Turkish war crimes

A building in Yüksekova, Hakkari Province, partly destroyed by tank shells from a Turkish operation in the 2016 Hakkari clashes  [ tr ].

Turkish war crimes are violations of international criminal law (including war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of genocide) which the official armed and paramilitary forces of Turkey have committed or are accused of committing. These accusations also extend to the aiding and abetting of crimes committed by non-state actors aligned with Turkey, including rebel groups in Syria. These war crimes have included massacres, torture, terrorism, deportation or forced displacement, kidnapping, sexual violence, looting, unlawful confinement, unlawful airstrikes and indiscriminate attacks on civilian structures.

Formed in the aftermath of World War I, the founders of the modern Turkish nation-state committed numerous atrocities during the War of Independence, and continued many of the late Ottoman Empire's genocidal policies towards its Christian populations, particularly against Armenians and Greeks. After its formal establishment in 1923, the Republic of Turkey would perpetrate many human rights violations against Kurds (both inside and outside its borders) during the long running Kurdish–Turkish conflict. Turkey has faced many accusations of committing war crimes in other countries, including in Cyprus, Syria and Libya.

Definition

War crimes are defined as acts which violate the laws and customs of war established by the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, or acts that are grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I and Additional Protocol II. ^[1] The Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 extends the protection of civilians and prisoners of war during military occupation, even if there is no armed resistance, for the period of one year after the end of hostilities. However, the occupying power should still be bound by several provisions of the convention as long as "such Power exercises the functions of government in such territory." ^{[2] [3]}

Background

Main articles: Military of the Ottoman Empire, Military history of Turkey, War crimes in World War I § Ottoman war crimes, and Xenophobia and discrimination in Turkey

Further information: Prosecution of Ottoman war criminals after World War I and Istanbul trials of 1919–1920

Ottoman genocides and campaigns of ethnic cleansing

Main articles: Armenian genocide, Greek genocide, Sayfo, and Outline of Greek genocide

Further information: Population transfer in the Ottoman Empire, 1915 genocide in Diyarbekir, and 1917 Jaffa deportation

See also: Late Ottoman genocides and Great Famine of Mount Lebanon

Remains of Armenians killed at the Deir ez-Zor camps, 1915

Assyrian refugees from Tyari and Tkhuma near Urmia, Iran in late 1915

In the final years of the Ottoman Empire's existence, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) – the Turkish nationalist political party ^[4] that ruled over it – committed a genocide against the empire's Armenian population. ^{[5] [6] [7]} The Ottomans carried out organised, systematic massacres and deportations of Armenians throughout World War I, and they portrayed acts of resistance by Armenians as rebellions in an attempt to justify their extermination campaign. ^[8] In early 1915, a number of Armenians volunteered to join the Russian forces, and the Ottoman government used this as a pretext to issue the Tehcir Law (Law on Deportation), which authorised the deportation of Armenians from the Empire's eastern provinces to Syria between 1915 and 1918. The Armenians were intentionally marched to death, and a large number of them were attacked by Ottoman brigands. ^[9] While the exact number of deaths is unknown, the International Association of Genocide Scholars estimates that 1.5 million Armenians were killed. ^{[5] [10]} The Ottoman Empire repeatedly denied the genocide was happening, ^{[11] [12]} and the government of Turkey has continued these denials, arguing that those who died were victims of inter-ethnic fighting, famine, or disease during World War I; these claims are rejected by most historians. ^[13]

Other ethnic groups were also attacked by the Ottoman Empire during this period, including Assyrians and Greeks, and some scholars consider those events different parts of the same policy of extermination. ^{[14] [15] [16]} An estimated 250,000 Assyrian Christians (about half of the population) and 350,000–750,000 Greeks were killed between 1915 and 1922. ^[17] According to the Rudolph Rummel, during 1900 and 1923, the Turks massacred from 3,500,000 to 4,300,000 Christian Greek, Armenian, Assyrian and other Christian groups. ^[18]

Turkish War of Independence

Main article: Turkish War of Independence

See also: Population exchange between Greece and Turkey, Armenian genocide § Turkish War of Independence, and Greek genocide § Greco-Turkish War

Armenians fleeing Kars during the Turkish–Armenian War (1920)

Vahagn Avedian argues that the Turkish War of Independence was not directed against the Allied Powers, but that its main objective was to get rid of non-Turkish minority groups. The Turkish National Movement, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, maintained the aggressive policies of the CUP against Christians; ^[19] most former members of the CUP joined the movement, ^{[20] [21] [22]} and were active participants in the war. ^[23]

It was stated in a secret telegram from Foreign Minister Ahmet Muhtar Mollaoğlu to General Kâzım Karabekir (who would launch an invasion of Armenia in 1920): "the most important thing is to eliminate Armenia physically and politically". ^{[24] [25]} Rıza Nur, one of the Turkish delegates at Lausanne, wrote that "disposing of people of different races, languages and religions in our country is the most … vital issue". ^[26] Avedian holds that the existence of the Armenian Republic was considered as the "greatest threat" for the continuation of Turkish state, and that for this reason, they "fulfilled the genocidal policy of its CUP predecessor". After the Christian population was destroyed, the focus shifted to the Kurdish population. ^[19] Historian Erik Sjöberg said that "It seems, in the end, unlikely that the Turkish Nationalist leaders, though secular in name, ever had any intention of allowing any sizeable non-Muslim minority to remain." ^[26]

Raymond Kévorkian states that "removing non-Turks from the sanctuary of Anatolia" was among the main activities of the Turkish Nationalists after World War I. ^[27] Preventing Armenians and other Christians from returning home, and therefore allowing their properties to be retained by those who had stolen them during the war, was a key factor in securing popular support for the Turkish National Movement. ^[28] Christian civilians were subjected to forced deportation to expel them from the country, a policy that continued after the war. ^[29] These deportations were similar to those employed during the Armenian genocide, and caused many deaths. ^[30] Many Greek men were conscripted into unarmed labor battalions where the death rate sometimes exceeded 90 percent. ^[31] Over 1 million Greeks were expelled (as were all remaining Armenians in the areas of Diyarbekir, Mardin, Urfa, Harput, and Malatia), forced across the border into French-mandated Syria. ^[32]

Massacre of Armenians at Marash

Main article: Battle of Marash

During the 1920 Battle of Marash, thousands of repatriated Armenians were massacred by Turkish militias; a surgeon at a nearby hospital reported that around 3,000 Armenians at the Church of Saint Stephen had been killed by Turkish, Kurdish and Cherkess villagers. ^[33] Some Armenians tried to hide in church buildings and schools, ^[34] but eventually, all churches, and entire Armenian districts in Marash, were burnt to the ground. ^{[35] [36]} Early reports put the number of Armenian dead at no less than 16,000, although this was later revised down to 5,000–12,000, which were considered far more likely figures. ^{[37] [38]}

Samsun deportations

Main article: Samsun deportations

The Turkish National Movement continued the genocidal, Ottoman-era policies towards Greeks during the war of independence. ^{[39] [40] [41]} During the late spring of 1921, armed militias led by Topal Osman looted and burned Greek settlements around Samsun and massacred the civilian Greek population. Those who were not already killed were deported, being sent on death marches into the Anatolian interior. ^{[42] [43]} On 16 June 1921, the Turkish nationalist government of Ankara authorized the deportation of all Greek males between ages 16 and 50 who remained in Samsun, and mass arrests of local Greeks began the same day; ^[44] however, in practice, all Greeks in the area (including women, children and elderly men) became targets of deportations and death marches. ^[45]

Roughly 21,000 people were deported from Samsun, ^[46] and by September 1922, the city had almost no Greeks left. ^[47]

Human rights violations at Smyrna

Main articles: Burning of Smyrna and Turkish capture of Smyrna

See also: Human rights in Turkey

Thousands of people huddled around the waters edge in Smyrna, trying to escape the fire, 1922

After occupying the city of Smyrna on 9 September 1922, Turkish forces began to systemically target local Greeks and Armenians, committing massacres against them, looting their shops and homes, and sexually assaulting women. ^{[48] [49] [50]} The Greek Orthodox Metropolitan bishop, Chrysostomos, was tortured and hacked to death by a Turkish mob. ^[51] After a fire broke out in the city four days later, ^[52] Turkish troops reportedly prevented Armenians and Greeks within the fire zone from fleeing. ^[53] Turkish soldiers and irregulars periodically robbed Greek refugees, beating some, and arresting others who resisted. According to American naval captain Arthur Japy Hepburn (who witnessed the burning of the city), "every able-bodied Armenian man was hunted down and killed wherever found". ^[54]

The number of Greek and Armenian men deported from Smyrna to the interior of Anatolia, and the number who died as a result, varies across sources. Norman Naimark writes that 30,000 Greek and Armenian men were deported, where most of them died under brutal conditions. ^[55] Dimitrije Đorđević puts the number of deportees at 25,000 and the number of deaths at labour battalions at 10,000. ^[56] David Abulafia states that at least 100,000 Greeks were forcibly sent to the interior of Anatolia, where most of them died. ^[57]

Alleged role in the burning of Smyrna

This section is an excerpt from Responsibility for the burning of Smyrna.[ edit ]

The question of who was responsible for starting the burning of Smyrna continues to be debated, with Turkish sources mostly attributing responsibility to Greeks or Armenians, and vice versa. Other sources, on the other hand, suggest that at the very least, Turkish inactivity played a significant part on the event. ^[58] However, the majority of non-Turkish researchers agree that the fire was caused by Turkish soldiers in order to completely eradicate the Christian presence in Anatolia. ^[59]

