Abdullah Öcalan

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Abdullah Öcalan
Abdullah Ocalan.png
Öcalan in 1997
Born (1949-04-04) 4 April 1949 (age 71) [1]
Ömerli, Turkey
Nationality Kurdish [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7]
Citizenship Turkey
Education Ankara University, Faculty of Political Science [8]
OccupationFounder and leader of militant organization PKK, [9] political activist, writer, political theorist
Organization Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Koma Civakên Kurdistan (KCK)
Kesire Yıldırım
(m. 1978)

Abdullah Öcalan ( /ˈəlɑːn/ OH-jə-lahn; [10] Turkish:  [œdʒaɫan] ; born 4 April 1949), also known as Apo [10] [11] (short for both Abdullah and "uncle" in Kurdish), [12] [13] is a Kurdish nationalist, political prisoner [14] [15] and one of the founding members of the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). [16] [17] [18] [19]


Öcalan was based in Syria from 1979 to 1998. [20] He helped found the PKK in 1978, and led it into the Kurdish–Turkish conflict in 1984. For most of his leadership, he was based in Syria, which provided sanctuary to the PKK until the late 1990s.

After being forced to leave Syria, Öcalan was abducted in Nairobi in 1999 by the Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT) (with assistance of the USA) and taken to Turkey, [21] where he was sentenced to death under Article 125 of the Turkish Penal Code, which concerns the formation of armed organizations. [22] The sentence was commuted to aggravated life imprisonment when Turkey abolished the death penalty. From 1999 until 2009, he was the sole prisoner [23] on İmralı Island, in the Sea of Marmara, where he is still held. [24] [25]

Öcalan has advocated a political solution to the conflict since the 1993 Kurdistan Workers' Party ceasefire. [26] [27] Öcalan's prison regime has oscillated between long periods of isolation during which he is allowed no contact with the outside world, and periods when he is permitted visits. [28] He was also involved in negotiations with the Turkish government that led to a temporary Kurdish–Turkish peace process in 2013. [29]

From prison, Öcalan has published several books. Jineology, also known as the science of women, is a form of feminism advocated by Öcalan [30] and subsequently a fundamental tenet of the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK). [31] Öcalan's philosophy of democratic confederalism is a strong influence on the political structures of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, an autonomous polity formed in Syria in 2012.

Early life and education

Öcalan was born in Ömerli, [32] a village in Halfeti, Şanlıurfa Province in eastern Turkey. [33] While some sources report his birthday as being 4 April 1948, no official birth records for him exist, and he himself claims not to know exactly when he was born, estimating the year to be 1946 or 1947. [34] He is the oldest of seven children. [35]

He attended elementary school in a neighboring village, and wanted to join the Turkish army. [36] He applied to the military high school but failed in the admission exam. [37] In 1966 he began to study at a vocational high school in Ankara (Turkish : Ankara Tapu-Kadastro Meslek Lisesi), where he met others who were also interested in improving Kurdish rights. [37] After graduating, Öcalan started working at the Diyarbakir Title Deeds Office. He was relocated one year later to Istanbul [37] where he participated in the meetings of the Revolutionary Cultural Eastern Hearths (DDKO). [38] [39] Later, he entered the Istanbul Law Faculty but after the first year transferred to Ankara University to study political science. [40] His return to Ankara (normally impossible given his situation [notes 1] ) was facilitated by the state in order to divide the Dev-Genç (Revolutionary Youth Federation of Turkey), of which Öcalan was a member. President Süleyman Demirel later regretted this decision, since the PKK was to become a much greater threat to the state than Dev-Genç. [41]

