butler and much of feminist theory and seek to create a new anti-LGBT feminist movement by redefining 'woman' as exclusively cisgender and non-intersex, seeking to reframe the queer feminist movement not as an inclusive but as a watering-down of feminism and erasure of females.[13][85][24] Whereas queer feminism was inclusive by expanding binary and cisnormative concepts of gender, these Latin American feminists argue that Butler was attempting to erase the concept of womanhood and thereby women as political subjects,[13] and reject gender studies, calling it a conspiracy to hide women in academia.[13] Defining identity through biology instead of gender and replacing postmodern concepts of femininity with gender-essentialism, they frame queer feminism as a conspiracy to hide 'male' aggressors (trans women) and oppress females.[86][13][24][14]
Roe v. Wade overturn
On June 24, 2022, The U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-3, in favor of Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization which subsequently overruled the previous landmark Supreme Court case of Roe v. Wade as well as Planned Parenthood v. Casey. Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization ruled that the Constitution of the United States does not confer the right to an abortion. The case was presented on the Constitutionality of a 2018 Mississippi law that banned abortion operations after the 15th week of pregnancy.[87] This ruling makes Dobbs to be considered a landmark decision of the court. The decision on June 24, 2022 came after a leak on May 2, 2022, which showed leaked documents of the majority opinion by Justice Samuel Alito, which criticized Roe. The following day the Supreme Court confirmed these documents to be legitimate but stated these documents do "not represent a decision by the Court or the final position of any member on the issues in the case".[88]
The impact of the overturn of Roe v. Wade was significant and impactful for all women across the country. Once Roe was overturned, various states across the United States followed suit in determining their stance on the Constitutionality of a protected right to abortion. Some states' older restrictions on abortion that were put on hold after Roe was passed, were now put back into place. Many states also had trigger laws that were put into place in May 2021, when the Supreme Court agreed to hear Dobbs arguments.[89] These states include Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming. Some of the states never removed their pre-Roe abortion bans. They were unable to be enacted while Roe was in effect, but were put back into place after the overturning of Roe.[90]
Protests spread all across the U.S. after the announcement of the overturn of Roe. These protests were largely peaceful and were carried out in 46 states.[91]
The medical impact of the overturn of Roe has large and significant implications for medical and nursing education "and will reshape the knowledge, skills, and quality of care provided by future physicians and nurses, particularly in states with bans on abortion or pregnancy age restrictions".[92] Medical students without the knowledge to perform a safe and legitimate abortion will also not have the knowledge to treat other pregnancy related complications such as placental abruption, infections, ectopic pregnancy, and eclampsia, because the techniques and tools used during these procedures are similar or the same to a standard abortion.[93] As abortion education within our country declines, the long-term quality of reproductive care in the United States will likely deteriorate. Studies showed that in comparison to women who had an abortion, those who were forced to carry an unintended pregnancy to term and give birth, had poorer physical health.[94] Similarly, women who were denied an abortion also had poorer well-being and reported an incline in their anxiety and depression as soon as a week after being denied.[94]
The discussion of where fourth-wave feminism falls into the overturning of Roe is on-going online.
