| |||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 82.07% 21.7 pp | ||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||||||||||
Washington: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Epton: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% No votes | |||||||||||||||||
|
Elections in Illinois |
---|
| ||
---|---|---|
Transit projects Related | ||
The Chicago mayoral election of 1983 began with the primary on February 22, 1983, which was followed by the general on April 12, 1983. The election saw the election of Chicago's first African-American mayor, Harold Washington.
Incumbent Mayor Jane Byrne, who had served since April 16, 1979, faced a primary challenge from Cook County State's Attorney Richard M. Daley and from U.S. Congressman Harold Washington. Washington defeated Byrne and Daley in the Democratic primary in February 1983, winning by nearly 3 points.
In the general election, Washington faced Republican nominee Bernard Epton. Though Epton's candidacy was initially thought to be a longshot, backlash to Washington among white voters propelled his candidacy. This led to a higlhy competitive general election race. In a high-turnout election, Washington won with a 3.7% lead over Epton.
The election saw high turnout, both during the primaries and the general election.
During the city's Democratic and Republican primaries (held on February 22) [1] 77.49% of registered voters voted. [2] [3] This was a very high turnout for Chicago mayoral primaries. [4]
1,235,324 ballots were returned by voters in the city's primary elections (1,217,965 in the Democratic primary, 14,641 ballots in the Republican primary, and 2,718 in for third-party's primaries). Most ballots were cast in-person at precinct polling places on election day, though 22,483 ballots were cast absentee and 1,822 were cast at nursing homes. [3] Not all of these ballots cast votes in the mayoral primaries, however.
General election turnout was 82.07%. [5]
1,334,303 ballots were returned by voters in the general election. Most ballots were cast in-person at precinct polling places on election day, though 25,427 were absentee ballots and 1,822 were cast at nursing homes. [3] Not all of these ballots cast votes in the mayoral race, however.
Since winning an upset victory in the 1979 Democratic primary and a landslide victory in that year's general election, Jane Byrne had had a tumultuous term as mayor. [6] A three-way race emerged between Byrne, congressman Harold Washington, and Cook County State's Attorney Richard M. Daley (the son of former mayor Richard J. Daley). Byrne secured support for her re-nomination from 33 of the city's aldermen. [6] Two months ahead of the primary, the city's Democratic Party organization endorsed her. [7] Of the candidates, Byrne's campaign had the most funds. She raised more than $3 million. [6] She had spent many of her funds very early into the campaign, splurging on early television commercials in an effort to overhaul her image. Her advertisements sought to portray her as a steady and serious leader that had straightened out the city government after taking office amid chaos. [6] While Byrne had previously, in 1979, had presented herself as a protegee of former mayor Richard J. Daley, she now blamed him for many of the city's financial shortcomings. [6]
Daley's own son Richard M. Daley capitalized off a desire which many Chicagoans held (despite Byrne's criticisms) to return to what they perceived to have been comparatively stable years which the city had experienced under Richard J. Daley's leadership. [6] Newspapers had speculated about a Daley candidacy since the start of the Byrne administration. Byrne recognized the threat posed by the younger Daley and sought to contain him. In the 1980 Cook County State's Attorney election, Byrne backed Ed Burke in the Democratic primary and later Republican Bernard Carey in the general election, both of whom were defeated by Daley. [8] However, the younger Daley struggled with a perception that he was a lightweight compared to his father. [6] There was also a perception at the time that the younger Daley held an inferior intellect to those of his opponents. [6] When Daley officially launched his campaign in September 1982, polls showed him ahead of or tied with Byrne. [9] A voting bloc which was sought after were the independent-leaning Democrats often called "lakefront liberals". [6] They had backed Byrne in the 1979 primary, but were hesitant to back her again. [6]
Washington had been the favorite among much of Chicago's African American Community, and a movement to draft Harold was led by former journalist, and community activist Lu Palmer. [10] A poll by the Chicago Black United Communities (CBUC) found Washington to be the favorite among 10 prospective black candidates. [11] Washington initially did not accept any overtures to run. On July 26, 1982, at an event intended to nominate Harold for mayor, he said in a speech that the campaign was about "the plan, not the man". [12] [13] Washington also wanted a guarantee that the campaign would have adequate resources and an increase in black voter registration. [14] In the aftermath of this, activists registered more than 100,000 new voters, and with Daley and Byrne fighting each other, there was a credible path for Washington. On November 10, 1982, Washington announced in Hyde Park he would run for mayor. [15]
