White feminism

Last updated

White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women but are perceived as failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges.Whiteness is crucial in structuring the lived experiences of white women across a variety of contexts. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. [1] [2] In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women the space. [3] The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. [4] This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.

Contents

While the term white feminism is relatively recent, the critics of the concepts it represents date back to the beginning of the feminist movement, especially in the United States. [5] [6] The label has recently increased in use, as intersectional theory has entered more mainstream national conversations in the US [lower-alpha 1] since the late 2010s. Others question the label, claiming it is used to attack white feminists, whether or not they are inclusionary of minority women. [7] [8]

Origins

At its origin, feminism in Western societies was represented by white educated women primarily focusing on the right to vote and political representation. [9] An example of the criticized practices[ by whom? ] is found in Mary Wollstonecraft's text, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman [10] published in 1792, where Wollstonecraft advocates for moral and political equality between men and women, however only addressing members belonging to the middle-class.[ citation needed ] Similarly, in France, Olympe de Gouges advocated for women’s rights in her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen as early as 1791. [11] White feminism aligns itself to white supremacy by attempting to hide white women's participation and function in white supremacy by seeing them as victims because of their gender but not holding white women accountable for their part in it when women of color are excluded. [12]

"Feminism without intersectionality is just white supremacy" Feminism without intersectionality is just white supremacy.jpg
"Feminism without intersectionality is just white supremacy"

Intersectionality

Kimberlé Crenshaw, Columbia scholar and Professor of Law at the University of California, Los Angeles, has championed Black feminism movements and provided the foundational framework for the idea of intersectionality. In Crenshaw's words, intersectionality is "a lens through which you can see where power comes and collides, where it interlocks and intersects". [13] In her 1989 article, "Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and antiracist politics", Crenshaw illuminates the compounded nature of Black women's experience of discrimination and injustice.[ citation needed ] As race and gender intersect, Black women are subjected to racist and misogynistic treatment, simultaneously. This article serves as the foundational literature for implementing a multi-axis framework analysis of race and gender.[ citation needed ] Crenshaw argues that historically, Black women have been excluded from both the Civil Rights Movement as well as Feminist movements, despite their unique presence in both identities. The intersection of non-white ethnicity and female gender identity compounds the harmful, unjust, discriminatory actions against members of these groups; women of color. Applying a single-axis framework of analysis, Black women in the twentieth century were excluded from social justice campaigns as white women dominantly represented the feminist movements while Black men represented the Civil Rights Movement.[ citation needed ]

Crenshaw's application of an intersectional lens to analyze the experience of Black women remains relevant and useful in considering the presence of white feminism in activist movements today. Without this lens, women of color are "theoretically erased" from both feminist and antiracist analyses.[ citation needed ]

First-wave feminism (1848–1960s)

Women's suffrage parade in New York City, May 6, 1912. Feminist Suffrage Parade in New York City, 1912.jpeg
Women's suffrage parade in New York City, May 6, 1912.

The first wave of feminism began in the late nineteenth century, and focused on the equality of political and economic rights. The rights women were fighting were: women's suffrage, access to education, ability to hold political office, equality in the workforce, and legal rights in marriage. [14] This wave officially started with the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention in Seneca Falls, New York, towards the end of the Industrial Revolution. The goal of this wave was to open up opportunities for women, with a focus on suffrage. [15] It was a movement predominantly organized and defined by middle-class, educated white women, and therefore concentrated mostly on issues pertaining to them. [16] [17]

While some women of color were part of the first-wave feminist movement, such as the Indian suffragette Sophia Duleep Singh, on the whole the first suffragist movements remained primarily white; for example, there has been no historical evidence pertaining to the participation of Black British women in UK suffrage movement.[ citation needed ] In 1893, New Zealand became the first region in the British Empire to grant women of all ethnicities the right to vote; this was met with anger from some suffragists, including Millicent Fawcett, who expressed displeasure that Māori women in New Zealand were able to vote, while women in Britain were not. [18] American suffragettes Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton fought for white women to get the right to vote in the United States, which led to white women gaining the right to vote before African American men. [19] [20] [21]