Social media
While previous waves of feminism have encountered such obstacles as rigid sociopolitical structures and a lack of available communication channels,[95] fourth-wave feminists harness digital media as a far-reaching platform on which to connect, share perspectives, create a broader view of experienced oppression and critique past feminist waves.[96][37][45] Some argue that the use of technology in fourth-wave feminism signified a shift out of post-feminism and out of exclusively scholarly discussions.[97] Social media allows women to share their experiences from all over the world and is a space where people can rally for change.[98] It allows a broader range of people to participate in feminist discussions, debates and activism. In the past, these debates have often existed exclusively in the world of acedemia, leading to a smaller range of perspectives that have limited previous movements.[99] Due to the global participation made possible by the internet, it has been argued that the fourth-wave exists online.[97]
The speed of communication and concept of "going viral" has been a major factor in the success of contemporary feminist campaigns, fostering digital phenomenon such as "call-out culture". In the world of cyberfeminism, call-out culture is used as a tool to accuse sexual predators in a manner that allows for optional anonymity and the larger possibility of wide-ranged support. Hashtag feminism campaigns are often a result of this culture.[97]
Social media activism has manifested as Twitter threads critiquing perceived transphobia in the media[102] and in so-called "hashtag feminism" campaigns, notably #MeToo,[35]#YesAllWomen, #bringbackourgirls, #NotYourAsianSidekick and #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen.[103] Girlgaze, launched by Amanda de Cadenet, is an online multi-sided platform that directly connects businesses, companies and brands with women and non-binary creative talent,[104] promoting the need for diversity, inclusion and representation across the creative industry. Time named a group of activists prominent in the #MeToo movement, dubbed "the silence breakers", as its 2017 Person of the Year.[105][106][107]
The Everyday Sexism Project, established in 2012 by feminist author Laura Bates, is an example of a fourth-wave feminist campaign that began online and utilized the internet as a medium for women to share stories of sexism and sexual assault they had faced through the use of a hashtag and sites like Twitter and blogs. The project brought awareness to the prolific nature of structurally ingrained sexism and gendered violence that is often a stigmatized topic in the everyday.[109]
One critique of social media feminism is the emotional toll it can take on active leaders and participants as a form of unpaid labor that can often have harsh repercussions in the form of online harassment and abuse.[97][99]
Sahar Khamis, a professor at University of Maryland, argues that social media gives feminists a unique avenue to highlight moments of solidarity in the social movement creating a powerful energy.[110] Social media allows interconnected groups and individuals to network and connect with each other. Younger generations of feminists are more likely to form their beliefs and opinions and develop their support for the movement through social media.[110]
Men and the fourth wave
Importance of men's participation
According to the International Women's Development Agency, feminism is "about all genders having equal rights and opportunities."[111] More than 70% of U.S. fathers take parental leave, but receive less than two weeks off after the birth of their child.[112] Four times more men than women die by suicide in the U.S., due to stigma around mental health and seeking help for it.[112]
In Emma Watson's 2014 speech launching the HeForShe campaign for UN Women, she points out that "men don't have the benefits of equality either."[113] She cites examples from her own life where she has noticed this, including seeing her "father's role as a parent being valued less by society," and witnessing her male friends struggle to express their emotions.[113] From the HeForShe website, HeForShe is "an invitation for men and people of all genders to stand in solidarity with women" in order to achieve gender equality for everyone.[114]
Challenges for male feminists
Societal pressure and the ideals of toxic masculinity can make it difficult for men to support feminism.[115] In many societies, to be considered 'masculine', men must be "strong, active, aggressive, tough, daring, heterosexual, emotionally inexpressive and dominant."[115] Among these types of traits is the idea present in many cultures globally that being a man "often involve[s] male domination over women."[112]
Fourth wave feminism has been able to reach a larger audience than the previous waves via social media.[116] In May 2023, researchers conducted an experiment designed to find the effect of feminist content on social media on millennial men and men from Generation Z.[117] The findings included mixed messages, with one participant stating that so-called 'hashtag' feminism "[spread] real awareness of the struggles women face that [men] are not all the time aware of, and sometimes never aware of."[117] The participants also felt that hashtag feminism was difficult for men to engage with, with one man stating that he doesn't "know how to engage with it in a way that doesn't come off as hostile."[117]
Men's feminist media and advocacy
In more recent years, the number of men acting to publicly support feminism has increased; celebrities such as Justin Baldoni, Terry Crews, Matt McGorry, and Alan Cumming have spoken and acted in support of the movement.[118] Baldoni's TED Talk, "Why I'm done trying to be man enough", asks questions like "are you brave enough to be vulnerable?" and "are you strong enough to be sensitive?"[119] "Why I'm done trying to be man enough" touches on recognizing privilege, amplifying women's voices, and the importance of creating male friendships in which men can speak about real struggles together.[119] In 2014, Terry Crews published his book, Manhood: How to Be a Better Man–or Just Live with One, a memoir discussing how to be a "good man, loving husband, and responsible father."[120] Crews has also publicly voiced his support for gender equality in an interview with BUILD Series[121] and on his Twitter account.[118]
