Conservative variants of feminism

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Some variants of feminism are considered more conservative than others. [1] [2] [3] Historically feminist scholars tend to not have much interest in conservative women but in recent years there have been efforts at greater scholarly analysis of these women and their views. [4] [5] [6]

Contents

Because almost any variant of feminism can have a conservative element, this list does not attempt to list variants of feminism simply with conservative elements. Instead, this list is of feminism variants that are primarily conservative.

List

This list may include organizations or individuals where conservative variants of feminism are more readily identified that way, but is primarily a list of variants per se. Generally, organizations and people related to a particular variant of feminism should not be included in this list but should be found by following links to articles about the variants of feminism with which such organizations and people are associated.

See also

Notes

  1. Adam Smith, pioneer of political economy and philosopher in the 18th century
  2. John Stuart Mill, philosopher and political economist in the 19th century
  3. Herbert Spencer, political theorist and philosopher in the Victorian era
  4. Milton Friedman, economist in the 20th century
  5. This is apparently not entirely the backlash written about by feminist author Susan Faludi.

Related Research Articles

Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that modern societies are patriarchal—they prioritize the male point of view—and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.

Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical re-ordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all social and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. The ideology and movement emerged in the 1960s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Concerned Women for America</span> Socially conservative Christian American nonprofit womens activist group

Concerned Women for America (CWA) is a socially conservative, evangelical Christian non-profit women's legislative action committee in the United States. Headquartered in Washington D.C., the CWA is involved in social and political movements, through which it aims to incorporate Christian ideology. The group was founded in San Diego, California in 1978 by Beverly LaHaye, whose husband Timothy LaHaye was an evangelical Christian minister and author of The Battle for the Mind, as well as coauthor of the Left Behind series.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Individualist feminism</span> Libertarian feminist movement

Individualist feminism, also known as ifeminism, is a libertarian feminist movement that emphasizes individualism, personal autonomy, freedom from state-sanctioned discrimination against women, and gender equality.

Liberal feminism, also called mainstream feminism, is a main branch of feminism defined by its focus on achieving gender equality through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy and informed by a human rights perspective. It is often considered culturally progressive and economically center-right to center-left. As the oldest of the "Big Three" schools of feminist thought, liberal feminism has its roots in 19th century first-wave feminism seeking recognition of women as equal citizens, focusing particularly on women's suffrage and access to education, the effort associated with 19th century liberalism and progressivism. Liberal feminism "works within the structure of mainstream society to integrate women into that structure." Liberal feminism places great emphasis on the public world, especially laws, political institutions, education and working life, and considers the denial of equal legal and political rights as the main obstacle to equality. As such liberal feminists have worked to bring women into the political mainstream. Liberal feminism is inclusive and socially progressive, while broadly supporting existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies, and is associated with centrism and reformism. Liberal feminism tends to be adopted by white middle-class women who do not disagree with the current social structure; Zhang and Rios found that liberal feminism with its focus on equality is viewed as the dominant and "default" form of feminism. Liberal feminism actively supports men's involvement in feminism and both women and men have always been active participants in the movement; progressive men had an important role alongside women in the struggle for equal political rights since the movement was launched in the 19th century.

The history of feminism comprises the narratives of the movements and ideologies which have aimed at equal rights for women. While feminists around the world have differed in causes, goals, and intentions depending on time, culture, and country, most Western feminist historians assert that all movements that work to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist movements, even when they did not apply the term to themselves. Some other historians limit the term "feminist" to the modern feminist movement and its progeny, and use the label "protofeminist" to describe earlier movements.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Third-wave feminism</span> Feminist movement, 1990s–2020s

Third-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began in the early 1990s, prominent in the decades prior to the fourth wave. Grounded in the civil-rights advances of the second wave, Gen X third-wave feminists born in the 1960s and 1970s embraced diversity and individualism in women, and sought to redefine what it meant to be a feminist. The third wave saw the emergence of new feminist currents and theories, such as intersectionality, sex positivity, vegetarian ecofeminism, transfeminism, and postmodern feminism. According to feminist scholar Elizabeth Evans, the "confusion surrounding what constitutes third-wave feminism is in some respects its defining feature."

The Independent Women's Forum (IWF) is an American conservative, non-profit organization focused on economic policy issues of concern to women. IWF was founded by activist Rosalie Silberman to promote a "conservative alternative to feminist tenets" following the controversial Supreme Court nomination of Clarence Thomas in 1992. IWF's sister organization is the Independent Women's Voice (IWV), a 501(c)(4) organization.

Pro-life feminism is the opposition to abortion by some feminists. Pro-life feminists may believe that the principles behind women's rights also call them to oppose abortion on right to life grounds and that abortion hurts women more than it benefits them.