War crimes against Turkish Kurds

Main article: Kurdish–Turkish conflict

Further information: Human rights of Kurdish people in Turkey

Early repressions of Kurds (1916–1934)

Main articles: Deportations of Kurds (1916–1934) and 1934 Turkish Resettlement Law

The policy of deporting Ottoman Kurds from their indigenous lands began during World War I under the orders of Talaat Pasha, and continued after the founding of the Republic of Turkey. ^[60] Although many Kurds were loyal to the empire (with some even supporting the persecution of Christian minorities by the CUP), Turkish authorities nevertheless feared the possibility that they would collaborate with Armenians and Russians to establish their own Kurdish state. ^[61] In 1916, roughly 300,000 Kurds were deported from Bitlis, Erzurum, Palu and Muş to Konya and Gaziantep during the winter, and most died in a famine. ^[62]

The official policy of the newly-founded Turkey was to dismantle traditional Kurdish Islamic tribal society and institutions, as well as to continue with the CUP's repressive and assimilationist policies. ^{[63] [64]} Consequently, the Kurds began to mobilize for a resistance, culminating with the Sheikh Said rebellion in 1925; in response, the government mobilized half of the Turkish Army and conducted an aerial bombing campaign against the Kurds. The rebellion was ultimately crushed and Sheikh Said executed. later that year, the government initiated a pogrom in Diyarbakir, executing civilians and burning villages to the ground, which in total destroyed about 206 villages and killed 15,200 people. ^[65] By late 1925, a new deportation law was implemented and the Kurdish elite – numbering about 500 – were deported to western Turkey. ^[66]

Zilan massacre

Main article: Zilan massacre

In mid-1930, during the Ararat rebellion, ^[67] the Turkish Armed Forces committed large-scale massacres against Kurdish villages in Ağrı Province that showed support for the rebels, killing between 4,500 ^[68] to 15,000 people, many of them civilians. ^{[69] [70] [71]} According to Cumhuriyet , the massacres left the Zilan River full of corpses, and villages on the outskirts of Mount Ararat were burned to the ground. ^[72] The British Foreign Office argued "that the Turkish 'success' near Ergish and Zilan [was, in reality,] gained over a few armed men and a large percentage of non-combatants." ^[73]

Massacres in the Dersim region

Main article: Dersim massacre

Women and children from Dersim, displaced after the Turkish Army destroyed their homes (1938)

In response to a rebellion in the Dersim region, Turkish forces launched military operations in 1937 and 1938 that devastated the region, ^[74] massacring between 13,000 ^[75] to 40,000 people, ^[76] and forcibly deporting 3,000 more. ^[77]

On 23 November 2011, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan apologized "on behalf of the state" over the killing of over 13,000 people during the rebellion. ^[78] He described the massacre as "one of the most tragic events of our near history" saying that, while some sought to justify it as a legitimate response to events on the ground, it was in reality "an operation which was planned step by step". ^[79]

Crimes during the Kurdistan Workers' Party insurgency (1978–present)

Main article: Kurdistan Workers' Party insurgency

Funeral procession for the victims of the Roboski massacre, 2011

Since the 1970s, the European Court of Human Rights has condemned Turkey for thousands of human rights abuses against Kurdish people. ^{[80] [81]} The judgments are related to systematic executions of Kurdish civilians, forced recruitments, ^[82] torturing, ^[83] forced displacements, ^[84] thousands of destroyed villages, ^[85] arbitrary arrests, ^[86] and murdered or disappeared Kurdish journalists. ^[87] According to David L. Philips, more than 1,500 people affiliated with the Kurdish opposition parties and organizations were murdered by unidentified assailants between 1986 and 1996. Government-backed mercenaries assassinated hundreds of suspected Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) sympathizers. ^[88] The Turkish government is held responsible by Turkish human rights organizations for at least 3,438 civilian deaths in the conflict between 1987 and 2000. ^[89]

At the beginning of the conflict, the PKK's relationship with its civilian supporters created incentives for the Turkish government to use terrorism against Kurdish citizens in the Kurdish dominated southeast region of Turkey. ^[90] Since the early 1980s, the authorities have systematically used arbitrary arrests, executions of suspects, excessive force, and torture to suppress opposition. ^[91] In 1995, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that it was common practice for Turkish soldiers to kill Kurdish civilians and take pictures of their corpses with weapons they carried only for staging the events. Killed civilians were shown to press as PKK "terrorists". ^[92]

House destroyed during clashes in Şırnak Province, March 2016

In January 2016, during a period of escalation in the conflict, more than 1,000 scholars and academics (from 90 Turkish Universities and abroad) signed a petition entitled "We will be not a party to this crime!", calling for an end to the government's attacks on Kurdish-majority areas of the country (describing it as a "deliberate massacre"), as well as a resumption of the peace process. ^{[93] [94] [95]}

Imprisonment, torture and enforced disappearances of Kurds

Further information: Torture in Turkey and Diyarbakır Prison

Since the 1990s,Turkish security services had resorted to enforced disappearances, wherein Kurds would be detained and never seen again, with only eyewitnesses coming forward to tell the story. ^{[96] [97]} In 1997, Amnesty International reported that disappearances and extrajudicial executions had emerged as new and disturbing patterns of human rights violations by the Turkish state. ^{[98] [99]} According to the Human Rights Association (İHD), there have been 940 cases of enforced disappearance since the 1990s. In addition to that, more than 3,248 people who were murdered in extrajudicial killings are believed to have been buried in 253 separate burial places. On 6 January 2011, the bodies of 12 people were found in a mass grave near an old police station in Mutki, Bitlis. A few months later, three other mass graves were reportedly found in the garden of Çemişgezek police station. ^{[100] [101] [102]}

In 2017, the Stockholm Center for Freedom (SCF) documented eleven cases since 2016 in which people have been abducted by men identifying themselves as police officers, then forced into transit vans. Family members were unable to find out their locations from the state, indicating that they were detained secretly or by clandestine groups. In a case where one was finally located after 42 days missing, he was tortured for days, forced to sign a confession and handed over to police. ^[103]

Human Rights Watch and Amnesty both released reports of widespread torture and rape of prisoners in Turkey spanning multiple decades, with Kurdish women – particularly those accused of helping the PKK – being frequent targets of sexual violence. ^{[104] [105] [106]}

Depopulation of Kurdish villages in Turkey

Further information: Kurdish villages depopulated by Turkey

A previously depopulated Kurdish village; Ulaş, Dargeçit

Until the 1970s, about 70% of the Kurdish population of Turkish Kurdistan, inhabited one of the approximately 20,000 Kurdish villages. But by 1985, only 58% of the population were still living in the rural areas; much of the countryside in Kurdish populated regions had been depopulated by the Turkish government, ^[107] with Kurdish civilians moving to in Diyarbakır, Van and Şırnak, as well as to the cities of western Turkey. The causes of the depopulation were, in most cases, the Turkish state's military operations, and to a lesser extent, attacks by the PKK on villages it believed to be collaborating with the government. ^[107] Human Rights Watch documented many instances where the Turkish military forcibly evacuated villages, destroying houses and equipment to prevent the return of the inhabitants. ^[108] An estimated 3,000 Kurdish villages in Southeast Anatolia ^[107] were virtually wiped from the map, representing the displacement of more than 378,000 people by 2005. ^[108] During the 1990s, the Turkish military reportedly deployed Sikorsky and Cobra helicopters to drive out the Kurdish population from the villages. ^[109]

In November 1992, Turkish authorities demanded the Muhtar of the Kelekçi village to evacuate all their inhabitants. But as the villagers gathered in an area, the Turkish gendarmerie (using heavy weapons in armored vehicles) began firing at the villagers and their houses. Soldiers set fire to and destroyed 136 houses. Some of the villagers escaped to nearby towns. On the 6 April 1993, the Turkish authorities returned and set fire to the remaining houses. Before its destruction, the village had a population of 500 inhabitants. ^[110] Similarly, in March 1994, 38 Kurds were killed and their villages of Koçağılı and Kuşkonar were destroyed as a result of a bombing campaign by the Turkish Armed Forces. ^{[82] [111] [112] [113] [114]}

Collective punishment of Kurdish people

On 21 January 2016, a report published by Amnesty International stated that more than 150 civilians had been killed in Cizre. They reported that curfews had been imposed in more than 19 different towns and districts, putting the lives of hundreds of thousands of people at risk. Additionally, the report stated that the government's disproportionate restrictions on movement and other arbitrary measures were resembling collective punishment, a war crime under the 1949 Geneva Conventions. ^{[115] [116]}

Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Main article: Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Further information: Northern Cyprus and Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus

De facto division of Cyprus since 1974

Turkey was found guilty by the European Commission of Human Rights for displacement of persons, deprivation of liberty, ill treatment, deprivation of life and deprivation of possessions during their invasion of Cyprus. ^{[117] [118]} The Turkish policy of violently forcing a third of the island's Greek population from their homes in the occupied North, preventing their return, and settling Turks from mainland Turkey is considered an example of ethnic cleansing. ^{[119] [120]}

In 1976, and again in 1983, the European Commission of Human Rights found Turkey guilty of repeated violations of the European Convention of Human Rights. Turkey has been condemned for preventing the return of Greek Cypriot refugees to their properties. ^[121] The European Commission of Human Rights reports of 1976 and 1983 states that:

Having found violations of a number of Articles of the Convention, the Commission notes that the acts violating the Convention were exclusively directed against members of one of two communities in Cyprus, namely the Greek Cypriot community. It concludes by eleven votes to three that Turkey has thus failed to secure the rights and freedoms set forth in these Articles without discrimination on the grounds of ethnic origin, race, religion as required by Article 14 of the Convention. ^[121]

Enclaved Greek Cypriots in the Karpass Peninsula in 1975 were subjected by the Turks to violations of their human rights so that by 2001 when the European Court of Human Rights found Turkey guilty of the violation of 14 articles of the European Convention of Human Rights in its judgement of Cyprus v Turkey (application no. 25781/94), less than 600 still remained. In the same judgement, Turkey was found guilty of violating the rights of the Turkish Cypriots by authorising the trial of civilians by a military court. ^{[122] [123]}

Looted and desecrated Greek cemetery in Northern Cyprus, 2008

As a result of the invasion, over 2000 Greek-Cypriot prisoners of war were taken to Turkey and detained in Turkish prisons. Some of them were not released and are still missing. In particular, the Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) in Cyprus, which operates under the auspices of the United Nations, is mandated to investigate approximately 1600 cases of Greek Cypriot and Greek missing persons. ^[124]

Rape and torture during the invasion of Cyprus

The European commission of Human Rights, with 12 votes against 1, accepted evidence from the Republic of Cyprus concerning the rapes of various Greek-Cypriot women by Turkish soldiers and the torture of many Greek-Cypriot prisoners during the invasion of the island. ^[118] The high rate of rape reportedly resulted in the temporary permission of abortion in Cyprus by the conservative Cypriot Orthodox Church. ^{[117] [125] [126]} According to Paul Sant Cassia, rape was used systematically to "soften" resistance and clear civilian areas through fear. Many of the atrocities were seen as revenge for the atrocities against Turkish Cypriots in 1963–64 and the massacres during the first invasion. ^[127] It has been suggested that many of the atrocities were revenge killings, committed by Turkish Cypriot fighters in military uniform who might have been mistaken for Turkish soldiers. ^[128] In the Karpass Peninsula, a group of Turkish Cypriots reportedly chose young girls to rape and impregnated teenage girls. There were cases of rapes, which included gang rapes, of teenage girls by Turkish soldiers and Turkish Cypriot men in the peninsula, and one case involved the rape of an old Greek Cypriot man by a Turkish Cypriot. The man was reportedly identified by the victim and two other rapists were also arrested. Raped women were sometimes outcast from society. ^[129]

Legality of the invasion

Further information: Cyprus problem

See also: Treaty of Guarantee (1960) and United Nations Security Council Resolution 367

Article Four of the Treaty of Guarantee gives the right to guarantors of Cyprus (Turkey, Greece, and the United Kingdom) to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs. ^[130] Turkey intervened after Greece's military junta tried to create a union with Cyprus by force, ^{[131] [132]} and the Council of Europe supported the legality of the first wave of the Turkish invasion that occurred in July 1974. ^{[133] [134]} However, the United Nations Security Council challenged the legality of Turkey's actions after this point, as the aftermath of the invasion did not safeguard the Republic's sovereignty and territorial integrity, but had the opposite effect: the de facto partition of the Republic and the creation of a separate political entity in the north. On 13 February 1975, Turkey declared the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus to be a "Federated Turkish State", ^[135] to the widespread condemnation of international observers. ^{[136] [137]}

Syrian civil war

Main articles: Turkish involvement in the Syrian civil war and War crimes in the Syrian civil war

Further information: Turkish occupation of northern Syria and Syrian National Army

A child left disabled by Turkish airstrikes on Qamishli, 2019

The 2021 and 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices stated that Turkish-affiliated groups had committed human rights abuses in Syria; this includes killings, torture, sexual violence, enforced demographic changes targeting Syrian Kurds, recruitment of child soldiers, and the looting and desecration of religious sites. ^{[138] [139]}

The UN Commission of Inquiry for Syria, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and human rights organisations reported that groups supported by Turkey have tortured and killed civilians. The Syrian National Army (SNA) justice system and detention network is under the command of the Turkish forces, and the UN commission reported on the presence of Turkish officials in interrogation sessions where torture was used. The Turkish supported Sultan Murad Division and Ahrar al-Sharqiya has also been accused of war crimes. ^{[138] [140]}

In March 2020, a UN report accused rebels allied to Turkey for abuses on Kurdish-held areas during an assault, and said if the rebels were acting under the control of Turkish forces, the Turkish commanders may be liable for war crimes. In addition, it called on Turkey to investigate whether it was responsible for an air raid on a civilian convoy near Ras al-Ayn. Turkey denied a role in the attack, while the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) said that it was conducted by Turkish aircraft. ^[141] In September 2020, United Nations asked Turkey to investigate possible war crimes and other human rights violations carried out by Turkish-affiliated groups in the area that Turkey controls in Syria. Turkey accused the UN Human Rights Office of baseless claims and "undue criticism". ^[142] The OHCHR said that in the areas controlled by Turkey the number of crimes against civilians have been increased. ^[143]

Indiscriminate attacks in Syria

Operation Olive Branch

Main articles: Operation Olive Branch and Afrin offensive (January–March 2018)

A civilian wounded by Turkish airstrikes on Afrin, 2018

Less than a week after Turkey launched Operation Olive Branch in 2018, Redur Xelil, a senior Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) official, said that at least 66 civilians were killed by aerial and artillery bombardment from Turkish forces, and accused Turkey of committing war crimes. ^[144] Amnesty International reported that civilians were being killed by the Turkish Army due to indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas, an act that is in violation of international law. According to Amnesty, the situation "painted a grim picture" throughout numerous villages in Afrin, within which civilians were subjected to indiscriminate shelling that lasted for hours. They stated: "The use of artillery and other imprecise explosive weapons in civilian areas is prohibited by international humanitarian law and all parties should cease such attacks immediately." ^[145] Human Rights Watch stated that Turkish border guards indiscriminately shot at refugees and asylum seekers attempting to flee the conflict zone into Turkey. ^[146]

On 22 February 2018, Syrian government news outlets stated that Turkey was bombing humanitarian aid convoys that were on their way to Afrin. As a result, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stated that they had suspended all aid convoys to Afrin because it was unsafe for them to head there. ^[147] On the same day, a video surfaced that showed Turkish backed rebels executing a civilian driving a farm tractor. This was followed by another video by the same group that showed a summary execution of 6 civilians, including one woman near Jendires. ^[148] In another bombing in the same area, Kurdish militia claimed that Turkish air strikes had killed 13 civilians, including several children. ^[149]

2019 offensive into north-eastern Syria

Main article: 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria

A checkpoint near Ras al-Ayn, abandoned by the Syrian Democratic Forces after the 2019 Turkish offensive into Syria.

In an October 2019 report by Amnesty International, they accused Turkey and its allies of perpetrating war crimes. ^[150] Kumi Naidoo said that the Turkish military and their allies do not care about civilian lives, ^[151] and the United States special envoy for Syria said that they had seen evidence of war crimes during Turkey's offensive against the Kurds in Syria, and had demanded an explanation from Turkey. U.S. officials were investigating a report that the restricted burning white phosphorus had been used during the Turkish offensive. Turkish officials denied that war crimes were committed. ^[152] The United States Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper, said in an interview that Turkey "appears to be" committing war crimes in Syria, adding that there was footage showing the execution of Kurdish captives. ^{[153] [154]}

The International Bar Association condemned the assaults against Syrian Kurds by Turkish forces in northern Syria, and called on Turkey to halt the attacks and respect the civilians as it is obligated by international laws, after the reports of Turkish-backed militias executing civilians. ^[155] Furthermore, the same month during the hearing of the US Committee on Foreign Relations when Senator Cardin asked the ambassador Jeffrey if he is aware of reports of the United Nations and other groups about war crimes which have been committed by the Turkish forces in their invasion into Syria, the ambassador said:

We have seen some preliminary concerns. We have not seen any detailed reporting. The detailed reporting, of course—and there are volumes of it—is on the Assad regime's actions throughout Syria. But we are very, very concerned about what we and all of us have seen on video footage and some of the reports that we have received from our SDF colleagues, and we are looking into those as I speak. ^[156]

When then was asked if he was aware of Turkish war crimes, he stated that "in at least one instance", Turkish-backed Syrian rebels committed war crimes, and that they were "reach[ing] out to Turkey to demand an explanation." ^[156] In addition, U.S. drones appeared to show Turkish-backed forces targeting civilians during their assault on Kurdish areas in Syria, these actions reported as possible war crimes. ^{[157] [158]}

Targeting of journalists and politicians

Serena Shim, a journalist of Press TV, was killed at a car crash with a heavy vehicle in Turkey in what are said, by her employer and her parents, to be suspicious circumstances. The car crash happened just days after she said that the Turkey's state intelligence agency, MIT, had threatened her and said she was spying, due to some of the stories she had covered about Turkey's stance on ISIL militants in Kobane. She also said that she had received images of ISIL militants crossing the Turkish border into Syria in World Food Organization and other NGOs trucks. ^{[159] [160]}

Turkish journalist Arzu Yildiz was sentenced to 20 months in jail and lost her parental rights after showing a video related to a weapons-smuggling scandal denied by the Turkish government, in what her lawyer said was "an act of revenge" by Recep Tayyip Erdogan. ^[161]