Nevertheless, their “History of Woman Suffrage”, is a clear example of white feminism as it widely disregards the role of Black women while focusing on white figures of the movement.[ citation needed ] While 1920 is celebrated as the beginning of women's voting rights in the United States, African American women were still evicted from voting polls in the Jim Crow South. At that time, African Americans were excluded from the feminist movement. In fact, the Black suffragist Mary Church Terrell was denied the help of white activists. [22] Although women of color are not commonly referenced in the feminist literary space, they were still active during the origins of feminism. [23] [24] For example, as early as 1851, Sojourner Truth, a former slave, delivered a speech “Ain’t I a woman” in which she calls for what would be later on described as intersectionality. [25]

Second-wave feminism (1960s–1980s)

Second-wave feminism began in the 1960s and lasted through the 1980s. This time period focused on women in the work environment, owning sexuality, reproductive rights, domestic violence, and rape. [26] Although second-wave feminism was similarly shaped by middle-class, educated white women, it also saw the emergence of women of color into the discussion. [27] In 1973, African American feminists convened at the National Black Feminist Organization, discussing the same issues that the rest of the feminist movement was addressing. [28] Although a separate organization, it gave both white and African American feminists alike a common ground. [28] In this way, the second wave also began to incorporate women of color, whereas the first wave focused mostly on white, cisgender, middle-class women. [29]

The Second Sex by Simone de Beauvoir, stands as one of the most striking examples of the essentialization of women in the figure of the white bourgeoise mother and hence disregard for other forms of oppression such as race or sexuality. Nevertheless, this book has appeared as a landmark which has enabled other more complex theories to emerge. [30] [31] During the second and third-wave feminist periods, women of color emerged into the feminist literary space, arguing that feminist movements were essentializing the experiences of women. Among such feminists were bell hooks. bell hooks is recognized for writing about the struggles that Black women experienced as well as emphasizing that the feminist movement was exclusionary towards those women by virtue of its inattention to the interactions between race, gender, and class. [32] hooks argued that white women should recognize the fact that they, like ethnic minority men, occupied a position of being both oppressed while also being oppressors. In an attempt to shun the critiques addressed by scholars from minorities exposing second-wave feminism, the latter sought to divert attention by exposing the exclusionary practices of second-wave feminism. This has been criticized by many scholars which have labeled it under several names such as missionary, imperialist, or western feminism. [33] [34]

Third-wave feminism (1990s–2010)

Led by Generation X, third-wave feminism began in the 1990s when issues surrounding sexuality, such as pornography were brought to the forefront. [35] One of the reasons for the split in the second wave was due to differences regarding how women should embrace their sexuality, leading to different views on sex work and pornography. [36] Third-wave feminists coined the term "riot grrls" which represented strong, independent and passionate feminists in this time period. "Grrls" were typically described as angry feminists fighting against sexism. [37] The third wave was inspired by the post-modern society, in which women worked to reclaim their own power over derogatory words men have used to shame them, like 'whore' and 'slut'. The third wave was also created in order to address social issues the current generation was facing. [38] This also worked to advocate for women's sexual liberation and expression of gender identity. [35] This wave also included even more women of color and women from different classes than previous waves. [35] When comparing the second and third wave, the third wave highlighted intersectionality. [39]

21st century intersectional feminism, or fourth-wave (2010–present)

During third-wave feminism and at the start of fourth-wave feminism after 2010, feminists sometimes emphasize intersectional perspectives in their work. [40] Despite this, some have argued that feminist media continues to overrepresent the struggles of straight, cisgender, able-bodied, middle class, white women. [41] [27] Nevertheless, in recent years, authors like Kimberlé Crenshaw have developed the theory of intersectionality, a clear opposition to white feminism. Rather than analyzing society from a unique perspective of race or gender, she calls for a more complex analysis of systems of oppression using multiple and overlapping lenses such as race, gender, sexuality, etc. [42]

