Feminism of the 99%

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Feminism of the 99% is a contemporary, grassroots, radical feminist movement, which recognises intersectionality and advocates activism for and by all women - including those who have been overlooked by other feminist movements. [1] It was proposed by a collective of prominent American feminists in an appeal published in Viewpoint Magazine in February 2017, and built upon the mobilisation of women seen in the 2017 Women's March in January. The appeal simultaneously called for an International Women's Strike on 8 March 2017. It is a successor to the accumulated intellectual legacy of feminist movements such as radical feminism, Marxist feminism, Black feminism and transnational/decolonial feminism, and asserts that gender oppression is not caused by a single factor, sexism. They insist that it is rather a multifaceted product of the intersections of sexism, racism, colonialism and capitalism.

Contents

Background

The demand for a Feminism of the 99% was published in Viewpoint Magazine on the 30th of February 2017. It was made in response to the mass mobilisation of women seen in the 2017 Women's March – a worldwide protest on 21 January 2017, protesting the inauguration of Donald Trump as President of the United States and advocating for women's rights , human rights and policy reform. The authors cite the Argentinian movement Ni Una Menos as their inspiration, as it too is a fourth-wave grassroots movement which aims to address intersectional issues.  Aiming to build on the momentum of the Women's March, the authors call attention to what they see as the failures of contemporary feminist movements such as lean-in feminism, which they argue have failed the “overwhelming majority” of women who “do not have access to individual self-promotion and advancement and whose conditions of life can be improved only through policies that defend social reproduction, secure reproductive justice, and guarantee labor rights”. They further argue that the conditions of life of women have deteriorated over the last 30 years due to corporate globalisation and capitalist systems, especially those of colour, of working class, of migrant backgrounds or who are unemployed.

Key criticisms and demands

Feminism of the 99% criticises other contemporary feminist movements, such as lean-in feminism and corporate feminism, for only serving the privileged top 1% of women. It holds the logic that women are able to succeed in their career as long as they work to serve the benefit of the patriarchy, and that this relies on these women having access to resources and opportunities that most women are unable to access. The authors of the appeal recognise the need for a feminist movement which serves the needs of the many, and calls attention to the women who are overlooked by neoliberal feminism. However, they call for the movement to look beyond just issues of gender, criticising a number of key issues and movements including: racialized gender violence, the failings of neoliberalism, attacks on labour rights and the undervaluing of labour; reproductive injustices; homophobia; transphobia; and xenophobia. The aim of the movement is to contribute to what its creators see as a “a new international feminist movement with an expanded agenda–at once anti-racist, anti-imperialist, anti-heterosexist, and anti-neoliberal”. [1]

Authors of the manifesto

Feminism of the 99% has ideological groundings consistent with different but distinct feminist groups. Best understood as a rejection of a perceived failure of mainstream liberal feminism, Feminism of the 99% seeks to combine the positions of anti-racism, anti-sexism, and anti-neoliberalism. [1] In doing so Feminism of the 99% is linked very closely to existing feminist movements globally.

Intersectional feminist thought

Intersectional feminist thought holds that the lived experience of oppression cannot simply be observed through a single lens of identity: that it's the combinations of identity expressions, and the kind of experience afforded together that provide a more accurate picture of the hierarchies under which one operates. [2] Intersectionality considers that various forms of social stratification, such as class, race, sexual orientation, age, disability and gender, do not exist separately from each other but are interwoven together. [2] Feminism for the 99% embraces this framework on a fundamental level, and purports that meaningful change must originate from those who experience it firsthand. [1]

Black feminism

Black feminism is a school of thought stating that sexism, class oppression, gender identity and racism are inextricably bound together. [3] [4] [5] Naturally, this closely aligns with feminism for the 99% given their simultaneous use of intersectionality. A point of difference between the two movement is that feminism for the 99% has a defined strategy for change, taking inspiration from Ni Una Menos . [1]

Socialist feminism

Socialist feminism is feminism that focuses upon the interconnectivity of the patriarchy and capitalism. [6] Feminism of the 99% frequently parallels with Socialist Feminism given their similar critical assessments of capitalism, [3] and the role of domestic work and social reproduction theory. [7]

Angela Davis, as one of the keystone ideological sources of feminism for the 99%’s ideological perspective holds liberal feminism in contempt for its failure to address the concerns of women perceived to be betrayed by their class position: “If standards for feminism are created for those who have already ascended the economic hierarchies of feminism, how is this relevant to women at the bottom?”. [8] In other words: Davis criticises liberal feminists for acting primarily in the interests of women privileged from race-based and class-based disadvantage.

