Humanitarian aid workers belonging to United Nations organisations, PVOs / NGOs or the Red Cross / Red Crescent are among the list of protected persons under international humanitarian law that grant them immunity from attack by belligerent parties. However, attacks on humanitarian workers have occasionally occurred, and become more frequent since the 1990s and 2000s.
The foremost collector of data on attacks against humanitarian workers is the Aid Worker Security Database (AWSD), which has strict parameters allowing for the data to be compared across the globe over time, producing useful analysis for the humanitarian, policy and academic community. [1] Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) is another database that includes attacks on humanitarian workers in addition to other conflict-related incidents. [2] Insecurity Insight produces monthly Aid in Danger reports that highlight attacks during the month from news media, the AWSD and ACLED. [3]
In 2017, the Aid Worker Security Database documented 139 humanitarian workers killed in intentional attacks out of the estimated global population of 569,700 workers. In every year since 2013, more than 100 humanitarian workers were killed. [4] This is attributed to a number of factors, including the increasing number of humanitarian workers deployed, the increasingly unstable environments in which they work, and the erosion of the perception of neutrality and independence.[ citation needed ] In 2012 road travel was seen to be the most dangerous context, with kidnappings of aid workers quadrupling in the last decade, reaching more aid workers victims than any other form of attack. [5] In November 2024, the United Nations reported that the highest number of aid worker deaths on record occurred in 2024. Additionally they stated that 333 aid workers were killed in the Israel-Hamas War, the highest number recorded in a single crisis. [6] [7] [8] [9]
The legal basis for the protection of humanitarian workers in armed conflicts is contained in the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the related Protocols I and II of 1977. These treaties outline the rights and obligations of non-combatants who fulfill the criteria of protected persons during armed conflicts. These rights include the right to be treated humanely; to have access to food, water, shelter, medical treatment, and communications; to be free from violence to life and person, hostage taking, and humiliating or degrading treatment; and the prohibition against collective punishment or imprisonment. Protected persons include citizens and nationals of countries that are not a party to the conflict, except if such persons happens to be in the territory of a belligerent power, which maintains diplomatic relations with their home states.
While the Geneva Conventions guarantee protection for humanitarian workers, they do not guarantee access of humanitarian workers to affected areas: governments or occupying forces may, if they wish, ban a relief agency from working in their area. Médecins Sans Frontières was created in 1971 with the express purpose of ignoring this restriction, by providing assistance to populations affected by the Biafran civil war despite the prohibitions of the government of Nigeria.
In addition, the Geneva Conventions do not require that parties to the conflict guarantee the safety of humanitarian workers. The Conventions prohibit combatants from attacking protected persons, and they require occupying forces to maintain general order. However, the Conventions do not require that combating parties provide security escorts, for example, when other factions threaten the safety of protected persons operating in their area.
In 2003, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1502 giving greater protection to humanitarian workers and treating attacks on them as a war crime. ICRC promotes a framework for Neutral Independent Humanitarian Action (NIHA) to enable differentiated role understanding.
The method of targeting foreigners through suicide bombings, IEDs and kidnappings (often closely associated with criminal and political actors) is strong evidence of at least some political motivations against aid workers. [10] It is very hard often to precisely ascertain a motive; for instance, in 55% of the incidents recorded by the AWSD in 2008, the motive was described as ‘undetermined’. [10] However, of those that were determined, political motivations have increased (29% of the determined total in 2003 to 49% in 2008) relative to economic motivations, or when the victim's status as an aid worker was only incidental. [10] Afghanistan, as one of the most dangerous countries for humanitarian workers to operate in is influential in this changing dynamic; in 2007 61% of incidents were carried out by criminals and 39% by political opposition groups, but in 2008, 65% of incidents were the work of armed opposition groups. [10]
Aid workers can be targeted for political reasons both directly and by association. [10] Sometimes the humanitarian organisation may be targeted for something that it has done or a statement it has made, or simply for the delivery of aid to a population, to whom others do not wish aid to reach. [10] It can also be targeted as a result of being associated as an entity collaborating with the 'enemy' (a government, rebel group or foreign power). [10] The dangers of being associated with specific governments or armed forces have further increased the determination of aid workers to be seen as separate, independent and neutral politically. [10] However, evidence shows that this has little impact and instead that western aid agencies are perceived as an intrinsic part of the western 'agenda' and not merely associated with it. [10]
In the case of Afghanistan, with the notable exception of the International Committee of the Red Cross, it has been surmised that locals no longer make distinctions (as they once did) between organisations, e.g. those were working with the coalition force's Provincial Reconstruction Teams and those that did not. [10] In remote areas, they sometimes represent the only accessible western target. [10] Although empirical studies on aid worker insecurity have been scarce, two have been conducted in Afghanistan. Watts (2004) [11] did not find evidence indicating heightened aid worker insecurity in provinces where the US military was present. Similarly, Mitchell (2015) [12] was unable to discover a relationship between attacks against NGOs and their proximity to the US military or US-led PRTs respectively; however, his study did reveal that aid workers were more likely to encounter a greater number of security incidents in provinces with PRTs not led by the US.