An example of a view of feminism that claims that women's issues can be separated from issues of class, race, ability in present day can be seen in the work of Emily Shire, [43] politics editor at Bustle and an op-ed contributor for The New York Times. Shire argues that feminism excludes some women who do not share political viewpoints when it takes positions on Israel and Palestine, efforts to raise the minimum wage, and efforts to block the construction of oil pipelines. [44] Shire's position contrasts with intersectional feminist activists who view pay equity, social justice, and international human rights as essential and inseparable commitments of feminism, as articulated in the Day Without a Woman platform that "[recognizes] the enormous value that women of all backgrounds add to our socio-economic system – while receiving lower wages and experiencing greater inequities, vulnerability to discrimination, sexual harassment, and job insecurity". [45] While Shire advocates for a feminism that achieves inclusivity by avoiding political positions so as to not alienate women who disagree with those positions, [44] organizers of the Women's March hold the principle that "women have intersecting identities" necessitating a movement that focuses on a "comprehensive agenda". [46]

Another example of controversy stems from the beliefs of some feminists that the Islamic practices of women wearing hijabs, burqas, and niqābs are oppressive towards women. This has been labeled white feminism.[ by whom? ] Many Muslim women have spoken out in defense of their religious dress practices. [47] One example of this belief was seen in the Islamic scarf controversy in France where it was argued by many French feminists that the Islamic veil threatens women's autonomy, while many Muslim women say that it is a choice and that denying the choice only restricts a woman's freedom. They say that some wear it as a personal commitment; others reject the notion that the veil is a religious sign. [48] Some Muslim women see the burqa as freeing, because it enabled them to be in the public sphere while still observing moral and religious requirements. [49] In her article, "Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?" Lila Abu-Lughod states that Muslim find comfort through their burqas, as they provide "mobile homes." [50]

Trans-exclusionary radical feminism has also been a topic of discussion. Feminism requires fighting for women's rights, but trans-exclusionary radical feminists do not see trans women as women. Many of them argue against trans women changing their sex on legal documents, say that lesbian as an identity is disappearing, that trans men are not men, and that gay children need protection when they think they are transgender. [51] Critics, especially within the LGBT community, have expressed their discontent with these arguments. They feel that privileged white women who make these arguments will make trans women, especially trans women of color, more at risk for discrimination and that they fail to consider many other factors that trans women have to deal with. [52]

See also

Notes

  1. Intersectional theory, which examines overlapping systems of oppression in society including race, ethnicity, sexuality, gender, and gender identity, was developed by prominent critical race theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw.

Related Research Articles

Triple oppression, also called double jeopardy, Jane Crow, or triple exploitation, is a theory developed by black socialists in the United States, such as Claudia Jones. The theory states that a connection exists between various types of oppression, specifically classism, racism, and sexism. It hypothesizes that all three types of oppression need to be overcome at once.

Liberal feminism, also called mainstream feminism, is a main branch of feminism defined by its focus on achieving gender equality through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy and informed by a human rights perspective. It is often considered culturally progressive and economically center-right to center-left. As the oldest of the "Big Three" schools of feminist thought, liberal feminism has its roots in 19th century first-wave feminism seeking recognition of women as equal citizens, focusing particularly on women's suffrage and access to education, the effort associated with 19th century liberalism and progressivism. Liberal feminism "works within the structure of mainstream society to integrate women into that structure." Liberal feminism places great emphasis on the public world, especially laws, political institutions, education and working life, and considers the denial of equal legal and political rights as the main obstacle to equality. As such liberal feminists have worked to bring women into the political mainstream. Liberal feminism is inclusive and socially progressive, while broadly supporting existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies, and is associated with centrism and reformism. Liberal feminism tends to be adopted by white middle-class women who do not disagree with the current social structure; Zhang and Rios found that liberal feminism with its focus on equality is viewed as the dominant and "default" form of feminism. Liberal feminism actively supports men's involvement in feminism and both women and men have always been active participants in the movement; progressive men had an important role alongside women in the struggle for equal political rights since the movement was launched in the 19th century.

