Ireland has no formal honours system. [1] Proposals to introduce one have been made by various groups at different times. The Order of St. Patrick, established by the British monarchy in the Kingdom of Ireland in 1783, has been in abeyance for decades. The Constitution of Ireland mandates that "Titles of nobility shall not be conferred by the State." [2]
Irish republicans were opposed to the British honours system from both Irish nationalist antipathy to its Britishness and republican opposition to its monarchist underpinnings. The Act of Union 1800's passage through the Parliament of Ireland was, notoriously, helped by the offer to legislators of British and Irish peerages and other honours; the 1783 introduction of the Order of St. Patrick was a similar source of patronage and compliance. [3] [4]
Article 5 of the 1922 Constitution of the Irish Free State read: [5]
The original draft prepared for the Provisional Government had stated more baldly, "No title of honour may be conferred by the State on any citizen of Saorstát Éireann", but the British insisted on adding the exception in order to preserve a theoretical royal prerogative. [4] Geoffrey Browne, 3rd Baron Oranmore and Browne felt that even the revised wording "ought not to have been considered by either House [at Westminster] until a gracious Message had been received from the Sovereign stating that he placed at the disposal of the House his rights with respect to the conferring of honours". [6]
In addition to a ban on new titles, the drafting committee had envisaged a phasing out of existing peerage titles, but the Provisional Government removed that to conciliate southern unionists such as Lord Midleton. [4] In the debate on the Article 5 in the Third Dáil/Provisional Parliament, [o 1] Darrell Figgis proposed an absolute prohibition, alluding to the contemporary scandal surrounding the sale of British peerages. [3] Kevin O'Higgins countered:
The Free State was established on 6 December 1922 as a Dominion, with a Governor-General representing the British king in his capacity as Free State monarch. Article 5 of the Constitution was called into question when The London Gazette 's list of the UK's 1925 New Year Honours included "Thomas Francis Molony formerly Lord Chief Justice of Ireland" and "James O'Connor, formerly a Lord Justice of Appeal in Ireland", [7] positions they held until abolished in 1924. [8] W. T. Cosgrave in answer to a parliamentary question said their honours were "not conferred in respect of services rendered in or in relation to Saorstát Eireann". [o 2]
In December 1929, Ernest Blythe proposed establishing a "Legion of Saint Patrick", with Members, Officers, and Commanders. The Legion's establishment and constituent Statutes would be made by the King under letters patent; the Governor-General would be Head of the Legion during his term of office and a Commander thereafter. The investiture of new members with the Cross of the Legion would occur annually on 6 December. In July 1930 the Cumann na nGaedheal government considered draft letters patent drawn up by the Department of External Affairs and agreed to make informal talks with the British Government; no further action ensued. [9]
The 1932 general election returned a Fianna Fáil government "strongly opposed to the establishment of any decoration or order". [10] Before the 1932 Eucharistic Congress opened in Dublin, Charles Bewley, Irish ambassador to the Holy See, warned that offence would be taken if no honour were conferred on the papal legate who would open the conference, Lorenzo Lauri. [11] The government did not alter its policy, although its overall support for the Congress satisfied the Vatican. [12] [10]
Between April 1924 and December 1926 seven knights of the Order of St. Patrick died. [3] The British government felt obliged, before filling the accrued vacancies, to consult the Free State's Executive Council. [3] Bernard Forbes, 8th Earl of Granard, a member of both the Order and the Free State Senate, raised the matter, and John A. Costello, the Attorney-General, advised the Executive Council that in light of the 1926 Imperial Conference the Order was an Irish competence; in 1928 the Council decided "that the Order, being now moribund, should be allowed completely to disappear". [3] While monarchs continued to appoint members of the British Royal Family to the Order in the 1930s, no other appointments were made, [3] and the last Knight died in 1974. [13] Éamon de Valera and Seán Lemass both considered reviving the Order, with Lemass allowing Brian Lenihan to float the idea in 1960, [13] although Fine Gael was opposed. [14] After the Northern Ireland peace process and the Belfast Agreement, media reported suggestions that the Order be awarded jointly by the President of Ireland and the British monarch in recognition of work to improve British–Irish relations. [15] This received support from journalists Jim Duffy [13] and Mary Kenny. [16]
Article 40, section 2 of the Constitution states in full:
The draft Constitution introduced to the Dáil in 1937 originally included a second sentence in subsection 1°: [17]
In the committee stage, the whole of section 2 was proposed for deletion by Frank MacDermot. [o 3] He and William Norton expressed opposition to an Order of Merit, and suggested that the French Legion of Honour was used to reward political cronies. [o 3] Éamon de Valera, the President of the Executive Council and chief architect of the Constitution, responded: [o 3]