Much of the city's white electorate was split between Byrne and Daley. [16] [17] The fact that neither Byrne nor Daley were able to consolidate the white electorate around their candidacy provided Washington an opportunity to win a plurality of the overall vote. [16] While Washington was anticipated to do well among African-American voters, he would not have been able to capture the nomination on African-American support alone. [6] Because Washington's campaign had issues with lower name recognition at first, Byrne and Daley opted to not make any racially charged attacks on Washington in the hopes of winning over black voters. [18] Chairman Edward Vrdolyak was alleged to have encouraged voters to back Byrne, warning that a vote for Daley was a vote for Washington. Vrdolyak said "It’s a racial thing. Don’t kid yourself. I’m calling on you to save your city, to save your precinct. We’re fighting to keep the city the way it is." Washington condemned the remarks and Byrne was dismissive of making race an issue. [19]
In the closing days of the campaign, Byrne was on the defense, particularly from attacks being lodged by Daley. [20] Daley, meanwhile, was struggling to convince voters that he was no longer in third place. [20] Washington entered the television ad campaign later than the other candidates, only having barely $1 million to spend on his campaign. [21] Byrne spent a total of $10 million on her campaign, [21] $5 million more than her 1979 campaign. Daley won the endorsements of both of the city's major newspapers, [22] the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun-Times [23]
Federal officials
State officials
Local officials
Newspapers and publications
Executive officials
Federal officials
State officials
Newspapers and publications
Federal officials
State officials
Individuals
The election was held on Tuesday, February 22, 1983. [6] 1.2 million Chicagoans went to polls to cast their ballot, noted then as the largest turnout since 25 years earlier in 1958. [21] Turnout was 77.5%. [5] Washington received 36.3% of the citywide vote [21] and roughly 80% of the African-American vote. [21] [35] Mayor Byrne had 33.6% of the citywide vote and Daley came in third place with 29.7%. The election saw a record-setting 69% of registered African-American voter turnout. [21] Author Paul Green would later say that Daley was not adequately prepared to run in 1983, lacking an efficient political organization, significant political experience, and lacking an understanding of the issues and demographics of the city. [36]
1983 Chicago Democratic Party Mayoral Primary | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Candidate | Votes | % | +/- | |
Harold Washington | 424,324 | 36.3% | N/A | |
Jane Byrne (incumbent) | 393,500 | 33.6% | -17.4% | |
Richard M. Daley | 346,835 | 29.7% | N/A | |
Frank R. Ranallo | 2,367 | 0.2% | N/A | |
William Markowski | 1,412 | 0.1% | N/A | |
Sheila Jones | 1,285 | 0.1% | N/A | |
Majority | 30,824 | 2.6% | +0.6% | |
Total | 1,169,723 | 100% | N/A |
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (November 2024) |
Former state Representative Bernard Epton won the Republican nomination. [6] Epton had reluctantly run after being urged by party leaders. [37] Governor James Thompson had even personally called Epton, offering for his gubernatorial campaign staff to help out on a prospective Epton mayoral candidacy. [38] Epton was the only established figure who agreed to seek the nomination, and had all but formally secured the nomination at party meetings in November. [39] Chicago had not elected a Republican mayor in 56 years (since the 1927 Chicago mayoral election). [6] At the time, Chicago had no Republican aldermen on its City Council. [6] While Chicago was regarded as overwhelmingly Democratic, it was hoped by many Republicans that if Washington were nominated by the Democrats, many white voters would vote for the Republican nominee. [6] Epton stated, "Chicago has been regarded for too long as a Democratic stronghold. It's about time we change that image." [6] Epton was ultimately unopposed on the Republican primary ballot [40] after candidates Ralph G. Medly, [41] William Arthur Murray, [42] and Raymond Wardingley [43] saw their names removed from the ballot due to issues with their petitions. Wardingly had been a candidate in the previous election's primary. During the primary, Epton raised $41,000, of which almost entirely came from self-donations or donations from family. [44]
Ed Warren ran as an independent candidate.
