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Formation | 2005 |
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Type | Political cooperative alliance |
Purpose | Reform of the UNSC |
Membership | Brazil Germany India Japan |
Leaders |
The G4 nations, comprising Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan, are four countries which support each other's bids for permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council. Unlike the G7, where the common denominator is the economy and long-term political motives, the G4's primary aim is the permanent member seats on the Security Council. Each of these four countries have figured among the elected non-permanent members of the council since the UN's establishment. Their economic, political and military influence has grown significantly in the last decades, reaching a scope comparable to the permanent members (P5). However, the G4's bids are often opposed by the Uniting for Consensus movement, and particularly their economic competitors or political rivals. [1]
The UN currently has five permanent members with veto power in the Security Council: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States – comprising the victors of World War II. The G4 nations are regularly elected to two-year terms on the Security Council as non-permanent members by their respective regional groups: in the 24-year period from 1987 to 2010, Brazil and Japan were elected for five terms each, Germany for four terms (one term as West Germany and three terms as unified Germany) and India for eight terms. [2] Cumulatively, the G4 has spent 64 years on the Security Council since the UN's inception, with each country serving at least a decade. [3]
Comparison of G4 and P5 nations | |||||||||||||
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Country data | BRA | CHN | FRA | GER | IND | JPN | RUS | U.K. | U.S. | ||||
G4 nation or P5 nation | G4 | P5 | P5 | G4 | G4 | G4 | P5 | P5 | P5 | ||||
Region | Latin America and Caribbean | Asia-Pacific | Western Europe | Western Europe | Asia-Pacific | Asia-Pacific | Eastern Europe | Western Europe | North America | ||||
Population | 2.7% 7th | 17.9% 2nd | 0.9% 20th | 1.1% 19th | 17.9% 1st | 1.6% 11th | 1.9% 9th | 0.9% 21st | 4.2% 3rd | ||||
Territory | 8 515 767 km2 5th | 9 596 961 km2 4th | 640 679 km2 42nd | 357 114 km2 62nd | 3 287 263 km2 7th | 377 973 km2 61st | 17 098 246 km2 1st | 242 495 km2 78th | 9 833 517 km2 3rd | ||||
GDP (nominal) (US$trillion) | $2.33 8th | $18.53 2nd | $3.13 7th | $4.59 3rd | $3.93 5th | $4.11 4th | $2.05 11th | $3.59 6th | $28.78 1st | ||||
GDP (PPP) (US$trillion) | $4.27 8th | $35.29 1st | $3.98 10th | $5.68 5th | $14.59 3rd | $6.72 4th | $5.47 6th | $4.02 9th | $28.78 2nd | ||||
UN funding 1 | 2.95% 8th | 12.01% 2nd | 4.43% 6th | 6.09% 4th | 0.83% 21st | 8.56% 3rd | 2.41% 10th | 4.57% 5th | 22.00% 1st | ||||
UN peacekeeping funding 2 | 0.59% 19th | 15.22% 2nd | 5.61% 6th | 6.09% 4th | 0.17% 38th | 8.56% 3rd | 3.04% 8th | 5.79% 5th | 27.89% 1st | ||||
UN peacekeepers | 282 47th | 2,531 9th | 706 30th | 504 37th | 5,353 5th | 6 105th | 70 70th | 279 48th | 33 78th | ||||
Defence budget (US$billion) | $20.0 17th | $292.0 2nd | $53.0 8th | $55.8 7th | $81.4 4th | $46.0 10th | $86.4 3rd | $68.5 6th | $887.0 1st | ||||
Military (active) | 366,500 13th | 2,185,000 1st | 208,750 23rd | 183,500 27th | 1,455,550 2nd | 247,150 19th | 1,320,000 4th | 148,500 34th | 1,328,000 3rd | ||||
Military (reserve) | 1,340,000 4th | 1,170,000 6th | 141,050 30th | 50,050 48th | 1,155,000 5th | 56,000 41st | 2,000,000 2nd | 80,000 35th | 744,950 9th | ||||
Paramilitary (active) | 395,000 8th | 660,000 6th | 30,800 43rd | 0 — | 2,526,950 3rd | 14,350 60th | 554,000 60th | 0 — | 0 — | ||||
Military (total) | 2,101,500 7th | 4,015,000 5th | 380,600 28th | 233,550 45th | 5,137,500 4th | 317,500 37th | 3,874,000 6th | 275,053 40th | 2,072,950 8th | ||||
Active space program | |||||||||||||
Helicopter carriers projects | |||||||||||||
Aircraft carriers projects | |||||||||||||
Nuclear submarines projects | |||||||||||||
Active nuclear arsenal | 350 3rd | 290 4th | 3 | 160 7th | 5,977 1st | 225 5th | 5,428 2nd | ||||||
1share of annual UN budget 2share of funding for UN peacekeeping 3Germany takes part in NATO nuclear weapons sharing agreement |
The United Kingdom and France have backed the G4's bid for permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council. [4] Japan has received support from the United States [5] and the United Kingdom. [6]
All the permanent members of P5 have supported India's bids for permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), but China has previously implied that it is only ready to support India's bid for a permanent seat on United Nations Security Council if India does not associate its bid with Japan. [7] [8] [9] [10]