On 12 October 2019, the Turkish-backed Ahrar al-Sharqiya murdered the Kurdish-Syrian politician Hevrin Khalaf. ^{[158] [138]}

Demographic engineering and ethnic cleansing

Timeline of the 2018 Afrin offensive

The SOHR estimated in 2018 that around 300,000 Kurdish people were displaced by the Afrin offensive. ^[162] In the aftermath of the operation, Turkish forces implemented a resettlement policy by moving refugees from Eastern Ghouta into the newly-empty homes. Many houses, farms, and other private property belonging to those that fled were seized or looted by Turkish-backed rebels. ^[163] In a study of 24 key informants from Afrin, all reported loss of housing, land or property following Operation Olive Branch. ^[164] This led to accusations, by both activists and former residents, that Turkey was engaging in demographic engineering or ethnic cleansing in Afrin. ^{[165] [166] [167] [168]}

In late 2019, Turkey conducted an offensive into the northeast of Syria with the stated goal of expelling the SDF (claiming they had ties to the PKK) and resettling millions of Syrian refugees. ^[169] While Turkey claimed to be acting in self-defence, law professor Adil Ahmad Haque said that the operation itself violated UN preemptory norms against crimes of aggression, and therefore could not be justified be using self-defence arguments. ^[170] Similar to Afrin, the operation displaced roughly 300,000 Syrian Kurds; this, combined with the resettlement plan, was further criticized as an attempt at demographic engineering. ^{[171] [172]}

The US State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus told CNN, in reference to the 2019 offensive, that they "had serious concerns regarding reports that the Turkish-Supported Opposition may have engaged in […] the killing of unarmed civilians and prisoners and reports of ethnic cleansing". ^[158]

Sexual violence in Turkish-occupied Syria

Further information: Rape during the Syrian civil war and Missing women of Afrin

The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic have reported repeated instances of Kurdish women and girls being subjected to rape and other forms of sexual violence by the Turkish-backed SNA. ^[173] in February 2020 alone, 30 Kurdish women were reported to have been raped by SNA members, frequently occurring during house raids. In 2022, a Kurdish woman trying to travel to Turkey was gang-raped in SNA-controlled territory; one of the alleged rapists was an SNA fighter. ^{[174] [175]}

Sexual violence was also used as a form of torture in prisons run by Turkish-backed rebels, with incidents of prison rape being documented in Afrin since at least 2018. ^[176] Men, women and children who were detained by the SNA became victims of sexual violence. In one instance, a minor was gang-raped by the prison guards in Afrin, who forced male detainees to watch it happen while subjecting them to physical violence. ^[177]

Desecration of corpses

Multiple videos emerged during Operation Olive Branch that showed what appeared to be Turkish-backed Syrian rebels mutilating the corpses of dead People's Defense Units (YPG) militants. ^[178] One video showed the body of a dead female YPG fighter with her breasts cut off. SNA fighters who appear in the video call the female fighter a "female pig" and are heard saying "shame on them for sending women to fight". They are shown in the film stepping on her breasts. ^{[179] [180]}

In November 2019, Turkish-backed forces were accused of committing war crimes after mobile phone footage surfaced showing them desecrating the bodies of dead Kurdish fighters. The UN warned that Turkey could be held responsible for the actions of its allies, while Turkey promised to investigate. U.S. officials said that some of the actions in these videos probably constitute war crimes. ^[181]

Antiquities smuggling

In 2015, Syria's antiquities chief has said Turkey was refusing to return looted objects from ancient heritage sites in Syria or to provide information about them. ^[182] Turkey is also said to let ISIL smuggles Syrian antiquities through it. ^[183] In an official letter to UN, the Russian envoy Vitaly Churkin stated that antiquities from Syria and Iraq are exported to Turkey. The main center for the smuggling of cultural heritage items is the Turkish city of Gaziantep, where the stolen goods are sold at illegal auctions. According to the envoy, new smuggling hubs are popping up on the Turkish-Syrian border, with the "bulky goods" being delivered by the Turkish transport companies. Smuggled artifacts then arrive in the Turkish cities of Izmir, Mersin and Antalya, where representatives of international criminal groups produce fake documents on the origin of the antiquities. Turkey responded that she will investigate the claims but believes that the accusations are politically motivated. ^[184]

Later on, reports emerged in 2019 that following the Operation Olive Branch, more than 16,000 artifacts such as glass, pottery and mosaics mostly from Afrin District, were looted and smuggled to Turkey by Syrian rebels. ^[185]

In 2022, the Russian Defence Ministry claimed that Turkish-backed forces illegally do excavations in northern Syria. They are using explosives and heavy equipments which destroy the ancient sites. Many also accused Turkey of turning a blind eye in these activities. Turkey in response, according to the Turkish defence, interior and culture and tourism ministries, deployed Turkish soldiers in some of the ancient sites in Syria and started operation to retrieve Syrian smuggled items in Turkey. ^[186]

Disruption of water supplies

In March 2020, nongovernmental organizations, the World Health Organization and the Kurdish-led administration in northeast Syria said that the water supply from the Alouk pumping station has been repeatedly interrupted after Turkey and its allies took control of the Allouk water station after the Turkish offensive in October 2019. Turkey carried out more than 100 attacks between October 2019 and January 2024 on oil fields, gas facilities and power stations in the Kurdish-held Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). ^[187] In addition, local authorities and humanitarian groups in Northeast Syria said that they are unable to bring additional supplies into the region because the border with the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is closed. They all warned that doing these in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic is very dangerous. ^{[188] [189] [190]}

Alleged Turkish complicity and cooperation with the Islamic State

See also: Human rights in Islamic State-controlled territory and Turkey–Islamic State conflict

Since mid-2014, both the PKK and international media have accused Turkey of supporting and collaborating with the Islamic State (IS), ^{[191] [192] [193]} an Sunni Islamist terrorist group known for committing numerous crimes against humanity. ^{[194] [195]} Several of the allegation have focused on Turkish businessman and politician Burhanettin Çelikçi, who has faced calls for his prosecution in the United States. ^{[196] [197]} When the Islamic State kidnapped 49 Turkish diplomats from Mosul in June 2014, a columnist said that Turkey was now "paying the price of its collaboration with terrorists", in reference to the Islamist factions in the Syrian National Army. ^[198]

Some news websites also criticised Turkey for "doing nothing" against the Islamic State. ^{[199] [200]} American website Al-Monitor stated in June 2014 that Turkey, by "ignoring its own border security", had allowed its border with Syria to become a "jihadist highway" for the Islamic State to let thousands of international jihadists, and other supplies, be smuggled to them in Syria. ^{[201] [202]} British newspaper The Guardian stated that Turkey had spent months "[doing] little to stop foreign recruits crossing its border to ISIS". ^[203] In April 2018, Foreign Policy stated that in 2013 alone, some 30,000 militants illegally crossed into Turkish land, as the Syria–Turkey border was popular among foreign volunteers illegally crossing it to join the Islamic State in Syria. Furthermore, it was claimed that wounded Islamic State militants were treated in private-owned hospitals across southeastern Turkey. Among those receiving care was one of the top deputies of Islamic State chieftain Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, Ahmet el-H, who was treated in a private hospital in Sanliurfa in August 2014. ^[204]

Islamic State's attacks on Kobanî

Main article: Kobanî massacre

Further information: Siege of Kobanî

On 25 June 2015, Islamic State fighters detonated three car bombs in Kobanî, close to the Turkish border crossing. ^[205] The IS fighters were reported to have disguised themselves as Kurdish security forces, before entering the town and shooting civilians with assault rifles and RPGs. ^[206] IS also committed a massacre in the village of Barkh Butan, about 20 kilometres south of Kobanî, executing at least 26 Syrian Kurds, among them women and children. ^[207] Kurdish rebel forces and the Syrian government claimed the vehicles had entered the city from across the international border. ^[208] The pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party in Turkey argued that the Turkish government under Erdoğan supported the Islamic State, and that the Kobanî massacre was "a part of this support", a claim that Erdoğan himself rejected. ^[209]

Child soldiers in Syria and Libya

See also: Turkish intervention in Libya (2020–present)

The Turkish government linked think tank SETA withdrew a report detailing the composition of the Syrian National Army as it revealed the use of child soldiers. In addition, according to a report by Al-Monitor, citing sources on the ground, Turkey has deployed to Libya child soldiers from Syria. ^{[210] [211]} Of the 18,000 Syrian fighters Turkey sent to Libya in September 2020, 350 were children; ^[212] 34 of the 471 fighters killed by August that year were also children. ^[213]

In July 2021, the United States of America added Turkey to the list of countries that implicated in the use of child soldiers, because it used them in Syria and Libya. ^[214] The 2021 and 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices also mentioned the recruitment of child soldiers from Turkish-supported forces. ^{[138] [139]} Trafficking in Persons Reports mentioned that Turkey provided support (operational, equipment and financial) to armed groups in Syria which recruit and use child soldiers. ^{[215] [216] [217]}

See also

• The Twenty Classes
• Aşkale labor camp
• Diyarbakır Prison
• List of massacres in Turkey