This is an index of articles related to the issue of feminism, women's liberation, the women's movement, and women's rights.

Second-wave feminism was a period of feminist activity that began in the early 1960s and lasted roughly two decades, ending with the feminist sex wars in the early 1980s and being replaced by third-wave feminism in the early 1990s. It occurred throughout the Western world and aimed to increase women's equality by building on the feminist gains of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Third-wave feminism</span> Feminist movement, 1990s–2010s

Third-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began in the early 1990s, prominent in the decades prior to the fourth wave. Grounded in the civil-rights advances of the second wave, Gen X third-wave feminists born in the 1960s and 1970s embraced diversity and individualism in women, and sought to redefine what it meant to be a feminist. The third wave saw the emergence of new feminist currents and theories, such as intersectionality, sex positivity, vegetarian ecofeminism, transfeminism, and postmodern feminism. According to feminist scholar Elizabeth Evans, the "confusion surrounding what constitutes third-wave feminism is in some respects its defining feature."

Feminist legal theory, also known as feminist jurisprudence, is based on the belief that the law has been fundamental in women's historical subordination. Feminist jurisprudence the philosophy of law is based on the political, economic, and social inequality of the sexes and feminist legal theory is the encompassment of law and theory connected.The project of feminist legal theory is twofold. First, feminist jurisprudence seeks to explain ways in which the law played a role in women's former subordinate status. Feminist legal theory was directly created to recognize and combat the legal system built primarily by the and for male intentions, often forgetting important components and experiences women and marginalized communities face. The law perpetuates a male valued system at the expense of female values. Through making sure all people have access to participate in legal systems as professionals to combating cases in constitutional and discriminatory law, feminist legal theory is utilized for it all.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist sociology</span> Subdiscipline of sociology

Feminist sociology is an interdisciplinary exploration of gender and power throughout society. Here, it uses conflict theory and theoretical perspectives to observe gender in its relation to power, both at the level of face-to-face interaction and reflexivity within social structures at large. Focuses include sexual orientation, race, economic status, and nationality.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intersectionality</span> Theory of discrimination

Intersectionality is a sociological analytical framework for understanding how groups' and individuals' social and political identities result in unique combinations of discrimination and privilege. Examples of these factors include gender, caste, sex, race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, religion, disability, height, age, weight and physical appearance. These intersecting and overlapping social identities may be both empowering and oppressing. However, little good-quality quantitative research has been done to support or undermine the practical uses of intersectionality.

Critical race theory (CRT) is an interdisciplinary academic field focused on the relationships between social conceptions of race and ethnicity, social and political laws, and media. CRT also considers racism to be systemic in various laws and rules, and not only based on individuals' prejudices. The word critical in the name is an academic reference to critical theory rather than criticizing or blaming individuals.

Black feminism is a branch of feminism that focuses on the African-American woman's experiences and recognizes the intersectionality of racism and sexism. Black feminism also acknowledges the additional marginalization faced by black women due to their social identity.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kimberlé Crenshaw</span> American academic and lawyer (born 1959)

Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw is an American civil rights advocate and a leading scholar of critical race theory. She is a professor at the UCLA School of Law and Columbia Law School, where she specializes in race and gender issues.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in the United States</span> History of the feminist movement in the USA

Feminism is aimed at defining, establishing, and defending a state of equal political, economic, cultural, and social rights for women. It has had a massive influence on American politics. Feminism in the United States is often divided chronologically into first-wave, second-wave, third-wave, and fourth-wave feminism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist movements and ideologies</span>

A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.