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2018) |
After Washington's primary victory, a backlash began to emerge among white voters. In the days after, Republican Party headquarters were filled with volunteers. [45] [46] A week afterward, Epton's rallies were attended by people wearing bags with "Unknown Democrats for Epton" written on them. [47] Moreover, Democratic Alderman were reticent to support Washington. The first Alderman to endorse Epton was Aloysius Majerczyk. [48] Majerczyk said his constituents "are giving me a message of racial pride. . . . They’re afraid of scattered-site housing. They’re concerned about the stability of our neighborhoods." [49] Other white aldermen followed, implicitly or explicitly. [48] Edward Vrdolyak, chair of the Cook County Democratic Party, offered only tepid support for Washington, and allegedly maintained contact with the Epton campaign. [50]
In spite of this, Epton promised to not make race an issue. [51] He vowed not to make personal attacks and spoke highly of Washington, whom he had served in the state legislature with. [52] James Fletcher, who ran James R. Thompson's first successful gubernatorial campaign, became Epton's general election campaign manager. High-profile figures such as Republican Senator Paul Laxalt (chairman of the RNC) campaigned for Epton. [53]
On March 17, Byrne announced she was running as a write-in candidate, claiming of Epton and Washington ''neither of them represents the best interest of Chicago; neither of them has a program for Chicago.'' [1] Epton believed that Byrne's candidacy would hurt his candidacy and help Washington. [1] Washington was critical of her campaign, though privately saw the campaign as helpful for his candidacy. Byrne's candidacy was met with resistance from Democratic aldermen, and Ted Kennedy personally visited with Byrne to convince her to drop the campaign. After being booed at a Southside nursing home, Byrne withdrew after only a week. [54] In addition to a lack of support, Byrne had hoped to avoid a court battle with the Chicago Board of Elections over the simplification of write-in procedures. [55]
As the race went on, it became increasingly competitive, with some newspapers characterizing it as a "tossup". [56] Epton was polling double what a Republican typically polled in Chicago mayoral races. [57] The race also grew very bitter, as the last weeks of the campaign saw various attacks from Epton's campaign. Epton made frequent reference to Washington's past legal troubles, including a failure to pay his taxes and a brief suspension of his law license. [58] Epton's ads used the slogan "Epton- Before it's too late", which capitalized on the fears of white voters. [59] Washington's campaign, meanwhile, took advantage of claims that Epton had been institutionalized multiple times for depression and attacked Epton's slogan for its racially tinged messaging. [60] [61]
On March 27, an incident occurred at St. Pascal's Catholic Church on the northwest side where Washington and former Vice President Walter Mondale were accosted by protestors. [62] The incident received national attention, including a cover story in Newsweek titled "Chicago's Ugly Election", and similar stories appeared in other outlets as well. [63] Subsequently, Washington's team made advertisements using footage of the protestors to highlight to white liberals the level of racism behind the opposition to Washington. [64] In the last days of the campaign, a flier circulated accusing Washington of being a child molester. This enraged Washington, who delivered a speech criticizing Epton's character, which earned applause and cheers from a predominantly white audience. [65]
The Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun-Times both endorsed Washington. [23]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (November 2019) |
Federal officials
State officials
Local officials
Federal officials
State officials
Newspapers and publications
The election saw a massive voter turnout, with more than 82 percent of eligible voters casting ballots. [5] This race had one of the highest turnouts in Chicago history. [72]