References

1. Solis, Gary (2010). The Law of Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law in War (1st ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp.  301–302. ISBN   978-052187-088-7.
2. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 2
3. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 6
4. Nezir Akmeşe 2005, pp. 34, 144–146.
5. International Association of Genocide Scholars (13 June 2005). "Open Letter to the Prime Minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan". Archived from the original on 6 October 2007.
6. Göçek 2015, p. 1.
7. Suny 2015, pp. 374–375.
8. Vartparonian, Paul Leverkuehn; Kaiser (2008). A German officer during the Armenian genocide: a biography of Max von Scheubner-Richter. translated by Alasdair Lean; with a preface by Jorge and a historical introduction by Hilmar. London: Taderon Press for the Gomidas Institute. ISBN   978-1-903656-81-5. Archived from the original on 26 March 2017. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
9. Ferguson 2006, p. 177.
10. "International Association of Genocide Scholars" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 October 2017. Retrieved 12 March 2013.
11. Levon, Chorbajian (2016). "'They Brought It on Themselves and It Never Happened': Denial to 1939". In Demirdjian, Alexis (ed.). The Armenian Genocide legacy. Palgrave studies in the history of genocide. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 171–172. ISBN   978-1-137-56162-6.
12. Varnava, Andrekos (2016). "Book Review: Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present and Collective Violence against the Armenians, 1789–2009". Genocide Studies and Prevention . 10 (1): 121–123. doi: 10.5038/1911-9933.10.1.1403 . ISSN   1911-0359.
13. Fromkin 1989, pp. 212–215.
14. International Association of Genocide Scholars. "Resolution on genocides committed by the Ottoman empire" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 April 2008.
15. Gaunt, David (2006). Massacres, Resistance, Protectors: Muslim-Christian Relations in Eastern Anatolia during World War I. Piscataway, New Jersey: Gorgias Press.
16. Schaller & Zimmerer 2008, pp. 7–14.
17. Whitehorn, Alan (2015). The Armenian Genocide: The Essential Reference Guide: The Essential Reference Guide. ABC-CLIO. pp. 83, 218. ISBN   978-1-61069-688-3. Archived from the original on 1 August 2020. Retrieved 11 November 2018.
18. Rummel, Rudolph Joseph. "Statistics of Turkey's Genocide and Mass Murder". hawaii.edu. Hawaii University. Retrieved June 17, 2024. Democide had preceded the Young Turk's rule and with their collapse at the end of World War I, the successor Nationalist government carried out its own democide against the Greeks and remaining or returning Armenians. From 1900 to 1923, various Turkish regimes killed from 3,500,000 to over 4,300,000 Armenians, Greeks, Nestorians, and other Christians.
19. Avedian, Vahagn (2012). "State Identity, Continuity, and Responsibility: The Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey and the Armenian Genocide". European Journal of International Law. 23 (3): 797–820. doi: 10.1093/ejil/chs056 . ISSN   0938-5428. Archived from the original on 7 May 2021. Retrieved 14 April 2021.
20. Suny 2015, pp. 338–339.
21. Kieser 2018, p. 319.
22. Nichanian 2015, p. 242.
23. Zürcher, Erik Jan (2011). "Renewal and Silence: Postwar Unionist and Kemalist Rhetoric on the Armenian Genocide". In Suny, Ronald Grigor; Göçek, Fatma Müge; Naimark, Norman M. (eds.). A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford University Press. p. 308. ISBN   978-0-19-979276-4. In ideological terms there is thus a great deal of continuity between the periods of 1912–1918 and 1918–1923. This should come as no surprise... the cadres of the national resistance movement almost without exception consisted of former Unionists, who had been shaped by their shared experience of the previous decade.
24. Kévorkian 2020 , pp. 164–165: "The famous 'war of national liberation', prepared by the Unionists and waged by Kemal, was a vast operation, intended to complete the genocide by finally eradicating Armenian, Greek, and Syriac survivors."
25. Nichanian 2015, p. 238.
26. Sjöberg 2016, p. 40.
27. Kévorkian 2020, p. 149.
28. Kévorkian 2020, p. 155.
29. Kévorkian 2020, pp. 159–160.
30. Kévorkian 2020, p. 164.
31. Basso, Andrew (2016). "Towards a Theory of Displacement Atrocities: The Cherokee Trail of Tears, The Herero Genocide, and The Pontic Greek Genocide". Genocide Studies and Prevention. 10 (1): 5–29. doi: 10.5038/1911-9933.10.1.1297 . ISSN   1911-0359. Archived from the original on 19 June 2021. Retrieved 4 May 2021.
32. Kévorkian 2020, p. 161.
33. Kerr 1973, p. 122.
34. Hovannisian & Payaslian 2008, pp. 510–511.
35. (in French) Muré, Materne (1921). Un épisode de la tragédie arménienne: le massacre de Marache (février 1920). Brussels: Société Belge de Libraire.
36. Kerr 1973, p. 142.
37. Kerr 1973, p. 196.
38. Rohan & Bury 1958, p. 303.
39. Hofmann, Tessa. "Yalova/Nicomedia 1920/1921. Massacres and Inter- Ethnic Conflict in a Failing State". Institut für Diaspora- und Genozidforschung: 3–5. Retrieved 2 July 2016.
40. Shirinian 2017, p. 28.
41. Shirinian 2017, pp. 54–55, 310.
42. Prott 2016, p. 204.
43. Shenk 2017, p. 97.
44. Pericles 2008, p. 157.
45. Shenk 2017, pp. 102–103.
46. Bartrop, Paul R. (2014). Encountering Genocide: Personal Accounts from Victims, Perpetrators, and Witnesses. ABC-CLIO. p. 64. ISBN   9781610693318.
47. Shirinian 2017, p. 207.
48. Trudy Ring; Noelle Watson; Paul Schellinger (2013). Southern Europe: International Dictionary of Historic Places. Routledge. p. 351. ISBN   978-1134259588. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 23 February 2014. Kemal's triumphant entry into Smyrna... as Greek and Armenian inhabitants were raped, mutilated, and murdered.
49. Clogg, Richard (2002). A Concise History of Greece . Cambridge University Press. p. 98. ISBN   9780521004794.
50. Dobkin 1988, pp. 120–167.
51. Dobkin 1988, pp. 133–134.
52. Naimark 2002, p. 249.
53. Dobkin 1988, p. 231.
54. Naimark 2002, pp. 50–51.
55. Naimark 2002, p. 52.
56. Djordjevic, Dimitrije (1989). Ninic, Ivan (ed.). Migrations in Balkan History. Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies. p. 121. ISBN   9788671790062.
57. Abulafia, David (2011). The Great Sea : A Human History of the Mediterranean. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 588. ISBN   9780195323344. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 23 September 2016. ... and at least as many were deported into the Anatolian interior, where most vanished.
58. Neyzi, Leyla (2008). "The Burning of Smyrna/ Izmir (1922) Revisited: Coming to Terms with the Past in the Present". The Past as Resource in the Turkic Speaking World: 23–42. doi: 10.5771/9783956506888-23 . ISBN   9783956506888.
59. Goalwin, Gregory J. (2022). Borders of Belief: Religious Nationalism and the Formation of Identity in Ireland and Turkey. Rutgers University Press. p. 126. ISBN   978-1-9788-2648-9. Archived from the original on 20 November 2022. Retrieved 20 November 2022. Many Turks argue that it was the Greeks and Armenians themselves who started the fire, but reports from Western observers at the time lead most scholars to place the blame squarely on Turkish soldiers, who were seen igniting Christian-owned businesses in the city.
    • Bali, Rıfat N. (2009). The Saga of a Friendship: Asa Kent Jennings and the American Friends of Turkey. Libra. p. 55. ISBN   978-605-89308-3-4. Archived from the original on 29 January 2023. Retrieved 29 January 2023. The question of "who burned Izmir?" is still very much debated. Most, if not all, of the foreign observers claim that the Turkish Army burned it as it wanted to eradicate the last traces of Christian presence.
    • Papoutsy, Christos (2008). Ships of Mercy: The True Story of the Rescue of the Greeks : Smyrna, September 1922. Peter E. Randall. p. 23. ISBN   978-1-931807-66-1. Archived from the original on 7 December 2022. Retrieved 5 October 2022. Some sources, mostly Turkish, have claimed that the Armenians and Greeks set these fires themselves, to keep the Turks from having Smyrna, but most eyewitness accounts (and only a relative few are relayed here) attribute this fire to the Turks.
    • Saracoglu, Cenk (2011). Kurds of Modern Turkey: Migration, Neoliberalism and Exclusion in Turkish Society. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 74. ISBN   978-1-84885-468-0. Archived from the original on 29 January 2023. Retrieved 29 January 2023. While some Turkish-based sources have blamed the Greeks and Armenians for burning their buildings before they departed from İzmir (Kaygusuz, 1956: 225–226), most researchers outside Turkey have blamed the Turkish side for orchestrating the fire in order to eradicate the traces of non-Muslim presence in the city (Housepian, 1971).
    • Prott, Volker (2016). The Politics of Self-Determination: Remaking Territories and National Identities in Europe, 1917–1923. Oxford University Press. p. 181. ISBN   978-0-19-108354-9. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 23 September 2021. ..few Western scholars question the overall responsibility in the subsequent systematic destruction of the European, Greek and Armenian districts of Smyrna. For such a rare, pro-Turkish view see Heath W. Lowry, "Turkish history: On Whose Sources Will it Be Based? A Case Study on the Burning of Izmir", Journal of Ottoman Studies 9 (1989): 1–29.
60. Üngör 2011, pp. 110–111.
61. Üngör 2011, p. 108.
62. Schaller & Zimmerer 2008, pp. 7–8.
63. Olson 1989, pp. 89–91.
64. "Protesting as a Terrorist Offense: The Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey". Human Rights Watch. 2010-11-01. Retrieved 2019-01-10.
65. Üngör 2011, pp. 123–129.
66. Üngör 2011, pp. 136–138.
67. Bulut 1991, p. 167.
68. "Der Krieg am Ararat" [The War on Ararat]. Berliner Tageblatt (in German). 3 October 1930. ...die Türken in der Gegend von Zilan 220 Dörfer zerstört und 4500 Frauen und Greise massakriert.[...the Turks destroyed 220 villages in the area of Zilan and massacred 4,500 women and old men.]
69. Mazhar, Yusuf (16 July 1930). "Tayyarelerimizin bombardımanı devam ediyor" [The bombardments of our planes continues]. Cumhuriyet (in Turkish). Zeylân harekâtında imha edilenler 15,000 den fazladır[More than 15,000 people were destroyed in the Zeylan operation]
70. Hür, Ayşe (23 October 2008). "Osmanlı'dan bugüne Kürtler ve Devlet" [Kurds and the State from the Ottoman Empire to the present]. Taraf . 4 (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 25 February 2011.
71. Kahraman 2004, pp. 207–208.
72. Kahraman 2004, p. 211.