In addition to celebrities, former president Barack Obama authored an article titled "This is What a Feminist Looks Like", discussing gender roles and the need for everyone to fight sexism.[122] Obama asserts that gender stereotypes "limit our ability to simply be ourselves" and that twenty-first century feminism is "the idea that when everybody is equal, we are all more free."[122]
In September 2014, the Obama-Biden White House founded It's On Us, which became the largest nonprofit dedicated to preventing sexual assault on college campuses in the U.S.[123]
In 2015, The Mask You Live In, a documentary film directed by Jennifer Siebel Newsom, premiered at Sundance Film Festival.[124] The documentary details the environment and expectations that boys grow up with in the United States, using analysis from experts in various fields and firsthand accounts of experiences to illustrate how gender roles affect boys and men.[125]
One criticism of fourth-wave feminism is that it depends on digital and emerging technology, which means enabling underserved communities to engage with digital tools in a way that is empowering, these arguments are advanced and countered in the pioneering work of Nancy Mauro-Flude, recognised for her integration of performance art, digital media, and critical technology studies, with a focus on feminist perspectives and the politics of digital literacy.[127] Using an image of Nancy Mauro-Flude theatre work Error_in_Time()[128] to start her article, Ragna Rök Jóns argued that "[t]he key problem that this '4th Wave' will face will be the disproportionate access to and ownership of digital media devices." The fourth wave is left with the "inherent classism and ableism" created by giving the greatest voice to those who can afford and use technology,[129] while the growth of social media in regions plagued by pervasive social injustice remains slow.[3] North American sociologist Amanda E. Vickery claims that fourth-wave feminism marginalizes women of color who are fighting for inclusivity, neglecting the specific injustices they face to make way for the mainstream struggle.[130]
Critics argue that efforts by large corporations such as Dove to capitalize on the movement through activist advertising[131] may be inimical to fourth-wave feminism, which tends to be critical of capitalism as an economic system.[132]
The conservative critique of fourth-wave feminism is that when women believe that the world is set against them through social systems such as patriarchy, they will abandon all efforts instead of competing with men as equals. Author Joanna Williams writes in The American Conservative that fourth-wave feminism encourages women to "call upon external helpmates, like the state and ugly identity politics that push good men away". Williams also associates the movement with the "regressive left", claiming fourth-wave feminists are authoritarian and illiberal by dictating acceptable ideologies and policing the speech of men and women.[133]
It is also argued that when people participate in Internet activism, they may not feel the need to do anything else to help the effort and to make themselves feel good.[134] This type of activism is addressed in feminist punk band Le Tigre's 2001 song "Get Off the Internet", from before social media came into the picture. Later, in 2015, Alex Guardado asserted in an article on Twitter activism for NewUniversity.org that after contributing their say, people just "continue on with their day, liking other posts or retweeting". Some may think of themselves as activists while never bothering to attend a rally or extend their message beyond their Twitter fan base.[135] While various feminist campaigns have spread via social media, the term slacktivism was coined to describe the mass media users who may speak out on their online platform but do little else to stimulate social action outside of their online platform.[136] This forms part of a greater dialogue surrounding the roles and requirements of activism in an age where communities operate almost as equally online as they do face-to-face.[137]
Jennifer Simpkins of The Huffington Post argued in 2014 that fourth-wave feminism had created a hostile, Mean Girls–like atmosphere, in which women are more likely to tear each other down. "I've actually never once been belittled and attacked by a man for believing in the cause of feminism ... but women are just about lining up to take a whack at the shoddy piñata of my personal tastes and opinions".[138] British scholar Ealasaid Munro says that the call-out culture of fourth-wave feminism risks marginalizing and separating people over minor disagreements when they could serve better as allies.[3]
Women and their gendered issues are not uniform and many variations in issues are a result of related issues such as race, sexuality and class and Munro also provides the critique that mainstream feminism is focused on the struggle of middle-class white women.[3] Social campaigns that cast celebrities as the face of the movement, such as the Me Too movement, have been criticized, because celebrities often represent the privileged sectors of society, which in turn negate the efforts to expand upon the intersectionality of feminism.[139]
The wave narrative itself is criticized due to perceptions that it is only inclusive of western feminist movements[37] and that the fourth wave itself takes place in the global north, often neglecting the struggle of women in other regions.[6] Critics also argue that using waves to define periods of feminism is no longer useful.[140] They believe there is no need for it anymore and that it can get confusing.[141] The wave narrative is also contested due to the overlapping nature of the waves of feminism and the lack of concrete definitions due to disagreements between scholars and activists as to what the waves respectively encompass.[142]
Other critiques of fourth-wave feminism include its lack of clear evidence in most cases of social media use. Along with this, some argue that though all issues should be dealt with, smaller issues must not be inflated to a higher level by the feminist movement. One example of this is Matt Damon's response to the Harvey Weinstein case, "I do believe that there is a spectrum of behaviour, right? [...] There's a difference between, you know, patting someone on the butt and rape or child molestation, right?" Social media also can be seen as ineffective as it brings down "bogeyman" individuals rather than, "invent[ing] a different language or logic that can excise or alter the structures of oppression" as Sarah K. Burgess describes.[143]
1 2 3 Cuaderno, El (29 October 2018). "Entrevista a Beatriz Gimeno". El Cuaderno (in European Spanish). Archived from the original on 26 April 2019. Retrieved 26 April 2019.