In 1972, Öcalan was arrested after participating in a protest against the killing of Mahir Çayan. He was held at for seven months at Mamak Prison. [42] In November 1973, the Ankara Democratic Association of Higher Education, (Ankara Demokratik Yüksek Öğrenim Demeği,ADYÖD) was founded and shortly after he was elected to join its board. [43] In December 1974, ADYÖD was closed down. [44] In 1975 Öcalan, together with Mazlum Doğan and Mehmet Hayri Durmuş  [ ku ] published a political booklet which described the main aims for a Revolution in Kurdistan. [45] During meetings in Ankara between 1974 and 1975, Öcalan and others came to the conclusion that Kurdistan was a colony and preparations ought to be made for a revolution. [46] The group decided to disperse into the different towns in Turkish Kurdistan in order to set up a base of supporters for an armed revolution. [46] At the beginning, this idea had only a few supporters, but following a journey Öcalan made through the cities of Ağrı, Batman, Diyarbakır, Bingöl, Kars and Urfa in 1977, the group counted over 300 adherents and had organised about thirty armed militants. [46]

In 1978, in the midst of the right- and left-wing conflicts which culminated in the 1980 Turkish coup d'état, Öcalan founded the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). [32] [47] In July 1979 he fled to Syria. [48]

In Syria

Ocalan supporters in London, April 2003 Pkk supporters london april 2003.jpg
Öcalan supporters in London, April 2003

With the support of the Syrian Government he established two training camps for the PKK in Lebanon where the Kurdish guerrillas should receive political and military training. [45] In 1984, the PKK initiated a campaign of armed conflict by attacking government forces [49] [50] [51] [52] in Turkey as well as civilians [53] [54] [55] in order to create an independent Kurdish state. As a result, the United States, European Union, Syria, Australia, Turkey, and many other countries have included the PKK on their lists of terrorist organizations. [56] [57] [58] Öcalan attempted to unite the Kurdish liberation movements of the PKK and the one active against Saddam Hussein in Iraq and it was agreed between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the PKK, that the latter was able to move freely in Iraqi Kurdistan. He also met twice with Masoud Barzani, the leader of the KDP in Damascus, to resolve some minor issues they had once in 1984 and another time in 1985. But due to pressure from Turkey the cooperation remained timid. [59] During an interview he gave to the newspaper Milliyet in 1988, he mentioned that it was not the goal to gain an independence for Turkey at all costs, but remained form on the issue of the Kurdish rights and suggested that negotiations should take place for a federation to be established in Turkey. [60] In 1988, he also met with Jalal Talabani of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in Damascus, with which he signed an agreement and after some differences after the foundation of a Kurdish Government in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1992 he later had a better relationship. [59] In the early 1990s, interviews given to both Doğu Perinçek and Hasan Bildirici he mentioned his willingness to achieve a peaceful solution to the conflict. [61] In another given to Oral Çalışlar, he emphasized the difference between independence and separatism. He articulated the view that different nations were able to live in independence within the same state if they had equal rights. [62] Then in 1993, upon request of Turkish president Turgut Özal, Öcalan met with Jalal Talabani for negotiations following which Öcalan declared a unilateral cease fire which had a duration from 20 March to 15 April. [63] [64] Later he prolonged it in order to enable negotiations with the Turkish government. Soon after Özal died on 17 April 1993, [65] the initiative was halted by Turkey on the grounds that Turkey did not negotiate with terrorists. [63] During an International Kurdish Conference in Brussels in March 1994, his initiative for equal rights for Kurds and Turks within Turkey was discussed. [66] It is reported by Gottfried Stein, that at least during the first half of the 1990s, he used to live mainly in a protected neighborhood in Damascus. [66] On 7 May 1996, in the midst of another unilateral cease-fire declared by the PKK, an attempt to assassinate him in a house in Damascus, was unsuccessful. [67] Following the protests which arose against the prohibition of the PKK in Germany, Öcalan had several meetings with politicians from Germany who came to hold talks with him. [68] In the summer of 1995 the president of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz) Klaus Grünewald came to visit him, [68] [69] And with the German MP Heinrich Lummer of the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) he held meetings in October 1995 in Damascus and March 1996, during which they discussed the PKKs activities in Germany. [68] Öcalan assured him that the PKK would support a peaceful solution for the conflict. Back in Germany, Lummer made a statement in support for further negotiations with Öcalan. [70] A Greek parliamentary delegation from the PASOK came to visit him in the Beqaa valley on the 17 October 1996. [68] During his stay in Syria he has published several books concerning the Kurdish revolution. [66] On at least one occasion, in 1993, he was detained and held by Syria's General Intelligence Directorate, but later released. [71] Until 1998, Öcalan was based in Syria. As the situation deteriorated in Turkey, the Turkish government openly threatened Syria over its support for the PKK. [72] As a result, the Syrian government forced Öcalan to leave the country but did not turn him over to the Turkish authorities. In October 1998, Öcalan prepared for his departure from Syria and during a meeting in Kobane, he attempted to lay the foundations for a new party. [73] This intention was not successful as for the Syrian intelligence obstructed the establishment of the party. [73]