73. Bidwell, Robin Leonard; Bourne, Kenneth; Watt, Donald Cameron. Great Britain Foreign Office, British documents on foreign affairs: reports and papers from the foreign office confidential print. From the first to the Second World War. Turkey, Iran, and the Middle-East, 1918–1939. The Turkish revival, 1921–1923, University Publications of America, 1997, ISBN   978-0-89093-603-0, p. 106.
74. Sammali, Jacqueline (1995). Être Kurde, un délit?: portrait d'un peuple nié – Jacqueline Sammali – Google Livres. Harmattan. ISBN   9782738437723 . Retrieved 2013-12-24.
75. "Turkey PM Erdogan apologises for 1930s Kurdish killings". BBC News. 23 November 2011. Retrieved 24 November 2011.
76. McDowall, David (2007). A Modern History of the Kurds. London: Tauris & Co.
77. Lundgren, Asa (2007). The unwelcome neighbour: Turkey's Kurdish policy. London: Tauris & Co. p. 44.
78. SELCAN HACAOGLU November 23, 2011 10:15 am (2011-11-23). "Turkish PM apologizes over 1930s killings of Kurds". News.yahoo.com. Retrieved 2013-12-24.
79. "Turkey apologises for 1930s killing of thousands of Kurds". The Telegraph. 24 November 2011. Retrieved 24 November 2011.
80. "European Court of Human Rights: Turkey Ranks First in Violations in between 1959–2011". Bianet . Retrieved 29 December 2015.
81. Annual report (PDF) (Report). 2014. Retrieved 29 December 2015.
82. Case of Benzer and others v. Turkey (PDF) (Report). The European Court of Human Rights. 24 March 2014. p. 57. Retrieved 29 December 2015.
83. Reidy, Aisling. "The prohibition of torture" (PDF). Council of Europe. pp. 11, 13. Retrieved 27 July 2020.
84. Human Rights Watch. HRW. 2002. p. 7.
85. Abdulla, Jamal Jalal (7 February 2012). The Kurds: A Nation on the Way to Statehood. AuthorHouse. p. 36. ISBN   9781467879729 . Retrieved 29 December 2015.
86. "Police arrest and assistance of a lawyer" (PDF). European Court of Human Rights. p. 1. Retrieved 27 July 2020.
87. "Justice Comes from European Court for a Kurdish Journalist". Kurdish Human Rights Project. Retrieved 29 December 2015.
88. Phillips, David L. (2017-07-05). The Kurdish Spring: A New Map of the Middle East. Routledge. ISBN   9781351480376.
89. Belge, Ceren (2016). "Civilian victimization and the politics of information in the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey". World Politics. 67 (2): 275–306. doi:10.1017/S0043887115000398. S2CID   155139277.
90. Stanton, Jessica A. (2016-09-26). Violence and Restraint in Civil War: Civilian Targeting in the Shadow of International Law. Cambridge University Press. ISBN   9781316720592.
91. "THE KURDS OF TURKEY: KILLINGS, DISAPPEARANCES AND TORTURE" (PDF). HRW: The Kurds of Turkey: Killings, Disappearances and Torture: 2. 1993.
92. "Weapons transfers and violations of the laws of war in Turkey". Human Rights Watch. November 1995. ISBN   1-56432-161-4.
93. "Turkish Academics Call for End to Ankara's PKK Crackdown". VOA. 11 January 2016. Retrieved 2016-01-15.
94. "Turkey: Academics Jailed For Signing Petition". Human Rights Watch. 2016-03-16. Retrieved 2020-10-18.
95. Weaver, Matthew (2016-01-15). "Turkey rounds up academics who signed petition denouncing attacks on Kurds". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 2020-10-18.
96. "THE KURDS OF TURKEY: KILLINGS, DISAPPEARANCES AND TORTURE" (PDF). HRW: The Kurds of Turkey: Killings, Disappearances and Torture: 2. 1993.
97. "Turkey: No Answers for Kurdish Victims". Human Rights Watch. 5 November 2015.
98. Turkey campaign (Chapter 2), Amnesty International, 1997. Archived 14 July 2007 at the Wayback Machine
99. "Time for Justice Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990s Turkey". Human Rights Watch (HRW). 3 September 2012.
100. "ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES IN TURKEY – SCF" (PDF). Enforced Disappearances in Turkey. June 2017.
101. "Karakol yakını kazıdan 12 insan iskeleti çıktı". Sabah (in Turkish). Retrieved 2019-01-09.
102. "Karakol bahçesinden 7 kişinin kemikleri çıktı | BirGün Gazetesi" (in Turkish). Retrieved 2019-01-09.
103. "Report on the human rights situation in South-East Turkey" (PDF). The Stockholm Center for Freedom (SCF).
104. "Techniques of abuse". Human Rights Watch. 1997. Archived from the original on 6 March 2016. Retrieved 22 May 2018.
105. "Turkey: End sexual violence against women in custody!" (PDF). Amnesty International. EUR 44/006/2003. 26 February 2003. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 May 2022.
106. Duzgun, Meral (10 June 2013). "Turkey: a history of sexual violence". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 31 December 2023.
107. O'Shea, Maria T. (2004). Trapped Between the Map and Reality: Geography and Perceptions of Kurdistan. Routledge. p. 160. ISBN   978-0-415-94766-4.
108. "Still critical". Human Rights Watch. March 2005. p. 3. Retrieved 2007-09-12.
109. McKiernan, Kevin (1999-03-01). "Turkey's War on the Kurds". Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists . 55 (2): 26–37. doi:10.2968/055002008. ISSN   0096-3402.
110. "The Kurds". Minority Rights Group. 1 December 1996. Retrieved 2021-05-05.
111. "AVUKAT ELÇİ YORUMLUYOR: Kuşkonar Katliamını Askeri Savcılığın Soruşturması Doğru mu?". Bianet – Bagimsiz Iletisim Agi. Retrieved 3 April 2016.
112. ""Kuşkonar Bombardment" Case Dismissed". Bianet – Bagimsiz Iletisim Agi. Retrieved 3 April 2016.
113. "Kürt köylerini yok edenler yargılanacak mı? – Al-Monitor: the Pulse of the Middle East (in Turkish)". Al-Monitor. Retrieved 4 April 2016.
114. "Dispatches: European Court Presses Turkey on Justice". HRW.
115. "Turkey eases curfew after assault on PKK rebels leaves Cizre in ruins". Theguardian.com. Associated Press. 2 March 2016. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
116. "Cizre in ruins as Turkey lifts curfew on Kurdish towns – News – Al Jazeera". Aljazeera.com. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
117. "Cyprus v. Turkey – HUDOC". ECHR. Archived from the original on 24 April 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2019.
118. "APPLICATIONS/REQUÉTES N° 6780/74 6 N° 6950/75 CYPRUS v/TURKEY CHYPRE c/TURQUI E" (PDF). Government of Cyprus. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 June 2019. Retrieved 4 June 2019.
119. Borowiec, Andrew (2000). Cyprus: a troubled island. New York: Praeger. p. 2. ISBN   978-0-275-96533-4.
     • William Mallinson, Bill Mallinson, Cyprus: a modern history, I.B. Tauris, 2005, ISBN   978-1-85043-580-8, p. 147
     • Carpenter, Ted Galen (2002). Peace and Freedom: Foreign Policy for a Constitutional Republic . Washington, D.C.: Cato Institute. p.  187. ISBN   978-1-930865-34-1.
     • Linos-Alexandre Sicilianos (2001). The Prevention of Human Rights Violations (International Studies in Human Rights). Berlin: Springer. p. 24. ISBN   978-90-411-1672-7.
     • Rezun, Miron (2001). Europe's nightmare: the struggle for Kosovo. New York: Praeger. p. 6. ISBN   978-0-275-97072-7.
     • Antony Evelyn Alcock, A history of the protection of regional cultural minorities in Europe: from the Edict of Nantes to the present day, Palgrave Macmillan, 2000, ISBN   978-0-312-23556-7, p. 207
120. "Reuniting Cyprus?". jacobinmag.com. Archived from the original on 23 February 2017. Retrieved 2020-08-02.
121. "JUDGEMENT IN THE CASE OF CYPRUS v. TURKEY 1974–1976". Archived from the original on 2011-07-25.
122. "Despite ruling, Turkey won't pay damages to Cyprus – Middle East Institute". www.mei.edu. Archived from the original on 1 September 2016. Retrieved 30 August 2016.
123. "ECtHR –Cyprus v. Turkey , Application no. 25781/94, 10 May 2001 | European Database of Asylum Law". European Database of Asylum Law. Archived from the original on 2023-04-29. Retrieved 2023-04-29.
124. Embassy of the Republic of Cyprus in Washington Archived 12 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine (Embassy of the Republic of Cyprus in Washington) Retrieved on 11 November 2012.
125. Grewal, Inderpal (1994). Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices. University of Minnesota Press. p.  65. ISBN   978-0816621385.
126. Emilianides, Achilles C.; Aimilianidēs, Achilleus K. (2011). Religion and Law in Cyprus. Kluwer Law International. p. 179. ISBN   978-9041134387.
127. Cassia, Paul Sant (2007). Bodies of Evidence: Burial, Memory, and the Recovery of Missing Persons in Cyprus. Berghahn Books, Incorporated. p. 55. ISBN   978-1-84545-228-5.
128. Bryant, Rebecca (22 March 2012). "Partitions of Memory: Wounds and Witnessing in Cyprus" (PDF). Comparative Studies in Society and History. 54 (2): 335. doi:10.1017/S0010417512000060. S2CID   145424577. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 August 2017. Retrieved 18 August 2019.
129. Uludağ, Sevgül. "Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot victims of rape: The invisible pain and trauma that's kept 'hidden'". Hamamböcüleri Journal. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 8 April 2015.
130. "IV". Treaty of Guarantee  . Cyprus. 1960 – via Wikisource. In so far as common or concerted action may not prove possible, each the three guaranteeing Powers reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty.
131. Papadakis, Yiannis (2003). "Nation, narrative and commemoration: political ritual in divided Cyprus". History and Anthropology. 14 (3): 253–270. doi:10.1080/0275720032000136642. S2CID   143231403. [...] culminating in the 1974 coup aimed at the annexation of Cyprus to Greece
132. Atkin, Nicholas; Biddiss, Michael; Tallett, Frank (2011). The Wiley-Blackwell Dictionary of Modern European History Since 1789. John Wiley & Sons. p. 184. ISBN   978-1444390728.
133. "Resolution 573 (1974)". Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Archived from the original on 14 May 2014. Regretting the failure of the attempt to reach a diplomatic settlement which led the Turkish Government to exercise its right of intervention in accordance with Article 4 of the Guarantee Treaty of 1960.
134. Council of Europe,Resolution 573 (29 July 1974) Archived 12 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine . "The legality of the Turkish intervention on Cyprus has also been underlined by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in its resolution 573 (1974), adopted on 29 July 1974."
135. Salin, Ibrahm (2004). Cyprus: Ethnic Political Components. Oxford: University Press of America. p. 29.
136. "Security Resolution 367" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 October 2012. Retrieved 29 June 2017.
137. Quigley (2010). The Statehood of Palestine. Cambridge University Press. p.  164. ISBN   978-1-139-49124-2. The international community found this declaration invalid, on the ground that Turkey had occupied territory belonging to Cyprus and that the putative state was therefore an infringement on Cypriot sovereignty.