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Harold Washington | 668,176 | 51.72 | |
Republican | Bernard Epton | 619,926 | 47.99 | |
Independent | Ed Warren | 3,756 | 0.29 | |
Turnout | 1,291,858 |
Washington's coalition of voters consisted of the city's African American population with the additional support of "lakefront liberals" and the city's Latino community. Therefore, he performed best in heavily black wards, as well as lakeshore wards and heavily Latino wards. [74] In black wards, turnout was no lower than 73% and Washington garnered around 97% of the black vote. [75]
Epton carried a plurality of the vote in 28 of the city's 50 wards, while Washington carried a plurality of the vote in 22 wards. [76] [74]
Ward [76] | Harold Washington (Democratic Party) | Bernard Epton (Republican Party) | Ed Warren (Socialist Workers Party) | Total | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | |
1 | 13,026 | 62.4% | 7,777 | 37.3% | 65 | 0.3% | 20,868 |
2 | 22,738 | 97.4% | 558 | 2.4% | 42 | 0.2% | 23,338 |
3 | 24,470 | 99.1% | 178 | 0.7% | 48 | 0.2% | 24,696 |
4 | 24,420 | 92.3% | 1,981 | 7.5% | 70 | 0.3% | 26,471 |
5 | 24,729 | 90.8% | 2,455 | 9.0% | 45 | 0.2% | 27,229 |
6 | 34,727 | 99.2% | 240 | 0.7% | 43 | 0.1% | 35,010 |
7 | 17,293 | 81.9% | 3,771 | 17.9% | 45 | 0.2% | 21,109 |
8 | 31,095 | 98.5% | 457 | 1.4% | 28 | 0.1% | 31,580 |
9 | 23,979 | 93.9% | 1,518 | 5.9% | 29 | 0.1% | 25,526 |
10 | 10,103 | 33.9% | 19,609 | 65.8% | 94 | 0.3% | 29,806 |
11 | 7,186 | 25.8% | 20,515 | 73.8% | 98 | 0.4% | 27,799 |
12 | 3,836 | 15.4% | 21,042 | 84.2% | 99 | 0.4% | 24,977 |
13 | 1,457 | 4.0% | 34,856 | 95.7% | 100 | 0.3% | 36,413 |
14 | 3,864 | 16.1% | 20,095 | 83.5% | 94 | 0.4% | 24,053 |
15 | 15,949 | 60.3% | 10,451 | 39.5% | 62 | 0.2% | 26,462 |
16 | 25,646 | 98.9% | 221 | 0.9% | 56 | 0.2% | 25,923 |
17 | 29,233 | 99.1% | 205 | 0.7% | 53 | 0.2% | 29,491 |
18 | 14,889 | 43.7% | 19,081 | 56.0% | 79 | 0.2% | 34,049 |
19 | 7,045 | 20.0% | 28,072 | 79.7% | 105 | 0.3% | 35,222 |
20 | 25,701 | 99.0% | 220 | 0.8% | 40 | 0.2% | 25,961 |
21 | 32,967 | 99.1% | 275 | 0.8% | 32 | 0.1% | 33,274 |
22 | 4,674 | 51.9% | 4,279 | 47.5% | 46 | 0.5% | 8,999 |
23 | 1,373 | 4.1% | 32,399 | 95.6% | 101 | 0.3% | 33,873 |
24 | 24,259 | 99.2% | 129 | 0.5% | 63 | 0.3% | 24,451 |
25 | 5,925 | 49.1% | 6,099 | 50.5% | 51 | 0.4% | 12,075 |
26 | 7,449 | 45.5% | 8,823 | 53.9% | 96 | 0.6% | 16,368 |
27 | 20,706 | 92.7% | 1,577 | 7.1% | 58 | 0.3% | 22,341 |
28 | 22,335 | 98.6% | 224 | 1.0% | 103 | 0.5% | 22,662 |
29 | 19,882 | 92.7% | 1,530 | 7.1% | 43 | 0.2% | 21,455 |
30 | 3,033 | 12.6% | 20,947 | 87.1% | 72 | 0.3% | 24,052 |
31 | 9,856 | 60.4% | 6,396 | 39.2% | 77 | 0.5% | 16,329 |
32 | 8,266 | 43.8% | 10,515 | 55.7% | 98 | 0.5% | 18,879 |
33 | 6,909 | 37.7% | 11,296 | 61.7% | 101 | 0.6% | 18,306 |
34 | 29,354 | 98.8% | 336 | 1.1% | 32 | 0.1% | 29,722 |
35 | 3,412 | 15.4% | 18,647 | 84.2% | 85 | 0.4% | 22,144 |
36 | 1,647 | 4.9% | 31,944 | 94.8% | 95 | 0.3% | 33,686 |
37 | 17,549 | 76.8% | 5,251 | 23.0% | 57 | 0.2% | 22,857 |
38 | 1,881 | 5.7% | 30,939 | 94.0% | 100 | 0.3% | 32,920 |
39 | 3,127 | 12.3% | 22,159 | 87.3% | 92 | 0.4% | 25,378 |
40 | 3,772 | 17.1% | 18,202 | 82.5% | 91 | 0.4% | 22,065 |
41 | 2,380 | 6.8% | 32,725 | 93.0% | 75 | 0.2% | 35,180 |
42 | 12,496 | 45.5% | 14,891 | 54.2% | 67 | 0.2% | 27,454 |
43 | 11,006 | 35.8% | 19,618 | 63.9% | 93 | 0.3% | 30,717 |
44 | 10,613 | 39.2% | 16,372 | 60.4% | 105 | 0.4% | 27,090 |
45 | 2,376 | 6.9% | 31,737 | 92.8% | 91 | 0.3% | 34,204 |
46 | 10,251 | 46.8% | 11,542 | 52.7% | 108 | 0.5% | 21,901 |
47 | 4,515 | 18.0% | 20,397 | 81.5% | 125 | 0.5% | 25,037 |
48 | 9,433 | 43.3% | 12,269 | 56.3% | 88 | 0.4% | 21,790 |
49 | 9,719 | 42.9% | 12,815 | 56.6% | 109 | 0.5% | 22,643 |
50 | 5,001 | 18.2% | 22,368 | 81.4% | 103 | 0.4% | 27,472 |
Totals | 667,552 | 51.7% | 620,003 | 48.0% | 3,752 | 0.3% | 1,291,307 |
Jane Margaret Byrne was an American politician who served as the 50th mayor of Chicago from April 16, 1979, until April 29, 1983. Prior to her tenure as mayor, Byrne served as Chicago's commissioner of consumer sales from 1969 until 1977, the only female in the mayoral cabinet.