Exile in Europe

He left Syria on the 9 October 1998 and for the next four months, he toured several European countries advocating for a solution of the Kurdish-Turkish conflict. [74] Öcalan first went to Russia where the Russian parliament voted on 4 November 1998 to grant him asylum. [75] On the 6 November, 109 Greek parliamentarians invited Öcalan to stay in Greece, a move which was repeated by Panayioitis Sgouridis  [ el ], [75] the deputy speaker of the Greek Parliament at the time. [76] Öcalan then chose to travel to Italy, where he landed on the 12 November 1998 at the airport in Rome. [77] In 1998 the Turkish government requested the extradition of Öcalan from Italy, [78] where he applied for political asylum upon his arrival. He was detained by the Italian authorities due to an arrest warrant issued by Germany. [79] But Italy did not extradite him to Germany, who refused to hold a trial on Öcalan in its country. [80] The German chancellor Gerhard Schröder as well as the Minister of the Interior Otto Schily preferred that Öcalan would be tried by an unspecified "European Court". [77] Italy also didn't extradite him to Turkey. [79] The Italian prime minister Massimo D'Alema announced it was contrary to Italian law to extradite someone to a country where the defendant is threatened with a capital punishment. [81] But Italy also didn't want Öcalan to stay, and pulled several diplomatic strings to compel him to leave the country, which was accomplished by mid January when he departed to Nizhny Novgorod in hope to find a safe haven in Russia. [74] But in Russia he was not as much welcomed as in October, and he had to wait for a week at the airport of Strigino International Airport in Nizhny Novgorod. [74] From Russia, he took an airplane from Saint Petersburg to Greece where he arrived in Athens upon the invitation of Nikolas Nataxis, a retired Admiral on 29 January 1999. [74] He spent the night as a guest of the popular Greek author Voula Damianakou in Nea Makri. [74] Öcalan then attempted to travel to The Hague, to pursue a settlement of his legal situation at the International Criminal Court, but the Netherlands would not let his plane land, sent him back to Greece, where he landed on the island Corfu in the Ionean Sea. [74] Öcalan then decided to fly to Nairobi on invitation of Greek diplomats. [82] At that time he was defended by Britta Böhler, a high-profile German attorney who argued that the crimes he was accused of would have to be proven in court and attempted to reach that the International Court in The Hague would assume the case. [83]

Capture and trial

Ocalan on trial in 1999 Ocalan On Trial.jpg
Öcalan on trial in 1999

He was captured in Kenya on 15 February 1999, while being transferred from the Greek embassy to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, in an operation by the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (Turkish : Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MIT) reportedly with the help of the CIA. [84] Following the capture of Öcalan, the Greek Government entered in turmoil over Öcalans capture and Pangalos and other ministers resigned from their posts. [85] Costoulas, the Greek ambassador who protected him, said that his own life was in danger after the operation. [86] According to Nucan Derya, the interpreter of Öcalan in Kenya, the Kenyans have warned the Greek ambassador George Costoulas, that "something" might happen if he didn't leave four days ago and that after they were given the assurance from Greek foreign minister Theodororos Pangalos, that Öcalan would have save passage to Europe, he was determined to travel to Amsterdam and face the accusations of terrorism. [87]