138. "2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Turkey". Archived from the original on 11 July 2023.
139. "2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Turkey (Türkiye)". Archived from the original on 8 June 2023.
140. "2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Syria". www.state.gov.
141. "Russia, Turkey may have committed war crimes in Syria: UN". aljazeera. 2 March 2020.
142. "UN urges Turkey to investigate possible war crimes in north Syria". aljazeera. 18 September 2020.
143. "UN Warns of Possible War Crimes in Turkish-Controlled Syria". aaawsat. 18 September 2020. "In a statement, Bachelet's UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) said it had noted an "alarming pattern in recent months of grave violations", having documented increased killings, kidnappings, unlawful transfers of people, seizures of land and properties and forcible evictions." "Those affiliated groups have also seized and looted houses, land and property without any apparent military necessity, said OHCHR. Furthermore, increased infighting among the various Turkish-affiliated armed groups over power-sharing was causing civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure." "Bachelet's office said it had documented the abduction and disappearance of civilians, including women and children."
144. "U.S.-backed SDF warns Turkey against widening attack". Reuters. 26 January 2018.
145. "Syria war: Turkey 'indiscriminately shelling civilians in Afrin'". BBC. 28 February 2018.
146. "Turk border guards shoot at fleeing Syrians – Human Rights Watch". Reuters. 3 February 2018. Archived from the original on 3 February 2018.
147. "The Latest: Syrian leaflets urge Ghouta residents to leave". ABC News. Associated Press. 22 February 2018.
148. "Factions of the 'Olive Branch' Operation carry out field executions in the countryside of Afrin, killing 7 persons including women". SOHR. 22 February 2018.
149. "Turkish bombardment kills 13 in Syria's Afrin: YPG, monitor". Reuters. 3 March 2018.
150. "Syria: Damning evidence of war crimes and other violations by Turkish forces and their allies". Amnesty International. 18 October 2019.
151. "Turkish forces commit war crimes in Syria offensive – fresh evidence". Amnesty International. 18 October 2019.
152. "Evidence found of war crimes during Turkish offensive in Syria, says U.S. official". Reuters. 23 October 2019 – via www.reuters.com.
153. "Esper: Turkey 'appears to be' committing war crimes in northern Syria". thehill. 13 October 2019.
154. "Esper: Reported executions by Turkish forces in Syria may be 'war crimes'". Washington Post. 13 October 2019.
155. "IBAHRI condemns Turkish military operation in northern Syria". International Bar Association. 17 October 2019.
156. "- ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF TURKEY'S OFFENSIVE IN NORTHEAST SYRIA". www.govinfo.gov.
157. "U.S. Drones Appear to Show Turkish-Backed Forces Targeting Civilians in Syria". The Wall Street Journal. 12 November 2019.
158. Browne, Ryan; Hansler, Jennifer (12 November 2019). "US has surveillance video of a possible war crime by Turkish-backed forces in Syria". CNN.
159. "Iranian broadcaster raises suspicions about death of reporter on Syrian border". The Guardian.
160. "US-Lebanese reporter dies in Turkey, Iranian TV calls accident 'suspicious'". Hurriyet.
161. "Turkish journalist stripped of parental rights over court coverage: lawyer". Reuters. 18 May 2016 – via www.reuters.com.
162. Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (2018-09-20). "After displacing more than 300000 Kurdish residents of Afrin people, Turkish-backed factions seize more than 75% of olive farms and receive the price of the first season in advance".
163. "In Afrin, checkpoints inspect the people of the area and building, houses and farms are seized, continued looting, preventing the displaced people from returning and turning entire villages into military positions". The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. 25 April 2018.
164. Thomas McGee, 'Nothing is ours anymore' – HLP rights violations in Afrin, Syria (2019) in Reclaiming Home: The struggle for Socially Just Housing, Land and Property Rights in Syria, Iraq and Libya
165. Chulov, Martin; Shaheen, Kareem; Chulov, Martin (7 June 2018). "'Nothing is ours anymore': Kurds forced out of Afrin after Turkish assault". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077.
166. Kajjo, Sirwan; Rasho, Nawroz (12 January 2023). "Settlement Construction in Syrian District Renews Accusations of Demographic Engineering". Voice of America.
167. Rossi, Alex (10 March 2018). "Kurds say Syrian city of Afrin is being 'ethnically cleansed' by Turkish military". Sky News.
168. Rudaw (20 April 2020). "Afrin, Syria: Kurdish population more than halved since 2018 Turkish invasion". Genocide Watch.
169. "Turkey begins ground offensive in northeastern Syria". Al Jazeera . 9 October 2019. Retrieved 10 October 2019.
170. "Turkey's (Latest) Invasion of Syria: Aggression, Proportionality, and Legal Consequences for NATO and Third-Party States". Just Security. 17 October 2019. Retrieved 7 March 2022.
171. Gardner, David (2 October 2019). "Syria is witnessing a violent demographic re-engineering". Financial Times .
172. "Turkey's plan to settle refugees in northeast Syria alarms allies". Reuters. 8 October 2019 – via reuters.com.
173. IICISAR 2020, p. 13, para. 59.
174. IICISAR 2020, p. 13, para. 61.
175. IICISAR 2024, p. 15, para. 93.
176. IICISAR 2024, p. 14, para. 86.
177. IICISAR 2020, p. 13, para. 60.
178. "Fighting in northwest Syria is in a tailspin, as Turkish forces shoot at fleeing civilians and mutilate US-backed forces". Business Insider . Retrieved 9 February 2018.
179. "Videos of Syrian Militia Abusing Kurdish Fighter's Corpse Stir Outrage". The New York Times. 5 February 2018.
180. "The Latest: 7 killed in shelling of Syrian government areas". The Washington Post. 1 February 2018. Archived from the original on 1 February 2018.
181. "Syria conflict: The 'war crimes' caught in brutal phone footage". bbc. 3 November 2019.
182. "Syrian antiquities chief says Turkey refuses to return looted art". Reuters. 10 October 2015.
183. "ISIL smuggles Syrian antiquities through Turkey". The Journal of Turkish Weekly. 4 March 2015. Archived from the original on 22 December 2015.
184. "Turkey investigating Russian claims on smuggled Syrian antiquities". 7 April 2016.
185. "Did there remain monuments in Afrin that were not stolen by Turkey?". ANHA. 18 July 2019.
186. "Ministries working to retrieve smuggled Syrian artifacts". hurriyetdailynews. 12 September 2022.
187. Khoshnaw, Namak; Giles, Christopher; Smith, Saphora (2024-11-19). "Turkish strikes in Syria cut water to one million people". www.bbc.com. Retrieved 21 November 2024.
188. "Turkey/Syria: Weaponizing Water in Global Pandemic?". World Health Organization. 31 March 2020.
189. "Turkey throttles water as pandemic looms over northeast Syria". al-monitor. 7 May 2020.
190. "Turkish-occupied Syria cuts off water to 400,000 during pandemic". The Jerusalem Post. 26 March 2020.
191. "Senior Western official: Links between Turkey and ISIS are now 'undeniable'". Businessinsider. 28 July 2015.
192. "Turkey paying a price for Erdoğan's wilful blindness to Isis threat". The Guardian. 29 June 2016.
193. "Turkey's 'double game' on ISIS and support for extremist groups highlighted after horrific Istanbul attack". Salon. 30 June 2016.
194. "Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arabic Republic". November 14, 2014. Archived from the original on October 7, 2016. Retrieved April 3, 2021.
195. "UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria: ISIS is Committing Genocide Against the Yazidis". United Nations Human Rights Council. June 16, 2016. Retrieved April 3, 2021.
196. "WikiLeaks documents highlight sinister relations between Erdogan and ISIS". ThePressProject. 5 December 2016. Retrieved 2016-12-17.
197. Michael Rubin (26 October 2016). "Will the US punish ISIS profiteers?". American Enterprise Institute . Retrieved 2016-12-17.
198. "Criticism mounts on Erdogan over ISIL kidnapping of Turkey hostages". Middle East Eye. 17 June 2014.
199. James Denselow (17 October 2014). "Unmasking Turkey's ISIL strategy,". aljazeera.com. Retrieved 22 September 2015.
200. "Turkey's reluctance to join the fight against ISIL isolates country further". Today's Zaman. 17 February 2015. Archived from the original on 24 July 2015. Retrieved 23 July 2015.
201. "Turkey paying price for jihadist highway on border". Al-Monitor. 13 June 2014. Retrieved 20 September 2015.
202. "Turkey should close its border to ISIS". Al-Monitor. 14 June 2014. Retrieved 20 September 2015.
203. Simon Tisdall (24 July 2015). "US deal with Turkey over Isis may go beyond simple use of an airbase". The Guardian. Retrieved 18 September 2015.
204. AHMET S. YAYLA, COLIN P. CLARKE (12 April 2018). "Turkey's Double ISIS Standard". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 25 April 2018.
205. "ISIL on 24-hour 'killing rampage' in Syria's Kobane". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 28 June 2015.
206. "ISIS commits major massacre in Syria's Kobani: activists". The Daily Star. Archived from the original on 4 December 2015.
207. "IS 'executes 23 Kurds' in village near Syria's Kobane". Yahoo News. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016.
208. "Syria crisis: IS re-enters Kurdish-held city of Kobane". BBC News. 25 June 2015. Archived from the original on 25 June 2015. Retrieved 25 June 2015.
209. "Pro-Kurdish party says Kobani 'massacre' reflects Turkey support for Islamic State". Reuters. 25 June 2015. Retrieved 30 June 2015.
210. "Pro-Erdoğan think tank's survey shows child soldiers among Turkish-backed Syrian opposition". Ahval. 20 November 2020. Archived from the original on 9 July 2021. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
211. "Report: Child soldiers deployed to Libya by Turkish-backed Syrian National Army – Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East". www.al-monitor.com. 8 May 2020.
212. "Turkish-backed mercenaries – First batch of Syrian fighters arrives in Azerbaijan". Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. 27 September 2020.
213. "Turkish-backed mercenaries | New batch of 300 Syrian mercenaries arrives Libya". Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. 6 August 2020.
214. "Turkey used child soldiers in Syria and Libya: US". Al Arabiya English. 1 July 2021.
215. "2021 Trafficking in Persons Report: Turkey". Archived from the original on 20 February 2023.
216. "2022 Trafficking in Persons Report: Turkey". Archived from the original on 31 July 2023.
217. "2023 Trafficking in Persons Report: Türkiye". Archived from the original on 17 September 2023.

