Carceral feminism

Last updated

A jail's razor wire Arames (3926364073).jpg
A jail's razor wire

Carceral feminism is a critical term for types of feminism that advocate for enhancing and increasing prison sentences that deal with feminist and gender issues. The term criticises the belief that harsher and longer prison sentences will help work towards solving these issues. The phrase "carceral feminism" was coined by Elizabeth Bernstein, a feminist sociologist, in her 2007 article, "The Sexual Politics of the 'New Abolitionism'". Examining the contemporary anti-trafficking movement in the United States, Bernstein introduced the term to describe a type of feminist activism which casts all forms of sexual labor as sex trafficking. She sees this as a retrograde step, suggesting it erodes the rights of women in the sex industry, and takes the focus off other important feminist issues, and expands the neoliberal agenda.

Contents

Background

Bernstein argued that feminist support for anti-trafficking laws that equate prostitution with sex-trafficking have undercut the efforts of sex workers themselves in previous decades to organize for their rights, instead bolstering their criminalization. Evangelical Christians share this commitment to law-and-order in Bernstein's account, [1] and later, Bernstein [2] attributed their alliance to the broader political and economic shift in the US from a redistributive welfare state towards a "carceral" one that fosters criminalization and incarceration. She argued that for both feminists and evangelical Christians, politics of gender and sexuality have shifted attention from the family (i.e. issues of battering and abortion, respectively) outward to the public sphere (i.e. sex-trafficking) and in this shift, have intertwined the anti-trafficking movement with neoliberal politics. In her article, "Carceral Politics as Gender Justice?". [3] Bernstein expanded on this analysis, using the case of the anti-trafficking movement to demonstrate how feminism has more generally become a vehicle of punitive politics in the US and abroad.

Examples

Rape

Rape laws have gradually been liberalized across the Anglo-American world. Criminal law in these jurisdictions now recognizes that rape can be committed against any gender in a variety of circumstances that do not necessarily require penile penetration. Immunity for men who rape their wives within the context of marriage has been abolished. The evidence required for a rape conviction has also been relaxed as most laws now recognize rape where there is a lack of affirmative consent rather than the more strict requirement that there be an exertion of force by the defendant and active resistance by the victim. [4]

Domestic violence

Domestic violence legislation has seen significant developments in the United States. Where the state had previously been reluctant to interfere in the private realm, it now views the home as a potential site for crime. The criminal protection order was an important precursor to the criminalization of domestic violence. Where such an order was issued against an individual, their presence at the home became a proxy for domestic violence. [5] Anti-violence campaigns in the US in the 1970s and 1980s also led to policies that required police to make an arrest when responding to domestic violence calls, which resulted in increased arrests of both men and women. [6]

Carceral Feminism in Sweden

Before gendered violence was recognized by the government of Sweden, it was under the name of 'domestic violence'. During the 1990s, though, the women's shelter movement brought attention to specific behavior that highlighted violence in men, and a new name was given to gendered violence, 'men's violence against women'. When the 2000s came by, the view of feminist ideologies that backed 'men's violence against women' was questioned, ultimately taking the credibility out of that term, and reverting it back to what is was before the women's shelter movement. [7]

Other domains

Feminist scholars have described the trajectory of feminist activism in other spheres similarly. In their studies of the feminist campaigns around the issues of domestic violence and sexual assault, for example, sociologist Beth Richie [8] and political theorist Kristin Bumiller [9] traced the development of the feminist anti-violence movement in the US from its original focus on social transformation to its nearly ubiquitous reliance on law and law-enforcement today. A similar trend has been described outside of the US context—for example, Miriam Ticktin [10] argued that anti-immigrant sentiments in feminist campaigns against sexual violence in France have served border control and other forms of policing. Some examples of this are with Alex Press in the mentions of his Vox article about the #MeToo link that brought forth a movement about the incarceration of domestic violence victims. He argues that they should go against this type of feminism due to the reasoning of more women that are possibly in harm. [11] Virginia Law discusses the critique of her view for carceral feminism that the term could also bring more harm for women such as it did with the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). [12] Anna Terwiel raises the awareness of needing additional change for carceral feminism such as, by bringing in more programs that require them to find ways on changing the perpetrator's behavior. [13] Assuming that there should be consequences for the actions committed in these certain situations. Feminists are pushing for change that will impact the domestic violence community and not just from the individualistic standpoint.

