Humanitarian aid workers belonging to United Nations organisations, PVOs / NGOs or the Red Cross / Red Crescent are among the list of protected persons under international humanitarian law that grant them immunity from attack by belligerent parties. However, attacks on humanitarian workers have occasionally occurred, and become more frequent since the 1990s and 2000s. In 2017, the Aid Worker Security Database (AWSD) documented 139 humanitarian workers killed in intentional attacks out of the estimated global population of 569,700 workers. In every year since 2013, more than 100 humanitarian workers were killed. [1] This is attributed to a number of factors, including the increasing number of humanitarian workers deployed, the increasingly unstable environments in which they work, and the erosion of the perception of neutrality and independence.[ citation needed ] In 2012 road travel was seen to be the most dangerous context, with kidnappings of aid workers quadrupling in the last decade, reaching more aid workers victims than any other form of attack. [2]
The foremost collector of data on attacks against humanitarian workers is the Aid Worker Security Database, which has strict parameters allowing for the data to be compared across the globe over time, producing useful analysis for the humanitarian, policy and academic community. [3] Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) is another database that includes attacks on humanitarian workers in addition to other conflict-related incidents. [4] Insecurity Insight produces monthly Aid in Danger reports that highlight attacks during the month from news media, the AWSD and ACLED. [5]
The legal basis for the protection of humanitarian workers in armed conflicts is contained in the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the related Protocols I and II of 1977. These treaties outline the rights and obligations of non-combatants who fulfill the criteria of protected persons during armed conflicts. These rights include the right to be treated humanely; to have access to food, water, shelter, medical treatment, and communications; to be free from violence to life and person, hostage taking, and humiliating or degrading treatment; and the prohibition against collective punishment or imprisonment. Protected persons include citizens and nationals of countries that are not a party to the conflict, except if such persons happens to be in the territory of a belligerent power, which maintains diplomatic relations with their home states.
While the Geneva Conventions guarantee protection for humanitarian workers, they do not guarantee access of humanitarian workers to affected areas: governments or occupying forces may, if they wish, ban a relief agency from working in their area. Médecins Sans Frontières was created in 1971 with the express purpose of ignoring this restriction, by providing assistance to populations affected by the Biafran civil war despite the prohibitions of the government of Nigeria.
In addition, the Geneva Conventions do not require that parties to the conflict guarantee the safety of humanitarian workers. The Conventions prohibit combatants from attacking protected persons, and they require occupying forces to maintain general order. However, the Conventions do not require that combating parties provide security escorts, for example, when other factions threaten the safety of protected persons operating in their area.
In 2003, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1502 giving greater protection to humanitarian workers and treating attacks on them as a war crime. ICRC promotes a framework for Neutral Independent Humanitarian Action (NIHA) to enable differentiated role understanding.
The method of targeting foreigners through suicide bombings, IEDs and kidnappings (often closely associated with criminal and political actors) is strong evidence of at least some political motivations against aid workers. [6] It is very hard often to precisely ascertain a motive; for instance, in 55% of the incidents recorded by the AWSD in 2008, the motive was described as ‘undetermined’. [6] However, of those that were determined, political motivations have increased (29% of the determined total in 2003 to 49% in 2008) relative to economic motivations, or when the victim's status as an aid worker was only incidental. [6] Afghanistan, as one of the most dangerous countries for humanitarian workers to operate in is influential in this changing dynamic; in 2007 61% of incidents were carried out by criminals and 39% by political opposition groups, but in 2008, 65% of incidents were the work of armed opposition groups. [6]
Aid workers can be targeted for political reasons both directly and by association. [6] Sometimes the humanitarian organisation may be targeted for something that it has done or a statement it has made, or simply for the delivery of aid to a population, to whom others do not wish aid to reach. [6] It can also be targeted as a result of being associated as an entity collaborating with the 'enemy' (a government, rebel group or foreign power). [6] The dangers of being associated with specific governments or armed forces have further increased the determination of aid workers to be seen as separate, independent and neutral politically. [6] However, evidence shows that this has little impact and instead that western aid agencies are perceived as an intrinsic part of the western 'agenda' and not merely associated with it. [6]
In the case of Afghanistan, with the notable exception of the International Committee of the Red Cross, it has been surmised that locals no longer make distinctions (as they once did) between organisations, e.g. those were working with the coalition force's Provincial Reconstruction Teams and those that did not. [6] In remote areas, they sometimes represent the only accessible western target. [6] Although empirical studies on aid worker insecurity have been scarce, two have been conducted in Afghanistan. Watts (2004) [7] did not find evidence indicating heightened aid worker insecurity in provinces where the US military was present. Similarly, Mitchell (2015) [8] was unable to discover a relationship between attacks against NGOs and their proximity to the US military or US-led PRTs respectively; however, his study did reveal that aid workers were more likely to encounter a greater number of security incidents in provinces with PRTs not led by the US.