Harold Lee Washington was an American lawyer and politician who was the 51st Mayor of Chicago. Washington became the first African American to be elected as the city's mayor in April 1983. He served as mayor from April 29, 1983, until his death in 1987. Born in Chicago and raised in the Bronzeville neighborhood, Washington became involved in local 3rd Ward politics under Chicago Alderman and future Congressman Ralph Metcalfe after graduating from Roosevelt University and Northwestern University School of Law. Washington was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1981 to 1983, representing Illinois's first district. Washington had previously served in the Illinois State Senate and the Illinois House of Representatives from 1965 until 1976.
Edward Robert Vrdolyak, also known as "Fast Eddie", is a former American politician and lawyer. He was a longtime Chicago alderman and the head of the Cook County Democratic Party until 1987 when he ran unsuccessfully for Mayor of Chicago on the Illinois Solidarity Party ticket. He subsequently ran again in 1989 on the Republican Party ticket. He was a prominent opponent of Harold Washington and the de facto leader of the so-called "Vrdolyak 29" that opposed and blocked many of Washington's measures.
The Council Wars were a racially polarized political conflict in the city of Chicago from 1983 to 1986, centered on the Chicago City Council. The term came from a satirical comedy sketch of the same name written and performed by comedian and journalist Aaron Freeman in 1983, using the good vs. evil plot line of the film Star Wars as a device.
The Cook County Democratic Party is an American county-level political party organization which represents voters in 50 wards in the city of Chicago and 30 suburban townships of Cook County. The organization has dominated Chicago politics since the 1930s. It relies on an organizational structure of a ward or township committeeperson to elect candidates. At the height of its influence under Richard J. Daley in the 1960s when political patronage in employment was endemic in American cities, it was one of the most powerful political machines in American history. By the beginning of the 21st century the party had largely ceased to function as a machine due to the legal dismantling of the patronage system under the Shakman Decrees issued by the federal court in Chicago. The current Chair is Toni Preckwinkle, who is also the elected Cook County Board president.
Thomas Charles Hynes was a physics teacher who served as Cook County Assessor, President of the Illinois Senate, and 19th Ward Democratic Committeeman. Hynes was also a third party candidate for mayor of Chicago in 1987, dropping out before election. He was the father of former Illinois Comptroller Dan Hynes.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1995 resulted in the re-election of Democratic Party nominee incumbent Richard M. Daley over independent candidate Roland Burris, with 359,466 votes to Burris's 217,024. Daley won 60.1% of the total vote, winning by a landslide 24-point margin. The Republican candidate, Raymond Wardingley, fared poorly with only 2.8% of the vote. A fourth-place candidate, Harold Washington Party nominee Lawrence Redmond, won 0.9% of the votes.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1991 resulted in the re-election of incumbent Democrat Richard M. Daley to his first full four-year term. Daley had previously been elected to serve the remainder of Harold Washington's unexpired term in a special election held following Washington's death in office.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1989 saw Democratic nominee Richard M. Daley win election to the remainder of an unexpired mayoral term with a 14% margin of victory. This marked a return for the Daley family to the office of mayor. Daley was elected over Alderman Timothy Evans, the nominee of the newly formed Harold Washington Party, and the Republican nominee Ed Vrdolyak.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1987 saw the re-election of incumbrnt Democrat Harold Washington. Partisan primaries were held on February 24, followed by the general election on April 7, 1987. Washington defeated Ed Vrdolyak, the leader of the Vrdolyak 29, who ran on the Illinois Solidarity Party ticket. Former mayor Jane Byrne unsuccessfully challenged Washington in the Democratic primary.