At recommittal the following week, de Valera proposed the deletion of the second sentence of Article 40.2.1°, which was agreed. [o 4]
The Ulster King of Arms continued to issue grants of arms across all Ireland until 1943, when the functions of the office were taken over by the Norroy King of Arms and restricted to Northern Ireland. [18] In the Republic from 1943 the Chief Herald of Ireland has been part of the Genealogical Office and continues to grant arms to individuals and corporate persons. [18] [19] Until 2003 the office also recognised Chiefs of the Name as senior known patrilineal descendant of a clan chief in medieval Gaelic Ireland. [18] This was discontinued in 2003 after irregularities in the process were publicised; the Herald's announcement stated: [20]
In 1998, the All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution noted that the question of a state honours system had "been raised in a desultory manner by governments since 1930". [1] Dáil questions were asked by Patrick O'Donnell in 1954; [o 5] by Seán Moore in 1976 [o 6] and 1981; [o 7] Michael O'Leary in 1981; [o 8] Gay Mitchell in 1986; [o 9] Bernard Durkan in June [o 10] and October 1988, [o 11] 1991, [o 12] February [o 13] and July 1992, [o 14] and 1994; [o 15] and Michael Bell in 1991. [o 16] The usual response was that all-party consensus was not forthcoming. In 1986, Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald suggests the party whips might discuss the issue. [o 9] The Department of the Taoiseach file on Bell's question, released in 2021 under the thirty-year rule, pointed out that Bob Geldof, a prominent Irish recipient of an honorary British MBE, had derided the idea of an Irish honours system, and that there was widespread public suspicion that politicians would abuse any honours system to reward cronies. [21]
The Gaisce President's Award scheme for young people was established in 1985 by the Fine Gael–Labour government, based on a pilot scheme introduced in 1982 by the previous Fianna Fáil government. Charles Haughey stated: [o 17]
Garret FitzGerald denied the allegation that the Gaisce committee was party-biased. [o 17] In 1988, after Haughey had returned to power, he stated "As indicated previously in this House, the matter of an honours system is not under consideration". [o 10]
The Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution's 1998 report recommended that the President be empowered to award honours after consultation with the Council of State. [22] This would require a constitutional amendment, [13] because although the Constitution allows the Oireachtas to grant extra powers to the President, these can only be exercised on the advice of the cabinet, as opposed to the Council of State. [23] In June 1998, Ruairi Quinn said "opposition to an honours system in the past arose out of the sense that it conveyed some kind of quasi-aristocratic benediction on the recipient. However, we have now come of age and can examine it with the self-confidence of the time." [o 18] In December 1998, [o 19] Ruairi Quinn asked "Does the Taoiseach share a concern which seems to form part of the thinking behind the recommendations in the committee's report that politicians cannot be trusted with the allocation of any kind of honours system?" to which Bertie Ahern responded, "I presume the thinking is to refer the matter to the Council of State. We do not have to do that given that in every other area the President acts on the advice of the Executive, the Executive takes the advice of the House." In 1999, the Department of the Taoiseach drew up a discussion document which Ahern circulated in September to Fine Gael and Labour. [14] [o 20] In November discussions took place between party nominees: Séamus Brennan for Fianna Fáil, Maurice Manning for Fine Gael and Michael Ferris for Labour. [o 21] The discussion paper, having examined other countries' systems, proposed the President bestowing a medal and parchment certificate on the recommendation of an independent panel. [14] However, discussion broke down as Fianna Fáil wanted the government to be allowed to make recommendations, which the Opposition parties objected to on the basis that it would politicise the process. [14]
The issue has continued to crop up in the 2000s. In 2003, Bertie Ahern suggested that the Oireachtas Committee on Procedure and Privilege should set up a sub-committee chaired by the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government to examine the question. [o 22] Paul Connaughton Snr in 2004 [o 23] and Dan Neville in 2005 [o 24] raised the question of state honours for members of the Irish diaspora. Brian O'Shea recommended recognition for "people from the community voluntary sector". [o 25] Finian McGrath raised the matter in 2006. [o 26]
Bertie Ahern supported the idea of introducing an honours scheme in media interviews after golfer Pádraig Harrington had won the 2007 British Open. [24] On 20 November, in response to Dáil questions, Ahern stated that any scheme would require cross-party consensus, that he had distributed a discussion paper in 1999, and that other party leaders had agreed to raise the question with their colleagues. [o 27] Points raised in the discussion included the UK Cash for Honours scandal and the fear of actual or perceived political bias in deciding whom to honour. [o 27] Further discussion on 12 December. [o 28] In 2009 Finian McGrath asked for update on the matter; Brian Cowen said one party had not replied from 2007. [o 29] A 2011 question produced a similar response. [o 30]