Activist critiques and media discussion

Activists have also challenged this mode of feminism. Feminists involved in the prison abolition movement, especially, have been critical of feminist alliances with prisons and policing. The national activist organization Incite! Women of Color Against Violence, for example, formed in 2000 with the conviction that the criminal justice system does not support but rather causes further harm for women, gender non-conforming, and trans people of color experiencing interpersonal violence. Since its introduction in 2007, the term "carceral feminism" has been used widely by activists to make such critiques and has made its way into discussions and debates in media forums such as Twitter and Vox. [14] Activist and community organizer Marlihan Lopez argues that the goals of eliminating violence, and specifically gender-based violence, cannot be met within punitive and carceral systems. As opposed to carceral feminism that calls for putting perpetrators of gender-based violence in prison and imposing harsher sentences, activists such as Lopez work at the community level to equip communities with tools to intervene in patterns of harm while also developing mechanisms of accountability. Anti-carceral feminist activists call for the reallocation of funds and resources from the police and carceral systems to education, social housing, and other life-affirming social services. [15]

There are activists working towards sex worker justice who echo abolitionist and anti-carceral feminist calls to abolish police and prisons. [16] Sex workers are often victims of gender-based violence and sexual assault by police officers, heightened by the criminalization and lack of security services surrounding their work. A critique of racialized anti-carceral feminists has been the cooptation of abolitionist language by white carceral feminists who call for the abolition of sex work, which they see as akin to sexual slavery of women. [17]

Angela Davis, in the chapter "How Gender Structures the Prison System" of her book Are Prisons Obsolete? , argues that carceral feminism intersects with the oppressive use of psychiatry to pathologize women who fight back against abuse and violence. She contends that while male offenders were seen as individuals who have violated the social contract and thus were granted redemption through prison time, female offenders were seen as fundamentally transgressing morality. [18] In their role as women, they had failed and thus could not benefit from salvation. In the United States, Quaker reformers argued that women could be reformed, but did so in a way that maintained gendered norms of womanhood, which meant implementing a regime designed to turn criminalized women into models of domesticity. Davis further submits that this is why female prisoners serve on average longer sentences than men and are over-medicated, in order to keep them under the control and surveillance of the state, since the theory of eugenics stipulates that women who are genetically unfit due to insanity must be kept in jail for as long as possible so that they would bear fewer children. [18] Davis also highlights how sexual violence against women in society is perpetuated and hidden behind prison walls. This abuse, along with racism and misogyny, is intensified in the prison system and sanctioned in an environment of punishment.

In Canada, Indigenous women are both overrepresented in the prison system and victims to a history of forced sterilisation in the name of eugenics. In 2022, Indigenous women accounted for half of the female population in federal penitentiaries. [19] Starting in the late 1920’s, Canada sanctioned forced sterilization through laws such as Alberta’s Sexual Sterilization Act. [20] Although no longer prohibited by law, there continue to be numerous reports of non-consensual sterilization on Indigenous women in Canada. [21]

Dr. Mimi Kim, a researcher at California State University on feminist anti-carceral policies, uses the metaphor "dancing with the devil" [22] to illustrate the ineffective cooperation between carceral feminists and the State in their attempt to decrease gender-based crimes through more criminalization and policing. Criticizing the mainstream feminist anti-violence movement as heavily reliant on the adversarial model of the female victim versus the male assailant when it comes to sexual violence, she proposes alternatives to the patriarchal criminal justice system, such as transformative justice practices and abolitionist initiatives, to comprehensively address all forms of harm. [22] Dr. Kim fundamentally argues that the advance of carceral feminism has been framed by contradictions and paradoxes of reform politics. Carceral feminist strategies’ reliance on law enforcement to address gendered violence and harms have resulted in mandates that have contributed to mass incarceration. Dr. Kim highlights how anti-carceral feminism finds its roots communities of colour, who have suffered the most at the hands of state-sanctioned violence and punishment. Anti-carceral feminists have developed values and practices grounded in transformative justice, community-based responses to violence and community accountability. They, along with abolitionists, view the carceral state as the primary site for the perpetuation of violence and oppression that largely targets populations depending on racial, class, gender and other identity markers.