Social justice feminism is the practice of recognizing issues of oppression dealing with race, class, sexuality, and citizenship and challenging them through practice rather than theory. This form of feminism allows for a broader audience beyond the white middle aged women who began the movement. It actively fights racism and class privilege by “ensuring that those most affected by policies and practices are at the decision making table.” It advocates for more women of color in leadership roles and allows recognition for global gender justice and women's rights.

Intersectionality is the interconnection of race, class, and gender during instances of discrimination and/or bias. Kimberlé Crenshaw, a feminist scholar, is widely known for developing the theory of intersectionality in her 1989 essay, "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics". Crenshaw's analogy of intersectionality to the flow of traffic explains, "Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and it may flow in another. If an accident happens in an intersection, it can be caused by cars traveling from any number of directions and, sometimes, from all of them. Similarly, if a Black woman is harmed because she is in the intersection, her injury could result from sex discrimination or race discrimination."

Multiracial feminist theory is promoted by women of color (WOC), including Black, Latina, Asian, Native American, and anti-racist white women. In 1996, Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dill wrote “Theorizing Difference from Multiracial Feminism," a piece emphasizing intersectionality and the application of intersectional analysis within feminist discourse.

Queer of color critique is an intersectional framework, grounded in Black feminism, that challenges the single-issue approach to queer theory by analyzing how power dynamics associated race, class, gender expression, sexuality, ability, culture and nationality influence the lived experiences of individuals and groups that hold one or more of these identities. Incorporating the scholarship and writings of Audre Lorde, Gloria Anzaldúa, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Barbara Smith, Cathy Cohen, Brittney Cooper and Charlene A. Carruthers, the queer of color critique asks: what is queer about queer theory if we are analyzing sexuality as if it is removed from other identities? The queer of color critique expands queer politics and challenges queer activists to move out of a "single oppression framework" and incorporate the work and perspectives of differently marginalized identities into their politics, practices and organizations. The Combahee River Collective Statement clearly articulates the intersecting forces of power: "The most general statement of our politics at the present time would be that we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression, and see as our particular task the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that major systems of oppression are interlocking. The synthesis of these oppressions creates the conditions of our lives." Queer of color critique demands that an intersectional lens be applied queer politics and illustrates the limitations and contradictions of queer theory without it. Exercised by activists, organizers, intellectuals, care workers and community members alike, the queer of color critique imagines and builds a world in which all people can thrive as their most authentic selves- without sacrificing any part of their identity.

<i>All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave</i> 1982 anthology published by Feminist Press

All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave (1982) is a landmark feminist anthology in Black Women's Studies printed in numerous editions, co-edited by Akasha Gloria Hull, Patricia Bell-Scott, and Barbara Smith.

Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.

Abolitionist teaching, also known as abolitionist pedagogy, is a set of practices and approaches to teaching that emphasize abolishing educational practices considered by its proponents to be inherently problematic and oppressive. The term was coined by education professor and critical theorist Bettina Love.