The Americans transferred him to the Turkish authorities, who flew him back to Turkey for trial. [88] His capture led thousands of Kurds to hold worldwide protests condemning the capture of Öcalan at Greek and Israeli embassies. Kurds living in Germany were threatened with deportation if they continued to hold demonstrations in support of Öcalan. The warning came after three Kurds were killed and 16 injured during the 1999 attack on the Israeli consulate in Berlin. [89] [90]

He was brought to İmralı island, where he was interrogated for a period of 10 days without being allowed to see or speak his lawyers. [91] A state security court consisting of three military judges was convened on İmrali island to try Öcalan. [92] A delegation of three Dutch lawyers who intended to defend him, were not allowed to meet with their client, detained for questioning at the airport on grounds they acted as "PKK militants" and did not want to act as lawyers and sent back to the Netherlands. [82] On the seventh day a judge took part in the interrogations, and prepared a transcript of it. [91] [93] The trial was to be initiated on the 31 May 1999 by the Ankara State Security Court which would hold the hearings at the İmralı island. [94] His lawyers had difficulties to represent him adequately as they were allowed only two interviews per week of initially a duration of 20 minutes, and later 1 hour, of which several have been canceled due to "bad weather" or because the authorities didn't give the permission needed for them. [91] Also his lawyers were unaware of what the charges might be, and received the formal indictment only after excerpts of it were already presented to the press. [93] During the trial, he was represented by the Asrın Law Office, [95] and offered to be a part in peace negotiations between the Turkish Government and the Kurds. [96] The trial was accompanied by arrests of scores of Kurdish politicians People's Democracy Party (HADEP). [97] Shortly before the verdict was read out by Judge Turgut Okyay, when asked about his final remarks, he again offered to play a role in the peace finding process. [96] Öcalan was charged with treason and separatism and sentenced to death on 29 June 1999. [92] He was also banned from holding public office for life. [98] On the same day, Amnesty international demanded a re-trial. [93] In 1999 the Turkish Parliament discussed a so-called Repentance Bill which would commute Öcalans death sentence to a 20-year imprisonment and allow PKK militants to surrender with a limited amnesty, but it didn't pass due to resistance from the far-right around the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). [99] In January 2000 the Turkish government declared the death sentence was delayed until European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) reviewed the verdict. [100] Upon the abolition of the death penalty in Turkey in August 2002, [101] in October of that year, the security court commuted his sentence to life imprisonment. [102] The Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP) support for Öcalan, may have aided this decision. [103]

In an attempt to reach a verdict which was more favorable to Öcalan, he appealed at the ECHR at Strasbourg, which accepted the case in June 2004. [104] In 2005, the ECHR ruled that Turkey had violated articles 3, 5, and 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights by refusing to allow Öcalan to appeal his arrest and by sentencing him to death without a fair trial. [105] Öcalan's request for a retrial was refused by Turkish courts. [106]

Detention conditions

Protest for freedom of Ocalan in Germany, January 21 2016 PKK Verbot.jpg
Protest for freedom of Ocalan in Germany, January 21 2016

After his capture, Öcalan was held in solitary confinement as the only prisoner on İmralı island in the Sea of Marmara. Following the commutation of the death sentence to a life sentence in 2002, [107] Öcalan remained imprisoned on İmralı, and was the sole inmate there. Although former prisoners at İmralı were transferred to other prisons, more than 1,000 Turkish military personnel were stationed on the island to guard him. In November 2009, Turkish authorities announced that other prisoners would be transferred to the İmralı island and that they were ending his solitary confinement by transferring several other prisoners to İmralı. [108] They said that Öcalan would be allowed to see them for ten hours a week. The new prison was built after the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture visited the island and objected to the conditions in which he was being held. [109] [110] From 27 July 2011 until 2 May 2019 his lawyers have not been allowed to see Abdullah Öcalan. [111] From July 2011 until December 2017 his lawyers filed more than 700 appeals for visits, but all were rejected. [112]