The 1979 Chicago mayoral election was first the primary on February 27, 1979, which was followed by the general on April 3, 1979. The election saw the election of Chicago, Illinois' first female mayor, and the first female mayor of any major American city, Jane M. Byrne. Byrne defeated Republican Wallace Johnson by a landslide 66 percent margin of victory, winning more than 82 percent of the vote. Byrne's 82% of the vote is the most any candidate has received in a Chicago mayoral election.
Jesús G. "Chuy" García is an American politician serving as the U.S. representative for Illinois's 4th district since 2019. A member of the Democratic Party, he served on the Cook County Board of Commissioners, as well as in the Illinois Senate and on the Chicago City Council before his election to Congress. He was also a candidate for mayor of Chicago in 2015 and 2023. Throughout his career in Chicago and national politics, he has been described as a progressive.
William Singer is an American lawyer, politician, consultant, and lobbyist who formerly served as a Chicago alderman, representing the 44th and 43rd wards during his aldermanic career.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1977 was a special election held on June 7, 1977, to complete the remainder of the unexpired mayoral term of Richard J. Daley who died of a heart attack in December 1976. The election saw Interim Mayor Michael A. Bilandic win the election. Bliandic defeated Republican city council member Dennis H. Block by a landslide 56% margin.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1975 was held on April 1, 1975. Democratic Party incumbent Richard J. Daley was elected to a record sixth term as mayor by a landslide 59% margin over Republican nominee John J. Hoellen Jr. Only one other individual has since matched Daley's feat of winning six Chicago mayoral elections. This was the first Chicago mayoral election since the ratification of the Twenty-sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18.
Chicago has held regularly-scheduled popular elections to select the city's mayor ever since it was incorporated as a city in 1837.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1967 was held on April 4, 1967. The election saw Richard J. Daley being elected to a fourth term as mayor. Daley's main opponent was Republican nominee John L. Waner, who he defeated by a landslide 48% margin.
The Chicago mayoral election of 1963 was held on April 2, 1963. The election saw Richard J. Daley elected to a third term as mayor, defeating Republican Ben Adamowski by a double-digit margin.
The 1955 Chicago mayoral election saw Democrat Richard J. Daley win election to his first term as mayor by a ten-point margin over Republican Robert E. Merriam. This was the narrowest margin of victory of any of Daley's mayoral races.
In the 1980 Cook County State's Attorney election, incumbent second-term state's attorney Bernard Carey, a Republican, was unseated by Democrat Richard M. Daley.
From the outset of the Byrne mayoralty, the newspapers had been predicting an eventual showdown between the boss's son, who seemed destined in many minds to exercise his birthright and reclaim city hall for the Bridgeport faithful, and the female mayor, an interloper whose following had become fragmented and brittle... The mayor accordingly did all she could to isolate the young Daley, to drive him out of the Democratic organization and into political oblivion. When Daley had announced his intention to run for state's attorney in 1980, a move widely perceived as preparatory to seeking the mayoralty in 1983, Byrne recruited Fourteenth Ward alderman Edward M. Burke to run against him in the primary. Burke lost decisively, and, even with the mayor openly backing the Republican candidate, Bernard Carey, Daley won the general election handily. From that moment forward, Chicagoans looked to the 1983 mayoral election as the inevitable clash between the two powerful politicians for control of the Democratic machine's valuable remains.
From the very beginning, Harold Washington was the overwhelming choice of Chicago's African American community to be its standard bearer in the race for mayor. Lu Palmer, a former Daily News reporter and community activist had organized a coalition of black community organizations and begun a draft Washington movement in July.
U.S. Rep. Harold Washington was the favorite to run for mayor of Chicago in the 1983 election. This was determined by a citywide survey conducted by the Chicago Black United Communities (CBUC) between May 1 and June 15, 1982. Lu Palmer, founder of CBUC, was one of the 10 individuals on the survey list.
Our keynote speaker at the plebiscite meeting, which was at the Bethel A.M.E. Church on July 26, was Congressman Harold Washington. And, of course, he was the runaway winner in votes, like 10 to one. Harold's speech disturbed me because he kept harping on the theme that it is the 'plan and not the man.' I looked at some of the other organizers of the meeting and frowned. I did not know what
In the summer of 1982, two thousand people showed up at a south side church for a daylong event that Lu Palmer had billed as a "black plebiscite." The idea was to invite anyone who was anyone in black movement politics and, at this gathering of the clan, crown Harold Washington as their choice for mayor... All that remained was the formality of Washington humbly accepting their nomination. That, at least, was the way Palmer's script read. The crowd treated Washington to a standing ovation as he made his way to the microphone. But instead of declaring his candidacy, he started talking about how it was "the plan, not the man." Don't get too hung up on any one candidate, Washington urged the crowd
Washington had been reluctant all the way. He wanted assurances of full support from the community, a healthy campaign war chest and a black voter registration drive.