References

  1. Coaston, Jane (20 May 2019). "The Intersectionality Wars". www.vox.com. Retrieved 24 August 2020.
  2. Frankenberg, Ruth (1993-01-01). "Growing up White: Feminism, Racism and the Social Geography of Childhood". Feminist Review (45): 51–84. doi:10.2307/1395347. JSTOR   1395347.
  3. Crenshaw, Kimberle (2018-02-19), "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics [1989]", Feminist Legal Theory, Routledge, pp. 57–80, ISBN   978-0-429-50048-0 , retrieved 2023-02-20
  4. Breines, Wini (2002). "What's Love Got to Do with It? White Women, Black Women, and Feminism in the Movement Years". Signs. 27 (4): 1095–1133. doi:10.1086/339634. S2CID   144139580 via JSTOR.
  5. Staples, Brent (2 February 2019). "When the Suffrage Movement Sold Out to White Supremacy". New York Times. Retrieved 24 August 2020.
  6. Thompson, Becky (2002). "Multiracial Feminism: Recasting the Chronology of the Second Wave Feminism". Feminist Studies. 28 (2): 336–360. doi:10.2307/3178747. JSTOR   3178747 via JSTOR.
  7. Noman, Natasha (2016-05-13). "Why Is 'White Feminism' Such a Dirty Phrase? A History of Feminism and Exclusion". www.mic.com. Retrieved 2021-11-23.
  8. Muller, Marissa G. (2018-01-10). "Emma Watson Addresses Her White Privilege and 'White Feminism' in Letter to Her Book Club". www.wmagazine.com. Retrieved 2021-11-23.
  9. ABPP, Monnica T. Williams, Ph D. (2019-01-16). "How White Feminists Oppress Black Women: When Feminism Functions as White Supremacy". Chacruna. Retrieved 2020-11-12.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  10. Wollstonecraft, Mary. "Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman". The British Library. Retrieved 24 August 2020.
  11. "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the [Female] Citizen | Definition & Facts". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2020-11-12.
  12. Moon, Dreama G.; Holling, Michelle A. (2020-04-02). ""White supremacy in heels": (white) feminism, white supremacy, and discursive violence". Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies. 17 (2): 253–260. doi:10.1080/14791420.2020.1770819. ISSN   1479-1420. S2CID   221057008.
  13. "Kimberlé Crenshaw on Intersectionality, More than Two Decades Later". www.law.columbia.edu. Retrieved 2023-03-25.
  14. Goldstein, Leslie F. (1982). "Early Feminist Themes in French Utopian Socialism: The St.-Simonians and Fourier". Journal of the History of Ideas. 43 (1): 91–108. doi:10.2307/2709162. ISSN   0022-5037. JSTOR   2709162.
  15. "Four Waves of Feminism | Pacific University". www.pacificu.edu. 25 October 2015. Retrieved 2017-11-20.
  16. "Encyclopædia Britannica's Guide to Women's History". kids.britannica.com. Retrieved 2016-12-27.
  17. Elkholy, Sharin N. "Feminism and Race in the United States". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 27 December 2016.
  18. Sanghani, Radhika (6 October 2015). "The uncomfortable truth about racism and the suffragettes" . The Daily Telegraph . Archived from the original on 2022-01-12. Retrieved 27 December 2016.
  19. Savali, Kirsten West (23 April 2016). "'When and Where I Enter': The Racist Expectations of Whites-Only Feminism". The Root. Retrieved 27 December 2016.
  20. "Our Documents - 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Women's Right to Vote (1920)". www.ourdocuments.gov. 9 April 2021. Retrieved 2021-11-22.
  21. "Voting Rights for African Americans | The Right to Vote | Elections | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress". Library of Congress. Retrieved 2021-11-22.
  22. Staples, Brent (2 February 2019). "When the Suffrage Movement Sold Out to White Supremacy". The New York Times.
  23. Thompson, Becky (2002). "Multiracial Feminism: Recasting the Chronology of the Second Wave Feminism". Feminist Studies. 28 (2): 336–360. doi:10.2307/3178747. JSTOR   3178747 via JSTOR.
  24. Grady, Constance (2018-03-20). "The waves of feminism, and why people keep fighting over them, explained". Vox. Retrieved 2021-11-22.