Sexual and domestic violence

Logo of the ACLU, an organization that has discussed the topic of carceral feminism. New ACLU Logo 2017.svg
Logo of the ACLU, an organization that has discussed the topic of carceral feminism.

According to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), "79% of women in federal and state prisons reported physical abuse and over 60% reported past sexual abuse", and furthermore, "As many as 90% of the women in prison today for killing men had previously been battered by those men". [23] This means that many of the women who are in prison are victims of sexual violence who may have committed the crimes that they were indicted for as a result of the sexual violence they experienced. The anti-carceral feminist movement pushes towards solving this issue and fighting the criminalization and incarceration of women who are victims of sexual and domestic violence. [24]

An initiative created to help illuminate and help these injustices is the Survived and Punished Organization, [25] which began in 2015. This organization acknowledges that many of these women, such as BIPOC women, transgender women, and non-gender conforming people have experienced sexual and/or domestic violence. In a lot of cases, this history of sexual violence could give reason to their crime. The organization also explains how, once in prison, many of these people are subjected to more sexual violence or harassment by the guards or other individuals. The organization seeks to help women who end up incarcerated in domestic or sexual violence cases prove the crime they committed was potentially an act of self-defense. There are also circumstances where women are coerced into being an accomplice. Overall, this organization seeks to rectify a system which they believe wrongfully targets minority groups, people of color, and women. ACLU explains that "The average prison sentence of men who kill their female partners is 2 to 6 years. Women who kill their partners are sentenced on average to 15 years, even though most women who kill their partners do so to protect themselves from violence initiated by their partners". [23]

This means that women are being more harshly prosecuted for the same crime when, in a lot of cases, that crime was a response to their partners' violence. Based on this statistic, it can be seen that there is some inequity in sentence-length between genders. This alludes to the possibility that carceral feminism may result in the increased suffering and persecution of minority groups. Another example of how carceral feminism may affect minority groups can be seen through examining the case of The Central Park Five. In 1989, five African American and Latin American teenagers were arrested and convicted for the brutal rape of Trisha Meili in New York's Central Park. [26] All of them received prison sentences ranging from 6 to 13 years. However, with the progression of technology and the addition of DNA evidence, it was revealed that the sole perpetrator of the rape was Matias Reyes, meaning that the other five men were innocent. This is a case where because of the harsh criminal sentences and punishments associated with rape cases, this can lead to potentially innocent people being wrongfully persecuted. Additionally, in this case, minority groups can be, as a result, more negatively affected by the harsher punishments that carceral feminism aims to support. Many feminists who are prison abolitionists also argue that these events reflect a historical trend of weaponizing the protection of white cisgender women against men of color and queer people by emphasizing on stereotypes that portray them as threatening or dangerous. [27]

See also

Related Research Articles

Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical re-ordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all social and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. The ideology and movement emerged in the 1960s.

The men's rights movement (MRM) is a branch of the men's movement. The MRM in particular consists of a variety of groups and individuals who focus on general social issues and specific government services which they say adversely impact, or in some cases, structurally discriminate against, men and boys. Common topics discussed within the men's rights movement include family law, reproduction, suicides, domestic violence against men, false accusations of rape, circumcision, education, conscription, social safety nets, and health policies. The men's rights movement branched off from the men's liberation movement in the early 1970s, with both groups comprising a part of the larger men's movement.