There have been held regular demonstrations by the Kurdish community to raise awareness of the isolation of Öcalan. [113] In October 2012 several hundred Kurdish political prisoners went on hunger strike for better detention conditions for Öcalan and the right to use the Kurdish language in education and jurisprudence. The hunger strike lasted 68 days until Öcalan demanded its end. [114] Öcalan was banned from receiving visits almost two years from 6 October 2014 until 11 September 2016, when his brother Mehmet Öcalan visited him for Eid al-Adha. [115] In 2014 the ECHR ruled in that there was a violation of article 3 in regards of him being to only prisoner on İmarli island until 17 November 2009, as well as the impossibility to appeal his verdict. [116] On 6 September 2018 visits from lawyers were banned for six months due to former punishments he received in the years 2005–2009, the fact that the lawyers made their conversations with Ocalan public, and the impression that Öcalan was leading the PKK through communications with his lawyers. [111] He was again banned from receiving visits until 12 January 2019 when his brother was permitted to visit him a second time. His brother said his health was good. [117] The ban on the visitation of his lawyers was lifted in April 2019, and Öcalan saw his lawyers on 2 May 2019. [111]

In 2008, the Justice Minister of Turkey, Mehmet Ali Şahin, said that between 2006 and 2007, 949 people were convicted and more than 7,000 people prosecuted for calling Öcalan "esteemed" (Sayın). [118]

The Kurdish question

Involvement in peace initiatives

After his capture in 1999, Öcalan called for a halt in PKK attacks, and again advocated for a peaceful solution for the Kurdish conflict inside the borders of Turkey. [119] [120] [121] [122] [123] [124] [ page needed ] Öcalan called for the foundation of a "Truth and Justice Commission" by Kurdish institutions in order to investigate war crimes committed by both the PKK and Turkish security forces. A similar structure began functioning in May 2006. [125] In March 2005, Öcalan issued the Declaration of Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan [126] calling for a border-free confederation between the Kurdish regions of Southeastern Turkey (called "Northern Kurdistan" by Kurds [127] ), Northeast Syria ("Western Kurdistan"), Northern Iraq ("South Kurdistan"), and Northwestern Iran ("East Kurdistan"). In this zone, three bodies of law would be implemented: EU law, Turkish/Syrian/Iraqi/Iranian law and Kurdish law. This proposal was adopted by the PKK programme following the "Refoundation Congress" in April 2005. [128]

Öcalan had his lawyer, Ibrahim Bilmez, [129] release a statement on 28 September 2006 calling on the PKK to declare a ceasefire and seek peace with Turkey. Öcalan's statement said, "The PKK should not use weapons unless it is attacked with the aim of annihilation," and "it is very important to build a democratic union between Turks and Kurds. With this process, the way to democratic dialogue will be also opened". [130] He worked on a solution for the Kurdish–Turkish conflict, which would include a decentralization and democratization of Turkey within the frame of the European Charter of local Self-Government, which was also signed by Turkey, but his 160-page proposal on the subject was confiscated in August 2009 by the Turkish authorities. [131]

On 31 May 2010, Öcalan said he was abandoning the ongoing dialogue with Turkey, as "this process is no longer meaningful or useful". Öcalan stated that Turkey had ignored his three protocols for negotiation: (a) his terms of health and security, (b) his release, and (c) a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Though the Turkish government had received Öcalan's protocols, they were never released to the public. Öcalan said he would leave the top PKK commanders in charge of the conflict, but that this should not be misinterpreted as a call for the PKK to intensify its armed conflict with Turkey. [132] [133]

In January 2013, peace negotiations between the PKK and the Turkish Government were initiated and from between January [134] and March he met several times with politicians of Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on Imralı Island. [135] On 21 March, Öcalan declared a ceasefire between the PKK and the Turkish state. Öcalan's statement was read to hundreds of thousands of Kurds in Diyarbakir who had gathered to celebrate the Kurdish New Year ( Newroz ). The statement said in part, "Let guns be silenced and politics dominate... a new door is being opened from the process of armed conflict to democratization and democratic politics. It's not the end. It's the start of a new era." [136] Soon after Öcalan's declaration, the functional head of the PKK, Murat Karayılan responded by promising to implement a ceasefire. [137] During the peace process, the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) entered parliament during the parliamentarian election of June 2015. [138] The ceasefire ended after in July 2015 two Turkish police officers were killed in Ceylanpinar. [139]