Tithi Bhattacharya, another key signatory of the feminism for the 99% manifesto, has expanded on social reproduction theory within the context of gender, providing a marxist analysis of gender disparate divisions of labor as an integral part of the capitalist mode of production. [7] Specifically, Bhattacharya suggests that the unpaid acts of childbirth, child-rearing, and domestic duties are themselves acts of productive labor, acted within an as exploitative context consistent with marxist labor theory. [7] A key point, is that these acts are disparately the role of women. [7]

In stark contrast to Liberal Feminism, feminism for the 99% holds that effective and meaningful change comes from a non-reformist perspective: that revolutionary change necessitates a more utopian vision. [4] Feminism for the 99% holds that incremental adjustment of an existing unjust and oppressive hierarchy will never precipitate a just society. To this end, a change from the ground up is required. [1]

Ni Una Menos

The Feminism of the 99% manifesto specifically cites Ni Una Menos as a source of inspiration for the movement. [1] Specifically, the use of a mass strike of all women as the main form of political activism. On 8 March 2017 (International Women's Day), activists across the feminist continuum organised the International Women's Strike (known in the US as  the Day Without Women), [9] and the 2017 Women's March. The 2017 Women's Day March was the largest single day protest in US history. [10]

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Anarcha-feminism, also known as anarchist feminism or anarcho-feminism, is a system of analysis which combines the principles and power analysis of anarchist theory with feminism. It closely resembles intersectional feminism. Anarcha-feminism generally posits that patriarchy and traditional gender roles as manifestations of involuntary coercive hierarchy should be replaced by decentralized free association. Anarcha-feminists believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist".

Identity politics is politics based on a particular identity, such as race, nationality, religion, gender, sexual orientation, social background, caste, and social class. The term could also encompass other social phenomena which are not commonly understood as exemplifying identity politics, such as governmental migration policy that regulates mobility based on identities, or far-right nationalist agendas of exclusion of national or ethnic others. For this reason, Kurzwelly, Pérez and Spiegel, who discuss several possible definitions of the term, argue that it is an analytically imprecise concept.

Liberal feminism, also called mainstream feminism, is a main branch of feminism defined by its focus on achieving gender equality through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy and informed by a human rights perspective. It is often considered culturally progressive and economically center-right to center-left. As the oldest of the "Big Three" schools of feminist thought, liberal feminism has its roots in 19th century first-wave feminism seeking recognition of women as equal citizens, focusing particularly on women's suffrage and access to education, the effort associated with 19th century liberalism and progressivism. Liberal feminism "works within the structure of mainstream society to integrate women into that structure." Liberal feminism places great emphasis on the public world, especially laws, political institutions, education and working life, and considers the denial of equal legal and political rights as the main obstacle to equality. As such liberal feminists have worked to bring women into the political mainstream. Liberal feminism is inclusive and socially progressive, while broadly supporting existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies, and is associated with centrism and reformism. Liberal feminism tends to be adopted by white middle-class women who do not disagree with the current social structure; Zhang and Rios found that liberal feminism with its focus on equality is viewed as the dominant and "default" form of feminism. Liberal feminism actively supports men's involvement in feminism and both women and men have always been active participants in the movement; progressive men had an important role alongside women in the struggle for equal political rights since the movement was launched in the 19th century.

Marxist feminism is a philosophical variant of feminism that incorporates and extends Marxist theory. Marxist feminism analyzes the ways in which women are exploited through capitalism and the individual ownership of private property. According to Marxist feminists, women's liberation can only be achieved by dismantling the capitalist systems in which they contend much of women's labor is uncompensated. Marxist feminists extend traditional Marxist analysis by applying it to unpaid domestic labor and sex relations.