Among all attacks, those on health care are numerous. Hospitals, clinics and ambulances are attacked and health workers are injured or killed. As to the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition initiative there have been 973 attacks on health in 23 countries in 2018. [14] Attacks usually either target wounded and sick individuals, health personnel, facilities or medical transport; facilities or medical emblems are misused. [15] These attacks have a negative impact on the overall delivery of health care. Despite the immediate effects of deaths, injuries and the destruction of facilities, the long-term effects are often even more severe. Already weakened health systems, due to present conflicts, get targeted. That can lead to the collapse of entire health systems that are urgently needed in conflicts. The health systems are unable to cope with the situation, people have no access to health care and long-term public health goals are almost impossible to achieve. [16] Many facilities have to close after attacks, hospitals run out of supplies and health projects, like vaccination campaigns, come to halt. Additionally, staff leave their posts, flee the region or country and international organizations withdraw their staff and/ or close projects. [17] The general access to health facilities and care is restricted for people in need. The number of people affected indirectly is therefore even higher than the actual number of victims. Moreover, attacks have a negative impact on the psychological well-being of staff and affect their motivation as well as the quality of care provided by them. [18]
A full downloadable list of major incidents, from 1997–present, of violence against aid workers, can be found at Humanitarian Outcomes' Aid Worker Security Database. [19]
Médecins Sans Frontières, also known as Doctors Without Borders, is a charity that provides humanitarian medical care. It is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) of French origin known for its projects in conflict zones and in countries affected by endemic diseases. The organisation provides care for diabetes, drug-resistant infections, HIV/AIDS, hepatitis C, tropical and neglected diseases, tuberculosis, vaccines and COVID-19. In 2019, the charity was active in 70 countries with over 35,000 personnel; mostly local doctors, nurses and other medical professionals, logistical experts, water and sanitation engineers, and administrators. Private donors provide about 90% of the organisation's funding, while corporate donations provide the rest, giving MSF an annual budget of approximately US$1.63 billion.
Incidents in the Gaza War include incidents involving attacks against civilians, a school, a mosque, and naval confrontations.
Medical neutrality refers to a principle of noninterference with medical services in times of armed conflict and civil unrest: physicians must be allowed to care for the sick and wounded, and soldiers must receive care regardless of their political affiliations; all parties must refrain from attacking and misusing medical facilities, transport, and personnel. Concepts comprising the principles of medical neutrality derive from international human rights law, medical ethics and humanitarian law. Medical neutrality may be thought of as a kind of social contract that obligates societies to protect medical personnel in both times of war and peace, and obligates medical personnel to treat all individuals regardless of religion, race, ethnicity, or political affiliation. Violations of medical neutrality constitute crimes outlined in the Geneva Conventions.
The year 2023 in Israel was defined first by wide-scale protests against a proposed judicial reform, and then by the Hamas-led attack on Israel on October 7, which led to a war and to Israel invading the Gaza Strip.
Events in the year 2023 in Palestine.
A significant number of attacks on healthcare facilities occurred during the Gaza war. During the first week of the war, there were 94 attacks on health care facilities in Israel and Gaza, killing 29 healthcare workers and injuring 24. The attacks on healthcare facilities contributed to a severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza. By 30 November, the World Health Organization documented 427 attacks on healthcare in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, resulting in 566 fatalities and 758 injuries. By February 2024, it was reported that "every hospital in Gaza is either damaged, destroyed, or out of service due to lack of fuel." By April, WHO had verified 906 attacks on healthcare in Gaza, the West Bank, Israel, and Lebanon. As of June 2024, according to WHO, Israel has attacked 464 health care facilities, killed 727 health care workers, injured 933 health care workers, and damaged or destroyed 113 ambulances
During the Israel–Hamas war, the healthcare system of Gaza was destroyed by Israeli attacks on hospitals and health facilities, killing of healthcare workers, and blockade of medical supplies from entering Gaza. The resulting collapse of the healthcare system was part of a broader humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip caused by the war.