Sex-positive feminism, also known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism, is a feminist movement centering on the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women's freedom. They oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether they are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with marginalized groups. Sex-positive feminism is connected with the sex-positive movement. Sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, LGBT activists, feminist scholars, producers of pornography and erotica, among others. Sex-positive feminists believe that prostitution can be a positive experience if workers are treated with respect, and agree that sex work should not be criminalized.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Catharine A. MacKinnon</span> American feminist scholar and legal activist

Catharine Alice MacKinnon is an American feminist legal scholar, activist, and author. She is the Elizabeth A. Long Professor of Law at the University of Michigan Law School, where she has been tenured since 1990, and the James Barr Ames Visiting Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. From 2008 to 2012, she was the special gender adviser to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.

Pro-feminism refers to support of the cause of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who actively support feminism and its efforts to bring about the political, economic, cultural, personal, and social equality of women with men. A number of pro-feminist men are involved in political activism, most often in the areas of gender equality, women's rights, and ending violence against women.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist school of criminology</span> School of criminology

The feminist school of criminology is a school of criminology developed in the late 1960s and into the 1970s as a reaction to the general disregard and discrimination of women in the traditional study of crime. It is the view of the feminist school of criminology that a majority of criminological theories were developed through studies on male subjects and focused on male criminality, and that criminologists often would "add women and stir" rather than develop separate theories on female criminality.

Dorchen A. Leidholdt is an activist and leader in the feminist movement against violence against women. Since the mid-1970s, she has counseled and advocated for rape victims, organized against "the media's promotion of violence against women", served on the legal team for the plaintiff in a precedent-setting sexual harassment case, founded an international non-governmental organization fighting prostitution and trafficking in women and children, directed the nation's largest legal services program for victims of domestic violence, advocated for the enactment and implementation of laws that further the rights of abused women, and represented hundreds of women victimized by intimate partner violence, human trafficking, sexual assault, the threat of honor killing, female genital mutilation, forced and child marriage, and the internet bride trade.

The feminist sex wars, also known as the lesbian sex wars, sex wars or porn wars, are terms used to refer to collective debates amongst feminists regarding a number of issues broadly relating to sexuality and sexual activity. Differences of opinion on matters of sexuality deeply polarized the feminist movement, particularly leading feminist thinkers, in the late 1970s and early 1980s and continue to influence debate amongst feminists to this day.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sex workers' rights</span> Human, health, and labor rights of sex workers and their clients

Sex workers' rights encompass a variety of aims being pursued globally by individuals and organizations that specifically involve the human, health, and labor rights of sex workers and their clients. The goals of these movements are diverse, but generally aim to legalize or decriminalize sex work, as well as to destigmatize it, regulate it and ensure fair treatment before legal and cultural forces on a local and international level for all persons in the sex industry.

Non-reformist reform, also referred to as abolitionist reform, anti-capitalist reform, revolutionary reform, structural reform and transformative reform, is a reform that "is conceived, not in terms of what is possible within the framework of a given system and administration, but in view of what should be made possible in terms of human needs and demands". On the other hand, reformist reforms essentially maintain the status quo and do not threaten the existing structure. These have been described as reforms that rationalize or "fine-tune the status quo" by implementing modifications "from the top down", but that fail to address root causes of the issue. As described by philosopher André Gorz, who coined the term non-reformist reform, non-reformist reforms in a capitalist system are anti-capitalist reforms, or reforms that do not base their validity and their right to exist "on capitalist needs, criteria, and rationale", but rather on human ones.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in the United States</span> History of the feminist movement in the USA

Feminism is aimed at defining, establishing, and defending a state of equal political, economic, cultural, and social rights for women. It has had a massive influence on American politics. Feminism in the United States is often divided chronologically into first-wave, second-wave, third-wave, and fourth-wave feminism.

Feminist views on pornography range from total condemnation of the medium as an inherent form of violence against women to an embracing of some forms as a medium of feminist expression. This debate reflects larger concerns surrounding feminist views on sexuality, and is closely related to those on prostitution, BDSM, and other issues. Pornography has been one of the most divisive issues in feminism, particularly in Anglophone (English-speaking) countries. This division was exemplified in the feminist sex wars of the 1980s, which pitted anti-pornography activists against pro-pornography ones.