The United States has sent strong indications to Brazil that it is willing to support its membership, albeit without a veto. [11] The Council on Foreign Relations recommended that the U.S. government fully endorse the inclusion of Brazil as a permanent member of the Security Council. [12] Brazil has received backing from three of the current permanent members, namely France, [13] [14] Russia, [15] [16] and the United Kingdom. [17] [14]
In the final document of the 2019 BRICS summit, China and Russia say they "reiterate the importance of a comprehensive Security Council reform" and "support Brazil and India's aspiration for more relevant UN roles". [18]
As stated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov at the Raisina Dialogue in New Delhi in January 2020: "I would say the Security Council's main shortcoming is the under-representation of developing countries. We reiterate our position that India and Brazil absolutely deserve to be on the council together with an African candidate, our position is that the purpose of the reform is to make sure that the developing countries enjoy a better treatment in the central organ of the United Nations". [19]
There has been discontent among the present permanent members regarding the inclusion of controversial nations or countries not supported by them. For instance, Japan's bid is heavily opposed by China, [20] North Korea, Russia and South Korea who think that Japan needs to make sincere atonements for war crimes committed during World War II.
Under the leadership of Italy, [21] countries that strongly oppose the G4 countries' bids have formed the Uniting for Consensus movement, or the Club, composed mainly of regional powers that oppose the rise of some nearby country to permanent member status. Uniting for Consensus supports expanding the number of non-permanent security council members and restricting the usage of the veto. The bloc argues that adding more permanent seats to the security council only benefits the nations that gain those seats, and believes that an expansion of the non-permanent membership will make the UNSC both more flexible and more democratic. [22]
In Latin America, Argentina opposes a seat for Brazil. [23] In Asia, Pakistan opposes India's bid. [24]
Another counter-proposal, the Ezulwini Consensus, was presented by the African Union, calling for the addition of five new non-permanent seats and two new permanent seats to be allocated to African nations, in response to a lack of African representation on the Security Council. [25]
The G4 suggested that two African nations, in addition to themselves, be included in the enlarged UNSC. In several conferences during the summer of 2005, African Union was unable to agree on two nominees: Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa all lay claim to a permanent African UNSC seat. [26] [27]
A UN General Assembly in September 2005 marked the 60th anniversary of the UN and the members were to decide on a number of necessary reforms—including the enlarged Security Council. However the unwillingness to find a negotiable position stopped even the most urgent reforms; the September 2005 General Assembly was a setback for the UN.[ citation needed ]
The G4 retain their goal of permanent UNSC membership for all four nations (plus two African nations). In January 2006, Japan announced it would not support putting the G4 resolution back on the table, not to interfere with any effort by the African Union to unite behind a single plan. And meanwhile, Japan's continuing relations with the G4 were not mutually exclusive. [28] [29] G4 issued a joint statement on 12 February 2011, in which their foreign ministers agreed to seek concrete outcome in the current session of the UN General Assembly.[ citation needed ]
In September 2015, Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India, invited the leaders of the G4 for a summit following the adoption of UN General Assembly Decision 69/560 by consensus, which moved forward for the first time. [30] In 2017, it was reported that the G4 nations were willing to temporarily forgo veto power if granted a permanent UNSC seat. [31]
In September 2019, in a joint press statement during the 74th session of the United Nations General Assembly, the G4 ministers reiterated their strong commitment to an early and comprehensive reform of the UNSC. Bearing in mind that in 2020 the United Nations would celebrate its 75th anniversary, the G4 ministers also expressed their firm hope that the current session of the General Assembly would pave the way for finally moving on the call for an ‘early reform’ of the Security Council and underscored their steadfast support for Africa's representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership of a future reform. [32]