Political ideological shift

Since his incarceration, Öcalan has significantly changed his ideology through exposure to Western social theorists such as Murray Bookchin, Immanuel Wallerstein, Fernand Braudel, and Friedrich Nietzsche (who Öcalan calls "a prophet"). [140] [141] Abandoning his old Marxism-Leninist and Stalinist beliefs, [119] [142] Öcalan fashioned his ideal society called democratic confederalism, heavily inspired on Bookchin's libertarian socialist idea of communalism. [143]

Democratic Confederalism is a "system of popularly elected administrative councils, allowing local communities to exercise autonomous control over their assets, while linking to other communities via a network of confederal councils." [144] Decisions are made by communes in each neighborhood, village, or city. All are welcome to partake in the communal councils, but political participation is not mandated. There is no private property, but rather "ownership by use, which grants individuals usage rights to the buildings, land, and infrastructure, but not the right to sell and buy on the market or convert them to private enterprises". [144] The economy is in the hands of the communal councils, and is thus (in the words of Bookchin) 'neither collectivised nor privatised - it is common.' [144] Feminism, ecology, and direct democracy are essential in democratic confederalism. [145]

With his 2005 "Declaration of Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan", Öcalan advocated for a Kurdish implementation of Bookchin's The Ecology of Freedom via municipal assemblies as a democratic confederation of Kurdish communities beyond the state borders of Syria, Iran, Iraq, and Turkey. Öcalan promoted a platform of shared values: environmentalism, self-defense, gender equality, and a pluralistic tolerance for religion, politics, and culture. While some of his followers questioned Öcalan's conversion from Marxism-Leninism to libertarian socialist and social ecology, the PKK adopted Öcalan's proposal and began to form assemblies. [119]

In early 2004, Öcalan attempted to arrange a meeting with Murray Bookchin through Öcalan's lawyers, describing himself as Bookchin's "student" eager to adapt Bookchin's thought to Middle Eastern society. Bookchin was too ill to meet with Öcalan. In May 2004 Bookchin conveyed this message "My hope is that the Kurdish people will one day be able to establish a free, rational society that will allow their brilliance once again to flourish. They are fortunate indeed to have a leader of Mr. Öcalan's talents to guide them". When Bookchin died in 2006, the PKK hailed the American thinker as "one of the greatest social scientists of the 20th century" and vowed to put his theories into practice. [143]

Personal life

Even though his father is Kurdish, he said that his mother is Turkish. [146] According to some sources, Öcalan's grandmother was an ethnic Turk. [147] [148] Öcalan's mother, Esma Öcalan (Uveys) [149] was rather dominant and criticised his father, blaming him for their dire economic situation. He later explained in an interview that it was in his childhood he learned to defend himself from injustice. [150] Like many Kurds in Turkey, Öcalan was raised speaking Turkish; according to Amikam Nachmani, lecturer at the Bar-Ilan University in Israel, Öcalan did not know Kurdish when he met him in 1991. Nachmani: "He [Öcalan] told me that he speaks Turkish, gives orders in Turkish, and thinks in Turkish." [151]

After his sister Havva was married to a man from another village in an arranged marriage, he felt regret. This event led Öcalan to his policies towards the liberation of women from the traditional suppressed female role. [150] Öcalan's brother Osman became a PKK commander until he defected from the PKK with several others to establish the Patriotic and Democratic Party of Kurdistan. [152] His other brother, Mehmet Öcalan, is a member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). [153] Fatma Öcalan is the sister of Abdullah Öcalan [154] and Dilek Öcalan, a former parliamentarian of the HDP, is his niece. [155] Ömer Öcalan, a current member of parliament for the HDP, is his nephew. [156] [157]

Honorary citizenships

Several localities have awarded him with an honorary citizenship:


Öcalan is the author of more than 40 books, four of which were written in prison. Many of the notes taken from his weekly meetings with his lawyers have been edited and published. He has also written articles for the newspaper Özgür Gündem, a newspaper which reported on the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, under the pseudonym of Ali Firat. [165]


See also


  1. Normally, students can only transfer between like departments, otherwise the student must retake the university entrance exam. Moreover, Öcalan was awarded a scholarship by the Ministry of Finance, despite being ineligible due to his age, and the fact that he had participated in political demonstrations. He had also been tried and acquitted by a martial law court. The public prosecutor had asked for the harshest possible sentence.