Feminism has affected culture in many ways, and has famously been theorized in relation to culture by Angela McRobbie, Laura Mulvey and others. Timothy Laurie and Jessica Kean have argued that "one of [feminism's] most important innovations has been to seriously examine the ways women receive popular culture, given that so much pop culture is made by and for men." This is reflected in a variety of forms, including literature, music, film and other screen cultures.

Feminist views on sexuality widely vary. Many feminists, particularly radical feminists, are highly critical of what they see as sexual objectification and sexual exploitation in the media and society. Radical feminists are often opposed to the sex industry, including opposition to prostitution and pornography. Other feminists define themselves as sex-positive feminists and believe that a wide variety of expressions of female sexuality can be empowering to women when they are freely chosen. Some feminists support efforts to reform the sex industry to become less sexist, such as the feminist pornography movement.

Gender-responsive prisons are prisons constructed to provide gender-specific care to incarcerated women. Contemporary sex-based prison programs were presented as a solution to the rapidly increasing number of women in the prison industrial complex and the overcrowding of California's prisons. These programs vary in intent and implementation and are based on the idea that female offenders differ from their male counterparts in their personal histories and pathways to crime. Multi-dimensional programs oriented toward female behaviors are considered by many to be effective in curbing recidivism.

Janet Elizabeth Halley is an American legal scholar who is the Eli Goldston Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. Her work is influenced by critical legal studies, legal realism and postmodernism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in South Africa</span>

Feminism in South Africa concerns the organised efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women of South Africa. These efforts are largely linked to issues of feminism and gender equality on one hand, and racial equality and the political freedoms of African and other non-White South African ethnic groups on the other. Early feminist efforts concerned the suffrage of White women, allowing them to vote in elections beginning from 1930s, and significant activism in the 1950s to demand equal pay of men and women. The 1980s were a major turning point in the advancement of South African women, and in 1994, following the end of the apartheid regime, the status of women was bolstered by changes to the country's constitution. Since the end of apartheid, South African feminism is a contribution associated with the liberation and democratization of the country, however, the movement still struggles with the embedded conservative and patriarchal views within some segments of South African society.

Elizabeth Bernstein is an American sociologist who is noted for her studies that focus on women, gender, and sexuality. She is also a professor at Columbia University's Barnard College.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist views on the sex industry</span>

Feminist perspectives on sex markets vary widely, depending on the type of feminism being applied. The sex market is defined as the system of supply and demand which is generated by the existence of sex work as a commodity. The sex market can further be segregated into the direct sex market, which mainly applies to prostitution, and the indirect sex market, which applies to sexual businesses which provide services such as lap dancing. The final component of the sex market lies in the production and selling of pornography. With the distinctions between feminist perspectives, there are many documented instances from feminist authors of both explicit and implied feminist standpoints that provide coverage on the sex market in regards to both "autonomous" and "non-autonomous" sex trades. The quotations are added since some feminist ideologies believe the commodification of women's bodies is never autonomous and therefore subversive or misleading by terminology.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abolition feminism</span>

Abolition Feminism is a branch of feminism that calls for the elimination of the prison industrial complex. The term was coined by thinkers Angela Y, Davis, Gina Dent, Erica R. Meiners, and Beth E. Richie in their book Abolition. Feminism. Now. Abolitionist Feminist thinkers promote the idea of prison abolition, and embrace an anti-racism, anti-capitalist, anti-violence feminism. Abolition Feminism is in opposition to carceral feminism. Abolitionist Feminist reject carceral solutions to gender-based violence and propose models of transformative and restorative justice.