Socialist feminism rose in the 1960s and 1970s as an offshoot of the feminist movement and New Left that focuses upon the interconnectivity of the patriarchy and capitalism. However, the ways in which women's private, domestic, and public roles in society has been conceptualized, or thought about, can be traced back to Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and William Thompson's utopian socialist work in the 1800s. Ideas about overcoming the patriarchy by coming together in female groups to talk about personal problems stem from Carol Hanisch. This was done in an essay in 1969 which later coined the term 'the personal is political.' This was also the time that second wave feminism started to surface which is really when socialist feminism kicked off. Socialist feminists argue that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and cultural sources of women's oppression.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Third World Women's Alliance</span> Revolutionary socialist women-of-color organization active from 1968 to 1980

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<i>Marxism and the Oppression of Women</i> 1983 book by Lise Vogel

Marxism and the Oppression of Women: Toward a Unitary Theory is a book by the sociologist Lise Vogel that is considered an important contribution to Marxist Feminism. Vogel surveys Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's comments on the causes of women's oppression, examines how socialist movements in Europe and in the United States have addressed women's oppression, and argues that women's oppression should be understood in terms of women's role in social reproduction and in particular in reproducing labor power.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ecofeminism</span> Approach to feminism influenced by ecologist movement

Ecofeminism is a branch of feminism and political ecology. Ecofeminist thinkers draw on the concept of gender to analyse the relationships between humans and the natural world. The term was coined by the French writer Françoise d'Eaubonne in her book Le Féminisme ou la Mort (1974). Ecofeminist theory asserts a feminist perspective of Green politics that calls for an egalitarian, collaborative society in which there is no one dominant group. Today, there are several branches of ecofeminism, with varying approaches and analyses, including liberal ecofeminism, spiritual/cultural ecofeminism, and social/socialist ecofeminism. Interpretations of ecofeminism and how it might be applied to social thought include ecofeminist art, social justice and political philosophy, religion, contemporary feminism, and poetry.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lise Vogel</span> American Marxist-feminist sociologist and art historian (b. 1938)

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ni una menos</span> Latin American feminist movement

Ni una menos is a Latin American fourth-wave grassroots feminist movement, which started in Argentina and has spread across several Latin American countries, that campaigns against gender-based violence. This mass mobilization comes as a response to various systemic issues that proliferate violence against women. In its official website, Ni una menos defines itself as a "collective scream against machista violence." The campaign was started by a collective of Argentine female artists, journalists and academics, and has grown into "a continental alliance of feminist forces". Social media was an essential factor in the propagation of the Ni Una Menos movement to other countries and regions. The movement regularly holds protests against femicides, but has also touched on topics such as gender roles, sexual harassment, gender pay gap, sexual objectification, legality of abortion, sex workers' rights and transgender rights.

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White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women but are perceived as failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges. Whiteness is crucial in structuring the lived experiences of white women across a variety of contexts. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women the space. The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tithi Bhattacharya</span> Indian activist and writer

Tithi Bhattacharya is Associate Professor of South Asian history at Purdue University. She is a prominent Marxist feminist and one of the national organizers of the International Women's Strike on March 8, 2017. Bhattacharya is a vocal advocate of Palestinian rights and Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS).

Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Beyond Lean-In: For a Feminism of the 99% and a Militant International Strike on March 8 - Viewpoint Magazine". Viewpoint Magazine. 3 February 2017. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
  2. 1 2 Cooper, Brittney (1 February 2016). Disch, Lisa; Hawkesworth, Mary (eds.). Intersectionality. Vol. 1. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199328581.001.0001. ISBN   9780199328581. Archived from the original on 3 September 2018. Retrieved 24 October 2018.{{cite book}}: |journal= ignored (help)
  3. 1 2 Davis, Angela Y. (1981). Women, race, & class (First ed.). New York. ISBN   978-0394510392. OCLC   7459645.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  4. 1 2 Hooks, Bell (2015). Feminism is for everybody : passionate politics (Second ed.). New York. ISBN   9781138821590. OCLC   887450667.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  5. ↑ "Defining Black Feminist Thought - The Feminist eZine". www.feministezine.com. Archived from the original on 29 September 2018. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
  6. ↑ Kennedy, Elizabeth Lapovsky (2008). "Socialist Feminism: What Difference Did It Make to the History of Women's Studies?". Feminist Studies. 34 (3): 497–525. JSTOR   20459218.
  7. 1 2 3 4 ""What is social reproduction theory?": Tithi Bhattacharya" (in European Spanish). 17 October 2017. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
  8. ↑ Angela Davis Criticizes "Mainstream Feminism" / Bourgeois Feminism, 8 January 2018, archived from the original on 18 March 2018, retrieved 24 October 2018
  9. ↑ Evans, Dayna. "On March 8, Women Will Go on Strike". The Cut. Archived from the original on 25 March 2018. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
  10. ↑ "2 charts which show just how huge the Women's Marches against Trump were". The Independent. Archived from the original on 25 January 2017. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
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