↑ Peay, Pythia (2005). "Feminism's Fourth Wave". Utne Reader. No.128. Topeka, Kansas: Ogden Publications. pp.59–60. Archived from the original on 8 September 2016. Retrieved 7 October 2017.
↑ Manzano Zambruno, Laura (2018). "Apropiación ideológica y feminismo mediático: una aproximación crítica al caso Weinstein y el #MeToo en las ediciones digitales de S Moda y Mujerhoy". Masters Thesis at Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo II (in Spanish). hdl:11441/78897.
↑ Martin, Courtney E.; Valenti, Vanessa (15 April 2013). "#FemFuture: Online Revolution"(PDF). Barnard Centre for Research on Women. Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 May 2016. Retrieved 8 November 2015.
↑ Case, Kim A. (2012). Systems of privilege: intersections, awareness, and applications. Wiley-Blackwell. OCLC799010636.
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Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that modern societies are patriarchal—they prioritize the male point of view—and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.
The history of feminism comprises the narratives of the movements and ideologies which have aimed at equal rights for women. While feminists around the world have differed in causes, goals, and intentions depending on time, culture, and country, most Western feminist historians assert that all movements that work to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist movements, even when they did not apply the term to themselves. Some other historians limit the term "feminist" to the modern feminist movement and its progeny, and use the label "protofeminist" to describe earlier movements.
Second-wave feminism was a period of feminist activity that began in the early 1960s and lasted roughly two decades, ending with the feminist sex wars in the early 1980s and being replaced by third-wave feminism in the early 1990s. It occurred throughout the Western world and aimed to increase women's equality by building on the feminist gains of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Third-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began in the early 1990s, prominent in the decades prior to the fourth wave. Grounded in the civil-rights advances of the second wave, Gen X third-wave feminists born in the 1960s and 1970s embraced diversity and individualism in women, and sought to redefine what it meant to be a feminist. The third wave saw the emergence of new feminist currents and theories, such as intersectionality, sex positivity, vegetarian ecofeminism, transfeminism, and postmodern feminism. According to feminist scholar Elizabeth Evans, the "confusion surrounding what constitutes third-wave feminism is in some respects its defining feature."
Black feminism is a branch of feminism that focuses on the African-American woman's experiences and recognizes the intersectionality of racism and sexism. Black feminism philosophy centers on the idea that "Black women are inherently valuable, that liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else's but because of our need as human persons for autonomy."
Antifeminism, also spelled anti-feminism, is opposition to feminism. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, antifeminists opposed particular policy proposals for women's rights, such as the right to vote, educational opportunities, property rights, and access to birth control. In the mid and late 20th century, antifeminists often opposed the abortion-rights movement.
Fat feminism, often associated with "body-positivity", is a social movement that incorporates feminist themes of equality, social justice, and cultural analysis based on the weight of a woman or a non-binary feminine person. This branch of feminism intersects misogyny and sexism with anti-fat bias. Fat feminists advocate body-positive acceptance for all bodies, regardless of their weight, as well as eliminating biases experienced directly or indirectly by fat people. Fat feminists originated during third-wave feminism and is aligned with the fat acceptance movement. A significant portion of body positivity in the third-wave focused on embracing and reclaiming femininity, such as wearing makeup and high heels, even though the second-wave fought against these things. Contemporary western fat feminism works to dismantle oppressive power structures which disproportionately affect fat, queer, non-white, disabled, and other non-hegemonic bodies. It covers a wide range of topics such as diet culture, fat-phobia, representation in media, ableism, and employment discrimination.