  25. "Gender and the Law Blog: Soujourner Truth's Ain't I a Woman Speech and Intersectional Feminism". lawprofessors.typepad.com. Retrieved 2020-11-12.
  26. "Second-wave feminism", Wikipedia, 2020-10-20, retrieved 2020-11-12
  27. 1 2 "A Brief History: The Three Waves of Feminism". Progressive Women's Leadership. 2015-09-22. Retrieved 2017-11-20.
  28. 1 2 "feminism - The second wave of feminism | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2021-11-23.
  29. "Four Waves of Feminism". Pacific University. 2015-10-25. Retrieved 2020-11-12.
  30. Garcia, Manon (2019). On Ne Naît Pas Soumise, on Le Devient. Climats.
  31. "The Second Sex: Full Book Summary". SparkNotes. Retrieved 2021-11-22.
  32. hooks, bell (2001). "Black Women: Shaping Feminist Theory". In Bhavnani, Kum-Kum (ed.). Feminism and 'Race'. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 33–39. ISBN   978-0-19-878236-0.
  33. Maira, Susaina (2009). "Good" and "Bad Muslim Citizens: Feminists, Terrorists, and U. S. Orientalisms". Feminist Studies. pp. 631–656.
  34. Shu-Mel, Shih (2006). "Complicities of Western Feminism". Women's Studies Quarterly. 34: 79–81 via JSTOR.
  35. 1 2 3 "Feminism - The third wave of feminism". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2020-11-12.
  36. Snyder-Hall, R. Claire (2010). "Third-Wave Feminism and the Defense of "Choice"". Perspectives on Politics. 8 (1): 255–261. doi:10.1017/S1537592709992842. ISSN   1537-5927. JSTOR   25698533. S2CID   145133253.
  37. "Riot Grrrls, Action Girl, Third Wave movement | Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies". www.gsws.pitt.edu. Retrieved 2020-11-12.
  38. Snyder, R. Claire (2008-09-01). "What Is Third‐Wave Feminism? A New Directions Essay". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 34 (1): 175–196. doi:10.1086/588436. ISSN   0097-9740. S2CID   144068546.
  39. Snyder, R. Claire (2008). "What Is Third‐Wave Feminism? A New Directions Essay". Signs. 34 (1): 175–196. doi:10.1086/588436. ISSN   0097-9740. JSTOR   10.1086/588436. S2CID   144068546.
  40. Allen, Amy (Fall 2016). "Feminist Perspectives on Power". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. The Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved February 3, 2017.
  41. Nadeau, Mary-Jo (2009). "Troubling Herstory: Unsettling White Multiculturalism in Canadian Feminism". Canadian Woman Studies. 27: 6–13. ProQuest   217441442.
  42. Crenshaw, Kimberlé (2018). On Intersectionality: the Essential Writings of Kimberlé Crenshaw. New Press.
  43. "Emily Shire". www.bustle.com. Retrieved 2017-03-08.
  44. 1 2 Shire, Emily (2017-03-07). "Does Feminism Have Room for Zionists?". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2017-03-08.
  45. "A Day Without a Woman". Women's March on Washington. Archived from the original on 2019-01-30. Retrieved 2017-03-08.
  46. Women's March (March 8, 2017). "Guiding Vision and Definition of Principles" (PDF). www.womensmarch.com. Retrieved March 8, 2017.
  47. "THIS → The trouble with (white) feminism". this.org. 11 March 2015. Retrieved 2016-12-08.
  48. R. Bowen, John (2017). "26". In B. Brettell, Caroline; F. Sargent, Carolyn (eds.). Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective. London; New York: Routledge. pp. 371–380. ISBN   978-1-138-21664-8.
  49. Abu-Lughod, Lila. "The Muslim Woman: The Power of Images and the Danger of Pity".
  50. Abu-Lughod, Lila (2002). "Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others". American Anthropologist. 104 (3): 783–790. doi:10.1525/aa.2002.104.3.783 via JSTOR.
  51. Lewis, Sophie (2019-02-07). "Opinion | How British Feminism Became Anti-Trans (Published 2019)". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  52. Tudor, Alyosxa (19 June 2020). "Terfism is White Distraction: On BLM, Decolonising the Curriculum, Anti-Gender Attacks and Feminist Transphobia". Engenderings. Retrieved 8 October 2020.