Islamic feminism is a form of feminism concerned with the role of women in Islam. It aims for the full equality of all Muslims, regardless of gender, in public and private life. Islamic feminists advocate for women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework. Although rooted in Islam, the movement's pioneers have also utilized secular, Western, or otherwise non-Muslim feminist discourses, and have recognized the role of Islamic feminism as part of an integrated global feminist movement.

Antifeminism, also spelled anti-feminism, is opposition to feminism. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, antifeminists opposed particular policy proposals for women's rights, such as the right to vote, educational opportunities, property rights, and access to birth control. In the mid and late 20th century, antifeminists often opposed the abortion-rights movement.

Christian feminism is a school of Christian theology which uses the viewpoint of a Christian to promote and understand morally, socially, and spiritually the equality of men and women. Christian theologians argue that contributions by women and acknowledging women's value are necessary for a complete understanding of Christianity. Christian feminists are driven by the belief that God does not discriminate on the basis of biologically determined characteristics such as sex and race, but created all humans to exist in harmony and equality regardless of those factors. On the other hand, Christian egalitarianism is used for those advocating gender equality and equity among Christians but do not wish to associate themselves with the feminist movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Evangelical and Ecumenical Women's Caucus</span>

The Evangelical and Ecumenical Women's Caucus (EEWC), also known as Christian Feminism Today (CFT), is a group of evangelical Christian feminists founded in 1974. It was originally named the Evangelical Women's Caucus (EWC) because it began as a caucus within Evangelicals for Social Action, which had issued the "Chicago Declaration". Its mission is to "support, educate, and celebrate Christian feminists from many traditions." It favored passage of the Equal Rights Amendment, encourages the ordination of women, and has called for gender-inclusive language in all communications. The word ecumenical was added to the organization's name in 1990 in order "to reflect the increasingly inclusive nature and the many traditions of [the organization's] membership".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist movements and ideologies</span>

A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.

Feminism is one theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes, even though many feminist movements and ideologies differ on exactly which claims and strategies are vital and justifiable to achieve equality.

Feminist political theory is an area of philosophy that focuses on understanding and critiquing the way political philosophy is usually construed and on articulating how political theory might be reconstructed in a way that advances feminist concerns. Feminist political theory combines aspects of both feminist theory and political theory in order to take a feminist approach to traditional questions within political philosophy.

Women in conservatism in the United States have advocated for social, political, economic, and cultural conservative policies since anti-suffragism. Leading conservative women such as Phyllis Schlafly have expressed that women should embrace their privileged essential nature. This thread of belief can be traced through the anti-suffrage movement, the Red Scare, and the Reagan Era, and is still present in the 21st century, especially in several conservative women's organizations such as Concerned Women for America and the Independent Women's Forum.

Feminist views on transgender topics vary widely.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist movement</span> Series of political campaigns for reforms on feminist issues

The feminist movement, also known as the women's movement, refers to a series of social movements and political campaigns for radical and liberal reforms on women's issues created by inequality between men and women. Such issues are women's liberation, reproductive rights, domestic violence, maternity leave, equal pay, women's suffrage, sexual harassment, and sexual violence. The movement's priorities have expanded since its beginning in the 1800s, and vary among nations and communities. Priorities range from opposition to female genital mutilation in one country, to opposition to the glass ceiling in another.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-gender movement</span> International movement opposed to the concept of gender identity

The anti-gender movement is an international movement that opposes what it refers to as "gender ideology", "gender theory", or "genderism", terms which cover a variety of issues, and do not have a coherent definition. Members of the anti-gender movement are largely on the right-wing and far-right political spectrum, such as right-wing populists, social conservatives, and Christian fundamentalists. It has been linked to a shift away from liberal democracy and towards right-wing populism. Anti-gender rhetoric has seen increasing circulation in trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) discourse since 2016. Different members of the anti-gender movement variously oppose some LGBT rights, some reproductive rights, government gender policies, gender equality, gender mainstreaming, and gender studies academic departments. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service has linked the anti-gender movement to the risk of "extreme violence" against the LGBTQI+ community. UN Women has described the anti-gender, gender-critical and men's rights movements as extreme anti-rights movements that "use hateful propaganda and disinformation to target and attempt to delegitimize people with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, gender expressions, and sex characteristics."