In September 2023, in a joint press statement during the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly, the foreign ministers of G4, joined to discuss the state of play of the negotiations for the reform of the UNSC, and reiterated that the expansion of the Security Council is essential to make the body more representative, legitimate, effective and efficient, adding that Africa needs to be represented in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership of a reformed and expanded Council. [33]
The following are the head of state and heads of government that represent the members of the G4 nations as of 2024:
Foreign relations of Kazakhstan are primarily based on economic and political security consideration. The Nazarbayev administration has tried to balance relations with Russia and the United States by sending petroleum and natural gas to its northern neighbor at artificially low prices while assisting the U.S. in the War on Terror. Kazakhstan is a member of the United Nations, Collective Security Treaty Organization, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, North Atlantic Cooperation Council, Commonwealth of Independent States, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and NATO's Partnership for Peace program. Kazakhstan established a customs union with Russia and Belarus which eventually became the Eurasian Economic Union. President Nazarbayev has prioritized economic diplomacy into Kazakhstan's foreign policy.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations (UN) and is charged with ensuring international peace and security, recommending the admission of new UN members to the General Assembly, and approving any changes to the UN Charter. Its powers as outlined in the United Nations Charter include establishing peacekeeping operations, enacting international sanctions, and authorizing military action. The UNSC is the only UN body with authority to issue resolutions that are binding on member states.
Canada was a founding member of the United Nations, and was an original signatory of the Declaration by United Nations. At the signing of the Declaration by United Nations, Canada was one of four Dominions of the British Empire present, alongside Australia, New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa. In 1945, Canada was present at the United Nations Conference on International Organization and signed the Charter of the United Nations. McGill University professor John Peters Humphrey was the principal author of the first draft of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Uniting for Consensus (UfC), nicknamed the Coffee Club, is a movement that developed in the 1990s in opposition to the possible expansion of permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council. Under the leadership of Italy, it aims to counter the bids for permanent seats proposed by G4 nations and is calling for a consensus before any decision is reached on the form and size of the United Nations Security Council.
Japan became the 80th member of the United Nations on 18 December 1956. Since then, Japan has participated in many internationally cooperative initiatives with other members of the United Nations as a basic principle of its foreign policy. When Japan joined the UN in 1956, it did so with great enthusiasm and broad public support, for the international organization was seen to embody the pacified country's hopes for a peaceful world order. Membership was welcomed by many Japanese who saw the UN as a guarantor of a policy of unarmed neutrality for their nation, in addition to the security arrangement they concluded with US in 1951. To others, support for the UN would be useful in masking or diluting Japan's almost total dependence on the United States for its security. The government saw the UN as an ideal arena for its risk minimizing, omnidirectional foreign policy.
Since its creation in 1945, the United Nations Security Council has undergone one reform, increasing its membership from 4 to 10 non-permanent members. Nonetheless, this first and only reform has not left the global community satisfied, which has since then relentlessly called for a more all-encompassing reform. Reform of the Security Council encompasses five key issues: categories of membership, the question of the veto held by the five permanent members, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, and the Security Council-General Assembly relationship. Despite a common agreement amongst member states, regional groups and academics on the need for reform, its feasibility is compromised by the difficulty to find an approach that would please all parties. Any reform of the Security Council would require the agreement of at least two-thirds of United Nations member states in a vote in the General Assembly and must be ratified by two-thirds of Member States. All of the permanent members (P5) of the UNSC, which hold veto rights, must also agree.
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Brazil–India relations are the bilateral relations between Brazil and India.
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