By 1982 a number of factors had coalesced to improve the prospects of an African American running for mayor. Washington had challenged black activists to register 50,000 new voters, seemingly a very ambitious goal, and they had responded by recruiting more than twice that number... The opportunity appeared even better in early November when Richard M. Daley, the eldest son of the late mayor, announced his candidacy... On November 10, eight days after his reelection to the U.S. House of Representatives, Washington announced his candidacy for mayor in a press conference witnessed by a large and enthusiastic crowd at the Hyde Park Hilton Hotel.
Because both Daley and Byrne hoped to attract some black votes, they refrained from leveling the kind of harsh criticisms against Washington that might have appeared racially insensitive... This decision made a great deal of sense to the political experts in the Daley and Byrne camps, for Washington's campaign appeared to be spinning its wheels. His long-shot candidacy inevitably suffered from a number of serious liabilities common to all reformers but heightened for minority candidates. Widely known on the South Side but lacking the kind of name recognition throughout Chicago enjoyed by Daley and Byrne, Washington faced an uphill battle introducing himself and his platform to the metropolis's disparate voters
Then, on the weekend before the primary, Ed Vrdolyak addressed an assembly of around two hundred precinct captains on the northwest side. Unbeknownst to Vrdolyak, a pair of Trib reporters had sneaked into the meeting to hear from this man who, as party chairman, was essentially Byrne's campaign manager. "A vote for Daley is a vote for Washington," Vrdolyak told the captains. "It's a two-person race. It would be the worst day in the history of Chicago if our candidate, the only viable candidate, was not elected." And in case anyone missed it, he punched the point home with these words: "It's a racial thing. Don't kid yourself. I'm calling on you to save your city, to save your precinct. We're fighting to keep the city the way it is." News of Vrdolyak's pep talk prompted Byrne to scrap her schedule and make several impromptu appearances in the black community. At first she offered a lame attempt at humor. "I've been coughing so hard and have such a cold that I don't even know what he's been saying," she said. Later in the day she had her talking point. She declared herself "annoyed with anybody who makes race an issue"—Vrdolyak or Washington. Reporters caught up with Washington at Daley Plaza. "Here at the last moment," Washington said of Vrdolyak, "afraid that he will not be able to reign over this city and use this mayor as a puppet, he's gotten excited and resorted to the last defense of demagogues and scoundrels. He's raised the race banner."
For the purpose of this chapter, it is important to point out that as a politician and government official, State's Attorney Daley was simply not ready to take on both Byrne and Congressman Harold Washington at the same time. RMD was obviously not comfortable running in 1983. Why? First, his political operation was not smooth (an uneven mixing of several of his father's old loyalists and a few of RMD's younger allies); second, his governmental track record was minimal, especially to take on an incumbent mayor and a longtime (though relatively unknown) political sharpshooter like Harold Washington; third and most important, RMD's campaign, both its policies and tactics, aimed inward, not outward. His campaign did not reflect the city's changing demographics or the types of issues that affected its citizens. As one old pro told me, "1983 was the ultimate 'pissing match' and Rich Daley's Bridgeport-based campaign could not overcome Byrne's citywide money and incumbency or Washington's racial appeal and rhetoric."
Epton's campaign was even more ragtag than Washington's. He raised $41,000 during the primary; all but $1,000 came from his own bank account or from family members. His daughter served as campaign manager.
The huge number of volunteers pouring into Republican campaign offices offering their services overwhelmed the silent, empty rooms that had resembled mausoleums just days before.
The day after Washington's primary win, swarms of volunteers were already descending on Republican headquarters. The procession only intensified in the coming days.
Just seven days after the primary upset, some of the white citizens who attended an Epton mayoral rally at 3252 S. Halsted St. wore paper bags over their heads, as though they were attempting to hide from the boogey man. The paper bags proclaimed that they were "Unknown Democrats for Epton."
Majerczyk observed (correctly, if the April election returns were any indication) the he would lose few votes in his white ethnic ward by opposing the (black) Democratic mayoral nominee, Harold Washington. He became the first alderman to declare open support for Republican Bernard Epton. Most other white aldermen followed suit, either overtly or covertly.