Bibliography

• Bulut, Faik (1991). Devletin gözüyle Türkiye'de Kürt isyanları[Kurdish rebellions in Turkey through the eyes of the state] (in Turkish). Yön Yayıncılık. OCLC   24960654.
• Dobkin, Marjorie Housepian (1988). Smyrna 1922: The Destruction of a City (2nd ed.). Kent State University Press. ISBN   978-0-87338-359-2.
• Ferguson, Niall (2006). The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West. New York: Penguin Press. ISBN   978-1-59420-100-4.
• Fromkin, David (1989). A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. New York: Henry Holt and Co. ISBN   978-0-8050-0857-9.
• Göçek, Fatma Müge (2015). Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present and Collective Violence Against the Armenians, 1789–2009. Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-933420-9.
• Hovannisian, Richard G.; Payaslian, Simon, eds. (2008). Armenian Cilicia. Mazda Publishers. ISBN   9781568591544.
• Kahraman, Ahmet (2004). Kürt isyanları: Tedip ve Tenkil[Kurdish Revolts: Remedies and Tenkil]. Kurdish History and Culture (in Turkish) (2nd ed.). Evrensel Basım Yayın. ISBN   978-975-6525-48-7.
• Kerr, Stanley Elphinstone (1973). The Lions of Marash: Personal Experiences with American Near East Relief, 1919–1922. SUNY Press. ISBN   9780873952002.
• Kévorkian, Raymond (2020). "The Final Phase: The Cleansing of Armenian and Greek Survivors, 1919–1922". In Astourian, Stephan; Kévorkian, Raymond (eds.). Collective and State Violence in Turkey: The Construction of a National Identity from Empire to Nation-State. Berghahn Books. ISBN   978-1-78920-451-3.
• Kieser, Hans-Lukas (2018). Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide . Princeton University Press. ISBN   978-1-4008-8963-1.
• Naimark, Norman M. (September 19, 2002). Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe (1st. paperback ed.). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN   978-0-674-00994-3.
• Nezir Akmeşe, Handan (2005). The birth of modern Turkey: the Ottoman military and the march to World War I. International library of twentieth century history. London: Tauris. ISBN   978-1-85043-797-0.
• Nichanian, Mikaël [in French] (2015). Détruire les Arméniens. Histoire d'un génocide[Destroying the Armenians: History of a Genocide] (in French). Presses Universitaires de France. ISBN   978-2-13-062617-6.
• Olson, Robert W. (1989), The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925, University of Texas Press, ISBN   978-0-292-77619-7
• Pericles, Alexiadis Thomas (2008). Η Αμισός του Πόντου [Amisos of Pontus] (in Greek). University of Thessaloniki.
• Prott, Volker (2016). The Politics of Self-Determination: Remaking Territories and National Identities in Europe, 1917–1923. Oxford University Press. ISBN   9780191083549.
• Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic (PDF) (Report). Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 14 August 2020.
• Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic (PDF) (Report). Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 12 August 2024.
• Rohan, Butler; Bury, J. P. T., eds. (1958). Review of Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919-1939. First Series. Vol. VIII, 1920. Review by W. N. Medlicott. Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
• Schaller, Dominik J.; Zimmerer, Jürgen (March 2008), "Late Ottoman genocides: the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and Young Turkish population and extermination policies—introduction", Journal of Genocide Research, 10 (1): 7–14, doi:10.1080/14623520801950820, S2CID   71515470
• Shirinian, George N. (2017). Genocide in the Ottoman Empire: Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks, 1913-1923. Berghahn Books. ISBN   9781785334337.
• Shenk, Robert (2017). America's Black Sea Fleet: The U.S. Navy Amidst War and Revolution, 1919 1923. Naval Institute Press. ISBN   9781612513027.
• Sjöberg, Erik (2016). Making of the Greek Genocide: Contested Memories of the Ottoman Greek Catastrophe. Berghahn Books. ISBN   978-1785333255.
• Suny, Ronald Grigor (2015). "They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else": A History of the Armenian Genocide. Princeton University Press. ISBN   978-1-4008-6558-1.
• Üngör, Ugur Ümit (2011), The making of modern Turkey : nation and state in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1950, Oxford University Press, ISBN   9780199603602

Further reading

• "'Everything is by the Power of the Weapon': Abuses and Impunity in Turkish-Occupied Northern Syria" (PDF). Human Rights Watch . February 2024. ISBN   979-8-88708-108-3. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 September 2024.
• Hofmann, Tessa (2007). Verfolgung, Vertreibung und Vernichtung der Christen im Osmanischen Reich : 1912-1922 (in German) (2. Aufl. ed.). Münster: Lit. ISBN   9783825878238.
• Işık, Ayhan (3 April 2021). "Pro-state paramilitary violence in Turkey since the 1990s". Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 21 (2): 231–249. doi: 10.1080/14683857.2021.1909285 . ISSN   1468-3857.
• Psaltis, Charis; Cakal, Huseyin (2016). "Social Identity in a Divided Cyprus". In McKeown, Shelley; Haji, Reeshma; Ferguson, Neil (eds.). Understanding Peace and Conflict Through Social Identity Theory. Peace Psychology Book Series. Springer International Publishing. pp. 229–244. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-29869-6_15. ISBN   978-3-319-29867-2.