Many health workers have been killed during attacks on medical facilities and medical transport in the Gaza war. Although the injuries happened both on the Israeli side and on the Palestinian side, most of these attacks were carried out by Israeli forces against Palestinians.
The following is a list of events during the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in 2024, including the events of the Israel–Hamas war.
During the Israel–Hamas war, humanitarian aid entered into the Gaza Strip via air, land and sea. Early in the war, significant issues arose with humanitarian aid. Israel's initial blockade on Gaza, immediately following the October 7 attacks, prevented the entry of humanitarian aid for several weeks. As the war progressed, aid was allowed at limited quantities. Entities such as Oxfam, the European Union, United Kingdom, and United Nations stated that Israel is deliberately blocking humanitarian aid. These limitations have contributed to a severe humanitarian crisis and a risk of famine. Israeli airstrikes and continued restrictions on aid entry led to widespread shortages of food and supplies. Distribution of aid within Gaza has also been an issue, as police have refused to protect aid convoy after airstrikes killed eight police in Rafah.
In March 2024, during the Israel–Hamas war, civilians seeking humanitarian aid were attacked at the Kuwait Roundabout near Gaza City, causing mass killings. According to the Gaza's Health Ministry, 21 Gazans were killed and 155 were wounded. Al Jazeera and Euro-Med Monitor reported eyewitness testimonies, including from Mohammed Ghurab, the director of emergency services at Al-Shifa Hospital, saying Israeli forces were responsible.
Humanitarian aid in conflict zones is the provision of emergency assistance and support to individuals and communities affected by armed conflict, with the aim of alleviating suffering, maintaining human dignity, and preserving life. This type of aid encompasses a wide range of services, including but not limited to, the delivery of food, water, shelter, medical care, and protection services, and is delivered amidst challenging and often dangerous conditions, with the goal of reaching those most in need regardless of their location, political affiliation, or status.
The World Central Kitchen aid convoy attack occurred on 1 April 2024, when Israeli drones targeted a three-car convoy belonging to the World Central Kitchen (WCK) in the Gaza Strip, killing seven aid workers. The workers had been overseeing the transfer of a shipment of food from a makeshift pier to a warehouse some distance away in the northern Gaza Strip, which has been pushed close to famine by Israel's invasion and blockade during the Israel–Hamas war.
Hauwa Mohammed Liman, a 24-year-old Nigerian nurse and humanitarian worker with the International Committee of the Red Cross, was abducted in March 2018 by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), a faction of Boko Haram. She was executed on October 15, 2018. Her death drew widespread condemnation from Nigeria and the international humanitarian community. Before her execution,Muhammadu Buhari expressed sorrow and strongly condemned ISWAP's actions, pledging to hold those responsible accountable.
On 16 November 2024, armed gangs raided a convoy of 109 United Nations aid trucks and looted 98 of them, near Israeli military installations at the Kerem Shalom border crossing in the Gaza Strip. The perpetrators, who according to a UN memo may have had "protection" from the Israel Defense Forces, threw grenades and held truck drivers at gunpoint, forcing them to unload their aid. The incident further exacerbated the Gaza humanitarian crisis caused by the Israel–Hamas war. The incident has been described by the UNRWA as "one of the worst" incidents of its kind.
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)Ricardo Munguia, a Swiss citizen of Salvadorian origin was travelling with Afghan colleagues on an assignment to improve the water supply to the district. He was shot in cold blood on Thursday by a group of unidentified assailants who stopped the vehicles transporting them...the assailants had shot the 39-year-old water and habitat engineer in the head and burned one car, warning two Afghans accompanying him not to work for foreigners...Asked what action ICRC was taking, Bouvier explained that 'for the time being, the ICRC has decided to temporarily freeze all field trips in Afghanistan, calling all staff to the main delegation's offices.'
Prime Minister of the Federal Government of Somalia, Hamza Abdi Barre on Saturday expressed sorrow over the death of Turkish Aid Worker, Abdurrahim Yoruk who was killed in a terrorist attack in Mogadishu's Garasbaley district a day ago.