References

  1. ↑ Bernstein, Elizabeth (2007). "The Sexual Politics of the 'New Abolitionism". Differences. 18 (5): 128–151. doi:10.1215/10407391-2007-013.
  2. ↑ Bernstein, Elizabeth (2010). ""Militarized Humanitarianism Meets Carceral Feminism: The Politics of Sex, Rights, and Freedom in Contemporary Antitrafficking Campaigns."". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 36 (1): 45–71. doi:10.1086/652918. PMID   20827852. S2CID   11900902.
  3. ↑ Berstein, Elizabeth (2012). ""Carceral Politics as Gender Justice? The 'Traffic in Women and Neoliberal Circuits of Crime, Sex, and Rights."". Theory and Society: 41: 233–259.
  4. ↑ Kotiswaran, Prabha (2014). Dirk Dubber, Markus; Hörnle, Tatjana (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Criminal Law (1 ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 63.
  5. ↑ Kotiswaran, Prabha (2014). Dirk Dubber, Markus; Hörnle, Tatjana (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Criminal Law (1 ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 65.
  6. ↑ Holmes, Caren. "Carceral Feminism Isn't the Answer to Sexual Violence". Novara Media. Retrieved 9 March 2023.
  7. ↑ Lauri, Marcus; Carbin, Maria; Linander, Ida (7 June 2023). "The rise of carceral feminism in Sweden: Analysing political debate and policy on men's violence against women". Women's Studies International Forum. 99: 102780. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2023.102780. ISSN   0277-5395.
  8. ↑ Richie, Beth (2012). Arrested Justice: Black Women, Violence, and America's Prison Nation. New York, NY: New York University Press.
  9. ↑ Bumiller, Kristin (2008). In An Abusive State: How Neoliberalism Appropriated the Feminist Movement Against Sexual Violence. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
  10. ↑ Ticktin, Miriam (2008). Sexual Violence as the Language of Border Control: Where French Feminist and Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric Meet. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. pp. 33(4): 363–889.
  11. ↑ Press, Alex (1 February 2018). "#MeToo must avoid "carceral feminism"". Vox. Retrieved 17 March 2022.
  12. ↑ "Against Carceral Feminism". jacobinmag.com. Retrieved 17 March 2022.
  13. ↑ Terwiel, Anna (26 November 2019). "What Is Carceral Feminism?". Political Theory. 48 (4): 421–442. doi:10.1177/0090591719889946. ISSN   0090-5917. S2CID   212935312.
  14. ↑ Press, Alex (1 February 2018). "#MeToo must avoid "carceral feminism"". Vox. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
  15. ↑ Lopez, Marlihan (23 November 2020). "Opinion: Prison abolition is a feminist struggle". CBC News.
  16. ↑ Kur, Ellie Ade; Duffy, Jenny (2022). "Sex Work Justice - by Us, for Us: Toronto Sex Workers Resisting Carceral Violence". In Pasternak, Shiri; et al. (eds.). Disarm, Defund, Dismantle. Police Abolition in Canada. Toronto: Between the Lines. pp. 98–112.
  17. ↑ Maynard, Robyn (2018). "Do Black Sex Workers' Lives Matter? Whitewashed anti-slavery, racial justice, and abolition". In Durisin, E. M.; et al. (eds.). Red Light Labour: Regulation, Agency, and Resistance. University of British Columbia Press. pp. 281–292.
  18. 1 2 Y., Davis, Angela (2011). Are Prisons Obsolete?. Seven Stories Press. ISBN   978-1-60980-104-5. OCLC   1159833960.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  19. ↑ White, Patrick (5 May 2022). "'Shocking and shameful': For the first time, Indigenous women make up half the female population in Canada's federal prisons". The Globe and Mail.
  20. ↑ Rutherford, Gillian (27 June 2022). "Reproductive control of Indigenous women continues around the world, say survivors and researchers". University of Alberta.
  21. ↑ Baig, Fakiha (3 June 2021). "Indigenous women still forced, coerced into sterilization: Senate report". Global News.
  22. 1 2 Kim, Mimi E. (2020). "Anti-Carceral Feminism: The Contradictions of Progress and the Possibilities of Counter-Hegemonic Struggle". 35:3 Journal of Women and Social Work. 35 (3): 309–326. doi:10.1177/0886109919878276.
  23. 1 2 "Words From Prison - Did You Know...?". ACLU. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
  24. ↑ "Feminist Anti-Carceral Policy & Research Initiative". Center for Race & Gender. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
  25. ↑ "Analysis & Vision". Survived and Punished. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
  26. ↑ "The Central Park Five". HISTORY. 23 September 2019. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
  27. ↑ Reina Gossett & Dean Spade (7 January 2014). "What About the Dangerous People?". Barnard Center for Research on Women.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.