Among all attacks, those on health care are numerous. Hospitals, clinics and ambulances are attacked and health workers are injured or killed. As to the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition initiative there have been 973 attacks on health in 23 countries in 2018. [10] Attacks usually either target wounded and sick individuals, health personnel, facilities or medical transport; facilities or medical emblems are misused. [11] These attacks have a negative impact on the overall delivery of health care. Despite the immediate effects of deaths, injuries and the destruction of facilities, the long-term effects are often even more severe. Already weakened health systems, due to present conflicts, get targeted. That can lead to the collapse of entire health systems that are urgently needed in conflicts. The health systems are unable to cope with the situation, people have no access to health care and long-term public health goals are almost impossible to achieve. [12] Many facilities have to close after attacks, hospitals run out of supplies and health projects, like vaccination campaigns, come to halt. Additionally, staff leave their posts, flee the region or country and international organizations withdraw their staff and/ or close projects. [13] The general access to health facilities and care is restricted for people in need. The number of people affected indirectly is therefore even higher than the actual number of victims. Moreover, attacks have a negative impact on the psychological well-being of staff and affect their motivation as well as the quality of care provided by them. [14]
A full downloadable list of major incidents, from 1997–present, of violence against aid workers, can be found at Humanitarian Outcomes' Aid Worker Security Database. [15]
Médecins Sans Frontières, also known as Doctors Without Borders, is a charity that provides humanitarian medical care. It is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) of French origin known for its projects in conflict zones and in countries affected by endemic diseases. The organisation provides care for diabetes, drug-resistant infections, HIV/AIDS, hepatitis C, tropical and neglected diseases, tuberculosis, vaccines and COVID-19. In 2019, the charity was active in 70 countries with over 35,000 personnel; mostly local doctors, nurses and other medical professionals, logistical experts, water and sanitation engineers, and administrators. Private donors provide about 90% of the organisation's funding, while corporate donations provide the rest, giving MSF an annual budget of approximately US$1.63 billion.
The Battle of Mogadishu, also known as the Black Hawk Down Incident, was part of Operation Gothic Serpent. It was fought on 3–4 October 1993, in Mogadishu, Somalia, between forces of the United States—supported by UNOSOM II—against the forces of the Somali National Alliance (SNA) and armed irregulars of south Mogadishu.
Egil Kristian Tynæs was a Norwegian anthroposophical doctor, senior physician at the Municipal Clinic in Bergen and a humanitarian aid worker. On June 2, 2004, in Badghis, Afghanistan Tynæs and four others were killed in an ambush whilst working for the humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières.
Various international and local diplomatic and humanitarian efforts in the Somali Civil War have been in effect since the conflict first began in the early 1990s. The latter include diplomatic initiatives put together by the African Union, the Arab League and the European Union, as well as humanitarian efforts led by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), UNICEF, the World Food Programme (WFP), the Puntland Maritime Police Force (PMPF) and the Somali Red Crescent Society (SRCS).
The timeline of events in the War in Somalia during 2007 is set out below.
The following lists events that happened during 2004 in Afghanistan.
The following is a list of known foreign hostages captured in Somalia, particularly since the start of the Ethiopian intervention and the 2009–present phase of the civil war.
The 2009 timeline of events in the Somalia War (2006–2009) during January 2009 is set out below. From the beginning of February the timeline of events in the Somali Civil War (2009–present) is set out following the conclusion of the previous phase of the civil war.
Occurring between July 2011 and mid-2012, a severe drought affected the entire East African region. Said to be "the worst in 60 years", the drought caused a severe food crisis across Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya that threatened the livelihood of 9.5 million people. Many refugees from southern Somalia fled to neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia, where crowded, unsanitary conditions together with severe malnutrition led to a large number of deaths. Other countries in East Africa, including Sudan, South Sudan and parts of Uganda, were also affected by a food crisis.
2003 in Afghanistan. A list of notable incidents in Afghanistan during 2003
Medical neutrality refers to a principle of noninterference with medical services in times of armed conflict and civil unrest: physicians must be allowed to care for the sick and wounded, and soldiers must receive care regardless of their political affiliations; all parties must refrain from attacking and misusing medical facilities, transport, and personnel. Concepts comprising the principles of medical neutrality derive from international human rights law, medical ethics and humanitarian law. Medical neutrality may be thought of as a kind of social contract that obligates societies to protect medical personnel in both times of war and peace, and obligates medical personnel to treat all individuals regardless of religion, race, ethnicity, or political affiliation. Violations of medical neutrality constitute crimes outlined in the Geneva Conventions.
This is a 2015 timeline of events in the Somali Civil War (2009–present).
Events in the year 2017 in Afghanistan.
This is a 2017 timeline of events in the Somali Civil War (2009–present).
This is a 2018 timeline of events in the Somali Civil War (2009–present).
Valerie Place was an Irish nurse and overseas aid worker, who was the second western aid worker to be killed in Somalia during the conflict and famine in the early 1990s.
Humanitarian aid in conflict zones is the provision of emergency assistance and support to individuals and communities affected by armed conflict, with the aim of alleviating suffering, maintaining human dignity, and preserving life. This type of aid encompasses a wide range of services, including but not limited to, the delivery of food, water, shelter, medical care, and protection services, and is delivered amidst challenging and often dangerous conditions, with the goal of reaching those most in need regardless of their location, political affiliation, or status.
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)Ricardo Munguia, a Swiss citizen of Salvadorian origin was travelling with Afghan colleagues on an assignment to improve the water supply to the district. He was shot in cold blood on Thursday by a group of unidentified assailants who stopped the vehicles transporting them...the assailants had shot the 39-year-old water and habitat engineer in the head and burned one car, warning two Afghans accompanying him not to work for foreigners...Asked what action ICRC was taking, Bouvier explained that 'for the time being, the ICRC has decided to temporarily freeze all field trips in Afghanistan, calling all staff to the main delegation's offices.'