References

  1. Kersten, Katherine (Spring 1991). "What do women want? A conservative feminist manifesto". Policy Review (56). The Heritage Foundation: 4–15. If the conservative feminist becomes a mother, she accepts the need to make a host of sacrifices - personal, professional, and financial - for her children's sake. She expects her spouse to sacrifice as well, and decides together with him how each can best contribute to the family welfare. She believes that family roles are flexible: men can become primary caregivers, for example, while women can pursue full-time careers. But as she and her spouse make choices about family responsibilities, they take one thing as a given: their primary duty is to ensure their children's physical and emotional well-being, to promote their intellectual development, and to shape their moral characters.
  2. Young, Cathy (9 June 2010). "Right to be feminist: a left-wing litmus test risks losing valuable allies for the women's movement". The Boston Globe. Retrieved 20 February 2011. Yet the audience for a different kind of feminism – one that seeks individualistic and market-oriented solutions, rather than big-government-driven ones, and focuses on women's empowerment rather than oppression – is clearly there. The women who embrace it are likely to transform both feminism and conservatism. The feminist movement ignores them at its peril.
  3. Bradley, Allan (27 June 2010). "Conservative feminism: oxymoron?". HPRgument Blog. Harvard Political Review . Retrieved 20 February 2011. Internal contradictions aside, conservative feminism is not particularly new, and it is a mistake to call it an oxymoron. It is deeply religious, of course, and it views the anti-abortion fight as one of female empowerment. The argument is simply that as women – as the motherly and feminine forces guiding our nation's ethical compass – it is a feminine duty to defend life at its earliest stages. Women are empowered by the defense itself. This cultural theory may be out of date in Cambridge, Massachusetts, but it is at the heart of Palin's sizeable and passionate following. And it is, in its own way, a feminist argument.
    [...]
    My point is that the logic of conservative feminism is plain and obvious for anyone who cares to try to comprehend. It's not new or complicated, and it shouldn't be baffling. Therefore, it is a colossal mistake for Bennett to simply dismiss the self-described pro-life feminists as an oxymoron, because that's no way for her to argue her liberal position. Conservative feminism cannot be dismissively defined away.
  4. Power, Margaret. "More than mere pawns: Right-wing women in Chile." Journal of Women's History 16, no. 3 (2004): 138-151.
  5. Guy-Meakin, Amelia. "Augusto Pinochet and the Support of Chilean Right-Wing Women." E-International Relations Students (2012).
  6. Nielsen, Kim E. "Doing the" right" right." Journal of Women's History 16, no. 3 (2004): 168-172.
  7. Dillard 2005 , p. 25 citing Kersten, Katherine, What Do Women Want?: A Conservative Feminists Manifesto.[ sic ], in Policy Review (1991).
  8. Dillard 2005, pp. 25–26.
  9. Dillard 2005, pp. 26–27.
  10. 1 2 3 Dillard 2005, p. 26.
  11. Dillard 2005, p. 27.
  12. Feldmann 2010.
  13. Posner 1989 , pp. 191–192 cited in Weisberg 1993 , p. 7
  14. Posner 1989 , pp. 192–194 and Weisberg 1993 , p. 7 (without the rationale about reducing a barrier).
  15. Weisberg 1993, p. 7.
  16. Posner 1989, pp. 195–197.
  17. Posner 1989, pp. 202–203.
  18. Posner 1989, p. 204 n.22.
  19. Posner 1989, pp. 205–206.
  20. Posner 1989 , pp. 206–207; also see p. 203 (date and marital rape).
  21. Posner 1989, pp. 207.
  22. Posner 1989, pp. 207–209.
  23. Posner 1989 , p. 208 (libertarians being "conservatives in the classical liberal tradition of Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill ..., Herbert Spencer ... and Milton Friedman", per id., p. 191.
  24. Posner 1989, p. 215.
  25. Posner 1989, p. 217.
  26. 1 2 Siegel 2007, pp. 122–124, nn.32–34.
  27. Manning 1999, p. 190.
  28. Echols 1989, p. 12.
  29. Stacey 1983, p. 559.
  30. Stacey 1983, p. 574.
  31. Rossi, Alice, A Biosocial Perspective on Parenting, in Daedalus 106 (special issue on the family, Spring, 1977), as cited in Stacey 1983 , p. [559] n.3.
  32. Stacey 1983, pp. 562, 567–568.
  33. Stacey 1983, pp. 561–562.
  34. Stacey 1983 , pp. 575, n.53 citing, e.g., Epstein, Barbara Leslie, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1981), Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1973), & DuBois, Ellen Carol, Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848–1869 (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1978).
  35. Bailey 2006, p. 173.
  36. Bailey 2006, p. 175.
  37. Bailey 2006, p. 177.
  38. Bailey 2006, p. 176.
  39. Bailey 2006, p. 174.
  40. Bailey 2006, pp. 180–181.
  41. Bailey 2006, pp. 181–182.
  42. Bailey 2006, p. 182.
  43. 1 2 Castro 1990, pp. 62, 216–218.
  44. 1 2 3 4 Siegel 2007, p. 83.
  45. Siegel 2007 , p. 176 "new feminism" is probably the author's term not referring to the new feminism related to Roman Catholicism but perhaps to second-wave feminism generally) (fragmentation prob. referring to late 1960s–early 1970s in U.S.).
  46. Swift 2018.

Bibliography

Further reading

Books

Articles

Blogs

  1. As cited in Dillard, Angela D., Adventures in Conservative Feminism, op. cit., p. 26.
  2. Burfitt-Dons, Louise. "The Successes and failures of feminism". Conservative Home. Retrieved 21 February 2014.