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Şemdin Sakık, nicknamed Semo or Parmaksiz Zeki for having lost a finger while firing a rocket, is a former commander of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)'s military forces. He is best known for ordering the May 24, 1993 PKK ambush. He has been imprisoned since his capture in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish forces in 1998, shortly after his defection to the Kurdistan Democratic Party. He was a key witness in the Ergenekon trials.

Peoples Defence Forces

The People's Defence Forces is the military wing of the group Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). During the 7th Congress of the PKK in January 2000, the HPG replaced the former military wing of the PKK, the People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan. The replacement was intended to demonstrate the search for a peaceful solution of the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, after the capture of Abdullah Öcalan in 1999. The HPG played an active in the peace negotiations between the Turkish Government and the PKK in 2013, as it hosted a delegation consisting of several politicians from the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and members of the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD) and agreed to release soldiers of the Turkish army as well as a Turkish politician, who they held captive. In 2014, the HPG was involved in the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) in Sinjar.

Democratic confederalism Political ideology and government structure

Democratic confederalism also known as Kurdish communalism or Apoism is a political concept theorized by Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan about a system of democratic self-organization with the features of a confederation based on the principles of autonomy, direct democracy, environmentalism, feminism, multiculturalism, self-defense, self-governance and elements of a sharing economy. Influenced by social ecology, libertarian municipalism, Middle Eastern history, nationalism and general state theory, Öcalan presents the concept as a political solution to Kurdish nationalist aspirations, as well as other fundamental problems in countries in the region deeply rooted in class society, and as a route to freedom and democratization for people around the world.

Asya Abdullah

Asya Abdullah is a prominent Kurdish politician working to establish democratic autonomy in Rojava, Northern Syria. Asya Abdullah is the current co-chair of the Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM) coalition, the former co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), and serves as a senior permanent member of the Syrian Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), serving in its upper administrative body. She has presented at numerous conferences to reach out to activists, academics and world leaders to garner support for the Kurdish political project in Rojava.


Jineology, the science of women, or women's science, is a form of feminism, of gender equality, advocated by Abdullah Öcalan, the representative leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the broader Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) umbrella. From the background of honor-based religious and tribal rules that confine women in Middle East societies, Öcalan said that "a country can't be free unless the women are free", that the level of woman's freedom determines the level of freedom in society at large.

Social ecology is a philosophical theory about the relationship between ecological and social issues. Associated with the American social theorist Murray Bookchin, it emerged from a time in the mid-1960s, under the emergence of both the global environmental and the American civil rights movements, and played a much more visible role from the upward movement against nuclear power by the late 1970s. It presents ecological problems as arising mainly from social problems, in particular from different forms of hierarchy and domination, and seeks to resolve them through the model of a society adapted to human development and the biosphere. It is a theory of radical political ecology based on communalism, which opposes the current capitalist system of production and consumption. It aims to set up a moral, decentralized, united society, guided by reason.

Kurdish-Turkish peace initiatives, there were several, since the conflict with the Kurdistan Workers' Party began in 1978. Some where successful, others not. But the first real approach to the Kurdish question in Turkey came after the Government of Turgut Özal decided to end the policy of denial of the Kurds and allow the Kurdish language to be spoken in 1991 and later on in the same year also to be broadcast.

Yaşar Kaya was a Kurdish politician and publisher of the pro-Kurdish newspaper Özgür Gündem. Together with other authors like Ismail Besikçi and Musa Anter he was also one of the co-founders of the Kurdish Institute of Istanbul in 1992.


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Further reading