Feminism is aimed at defining, establishing, and defending a state of equal political, economic, cultural, and social rights for women. It has had a massive influence on American politics. Feminism in the United States is often divided chronologically into first-wave, second-wave, third-wave, and fourth-wave feminism.
Feminist views on transgender topics vary widely.
The feminist movement, also known as the women's movement, refers to a series of social movements and political campaigns for radical and liberal reforms on women's issues created by inequality between men and women. Such issues are women's liberation, reproductive rights, domestic violence, maternity leave, equal pay, women's suffrage, sexual harassment, and sexual violence. The movement's priorities have expanded since its beginning in the 1800s, and vary among nations and communities. Priorities range from opposition to female genital mutilation in one country, to opposition to the glass ceiling in another.
The socio-political movements and ideologies of feminism have found expression in various media. These media include newspaper, literature, radio, television, social media, film, and video games. They have been essential to the success of many feminist movements.
Marta Lamas Encabo is a Mexican anthropologist and political science professor at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), and lecturer at the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM). She is one of Mexico's leading feminists and has written many books aimed at reducing discrimination by opening public discourse on feminism, gender, prostitution and abortion. Since 1990, Lamas has edited one of Latin America's most important feminist journals, Debate Feminista. In 2005, she was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize.
Indigenous feminism is an intersectional theory and practice of feminism that focuses on decolonization, Indigenous sovereignty, and human rights for Indigenous women and their families. The focus is to empower Indigenous women in the context of Indigenous cultural values and priorities, rather than mainstream, white, patriarchal ones. In this cultural perspective, it can be compared to womanism in the African-American communities.
Ni una menos is a Latin American fourth-wave grassroots feminist movement, which started in Argentina and has spread across several Latin American countries, that campaigns against gender-based violence. This mass mobilization comes as a response to various systemic issues that proliferate violence against women. In its official website, Ni una menos defines itself as a "collective scream against machista violence." The campaign was started by a collective of Argentine female artists, journalists and academics, and has grown into "a continental alliance of feminist forces". Social media was an essential factor in the propagation of the Ni Una Menos movement to other countries and regions. The movement regularly holds protests against femicides, but has also touched on topics such as gender roles, sexual harassment, gender pay gap, sexual objectification, legality of abortion, sex workers' rights and transgender rights.
Multiracial feminist theory refers to scholarship written by women of color (WOC) that became prominent during the second-wave feminist movement. This body of scholarship "does not offer a singular or unified feminism but a body of knowledge situating women and men in multiple systems of domination."
White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women while failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges. Whiteness is crucial in structuring the lived experiences of white women across a variety of contexts. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women in the space. The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.
Feminism in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition period took place in a specific socio-historical context. Spanish feminism went through several waves in the Francoist period. Broadly speaking, they are first-wave feminism taking place from the mid-nineteenth century to 1965, second-wave feminism taking place from 1965 to 1975, and third-wave feminism taking place from 1975 to 2012.
Fourth-wave feminism in Spain is about digital participation in virtual spaces, encouraging debates and using collective force to enact change. It is about fighting patriarchal systems, denouncing violence against women, and discrimination and inequality faced by women. It is also about creating real and effective equality between women and men. It has several major themes, with the first and most important in a Spanish context being violence against women. Other themes include the abolition of prostitution, the condemnation of pornography, the support of legal abortion, the amplifying of women's voices, ensuring mothers and fathers both have access to parental leave, opposition to surrogacy, and wage and economic parity.
Vindicación Feminista was a monthly feminist magazine which was published in Barcelona, Spain, in the period 1976–1979. It is the first feminist magazine established in Spain during the transition from dictatorship to democracy. The magazine was part of the second wave feminism.
Anne Zelensky is a French feminist activist and author. She is known for being a prominent figure in the Mouvement de libération des femmes, which took place in 1970 that advocated to consolidate fundamental rights for women in France.
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