The party chairman, Ed Vrdolyak, endorsed Washington, but his support, too, seemed disingenuous. In different circumstances, Vrdolyak would have twisted arms to maintain party unity; instead, the party chairman offered a few perfunctory remarks and left his support at that... Vrdolyak kept in close contact with Epton throughout the campaign—so, at least, a top Epton aide told a writer for Chicago magazine after the election was over.
After Washington's primary victory, Epton immediately promised to take the high road during the campaign. He refused to be cast as the Great White Hope and told the Chicago Defender that he would "repudiate any efforts by white racist Democrats" to rally around him as the antiblack candidate.
Eschewing the cutthroat politics for which Chicago had become infamous, Epton promised to refrain from personal attacks against his opponent and to devote his time to sober discussions of the issues. During his first campaign appearances, he met those lofty goals. Epton described Washington as articulate and intelligent and spoke highly of their time spent together in the Illinois General Assembly.
Washington said all the right things about Byrne's hurting the Democratic Party, but privately he could not have been more pleased. Two white candidates would again split the city's white vote. Ed Vrdolyak announced that neither the party nor his ward organization would have any part of her write-in effort. Two of her more visible primary supporters, Alderman Vito Marzullo and Park Superintendent Ed Kelly, endorsed Epton. Ted Kennedy endorsed Washington and made a special trip to Chicago to convince Byrne that her write-in candidacy would damage her reputation. But she didn't get out until she was booed at a southwest side nursing home. Her revived candidacy lasted a week.
Through the second half of the general election, however, Epton spoke of little else. With election day less than three weeks off, the two candidates met in their sole debate. No campaign issue, Epton said in his opening statement, is as important as doubts about Washington's background. Voters, he said, must ask themselves one question that outweighs all others: "Will he obey the law?" During the debate, Epton held up a thick blue notebook that his aides said beforehand would contain shocking new disclosures. The notebook was nothing more than a compilation of old charges, but it made for a dramatic prop. The debate set the tone for the remainder of the campaign. Epton offered no programs or sense of direction in his standard stump speech—just a recap of Washington's jail term and the law license suspension.
Between the evening of the debate and Election Day, just less than three weeks overall, the thin veneer of civility present earlier in the mayoral contest disappeared completely, as Epton vigorously questioned his adversary's fitness to be mayor and Washington responded in kind. The campaign slogan the Republican coined, Epton—Before It's Too Late", addressed the fears of white Chicagoans apprehensive of the changes a black mayor would impose.
The Washington campaign attempted to take advantage of questions raised by the media about Epton's medical history, specifically repeating claims that the Republican had been institutionalized twice for depression and had been prescribed lithium to control his anxiety.
Harold counterattacked his opponent with a barrage of accusations. He publicized medical records that indicated Epton had been hospitalized several times for mental illness, and he charged that the campaign slogan, "Epton Before It's Too Late", was not a non-too-subtle appeal to racist fears.
The ghastliness of that Palm Sunday received national headlines. Newsweek did a four-page cover story on "Chicago's Ugly Election" and People magazine carried a picture of a jeering mob and the headline "Hatred Walks The Street." Esquire magazine warned that "The campaign is disastrous for Chicago in terms of its own immediate future and certainly in terms of its national image. The image is taking. And the unfortunate thing is that part of the image is true."
Fortunately, a local CBS News crew was there, and they filmed the crowd reacting to Washington and Mondale. That created the strategic opening that we were trying to exploit, which was to make the case to white liberals that the campaign against Washington was so overtly racist that they would want nothing to do with it. With the footage from St. Pascal's, we could make commercials that would effectively shame those white liberals into supporting Harold.
The flier described Harold as a child molester. Harold stunned a lakefront audience at Mundelein College when he waved the flier over his head and shouted... The audience, most of whom were white people from the 48th and 49th Wards, cheered wildly at Harold's remarks, repeatedly interrupting him with chants of "We Want Harold." In the opinion of some political pundits, Harold won his margin of victory during these last few days before the election, when he put on his boxing gloves and came out in the middle of the ring fighting like Mike Tyson.
In one of the most bitter campaigns in Chicago's history, Washington won with 51.4 percent or 656,727 votes to Epton's 48.3 percent or 617,1 59 votes. The city turnout of 82 percent was one of the highest in Chicago's history.
In fact, black voters out-voted whites, and no black ward turned out lower than 73 percent. The black vote for Washington approached 97 percent.