In 2012, the government announced the Distinguished Service Award for the Irish Abroad and said it would "consider proposals for a similar mechanism for recognising the distinguished service of those resident within Ireland". [25] In 2015, Senator Feargal Quinn introduced a private member's bill to establish an award called "Gradam an Uachtaráin", to be bestowed by the President on the nomination of an Awarding Council subject to the veto of the Government. [26] The bill lapsed after the 2016 dissolution and election. [27]
In 2023, a bill modelled on Quinn's was reintroduced in the Seanad by the Independent group and given qualified support on behalf of the Fine Gael–Fianna Fáil–Green government by junior minister Hildegarde Naughton. [28] [29]
Article 40.2.2° of the Constitution states "No title of nobility or of honour may be accepted by any citizen except with the prior approval of the Government." In 1991, there was no record of any such request having been made. [o 31] In the ten years to 2004, two people applied for permission: Tony O'Reilly for a British knighthood, and John F. Coyne for a Malaysian Panglima Jasa Negara. Both were approved. [o 32] There were two requests in 2005, one in 2008, two in 2013 and two in 2014 by 1 July. [o 33] Between 9 March 2014 and 10 November 2015, approval was given for four UK knighthoods and one damehood, and to Anthony Bailey for the Order of Grenada; [30] two Antigua and Barbuda Order of the Nation awards (one also to Bailey [30] ) had already been made when the government was informed; these were "noted" rather than approved, with the government emphasising that this prior approval ought to have been sought. [o 34] O'Reilly and Bailey have dual citizenship of Ireland and the UK. [30] The awards made to Bailey were subsequently rescinded but his website continues to imply that certain of his awards and decorations have been approved by the Irish Government. [30]
Inheritors of foreign titles would not need the approval of the Government as they are incorporeal hereditaments.[ citation needed ] but neither are these officially recognised in Ireland although they may be used socially out of courtesy. Edward Pakenham, 6th Earl of Longford and Sir John Keane, 5th Baronet as members of the 5th Seanad were referred to in its official proceedings as "the Earl of Longford" and "Sir John Keane" respectively. [o 35]
Between 1980 and 1991 there were 175 inquiries from foreign governments about awarding decorations other than titles to Irish citizens. [o 31] These do not fall within Article 40.2.2°, and the government raised no objections to any. [o 31]
A 2005 article in the Sunday Times after The Corrs had accepted MBEs, noted an increase in the number of recent Irish recipients of British awards, naming Daniel O'Donnell, Niall Quinn, Pierce Brosnan, Pat Eddery, and Orla Guerin; observing "the more gongs the British send across the Irish Sea, the less likely it is that the issue [of an Irish honours system] will go away". [14] In 2003, Michael Finucane had called for an Irish honours system when Christina Noble received an award from the Prince of Wales. [31] The same year, Bertie Ahern said, "Irish people who achieve something significant in their walk of life must go to other jurisdictions to get their awards. That is wrong. An awards system should not be based on a system of monarchy or anything else. It is only an awards system." [o 22]
Awards by other countries to Irish citizens include the U.S. Presidential Medal of Freedom to Mary Robinson in 2009, [32] the French Légion d'honneur to multiple people, and dynastic orders such as orders, decorations, and medals of the Holy See. [33]
Some existing award schemes are run or supported by the state in Ireland and these include:
Honour | Notes |
---|---|
Aosdána / Saoi | Aosdána is a self-selecting group of up to 250 artists, of whom up to seven have the title Saoi |
Comhairle na Míre Gaile | Recognising deeds of bravery to save life |
Scott Medal | For Garda Síochána personnel |
Military awards and decorations | For Defence Forces personnel |
Michael Heffernan Memorial Award | Marine gallantry [34] |
Gaisce – The President's Award | Young people aged 15–25 |
Honorary citizenship | See list of honorary citizens of Ireland. |
Other honours or distinctions have also been compared to honours systems:
Honour | Notes |
---|---|
Honorary degrees of Irish third level institutions | Mentioned by Mary Kenny [16] and John Burns [14] |
Freedom of a city or town | Mentioned by Ruairi Quinn [o 19] and John Burns. [14] Noel Ahern specifically mentioned freedom of the City of Dublin. [o 25] The Local Government Act 2001 authorises the continued award of such honours by local councils. [35] |
Depiction on a postage stamp | A spokeswoman for An Post said in 2010, "In a country like Ireland that doesn't have an honours system, being on a stamp is the highest honour the public can bestow." [36] See List of people on stamps of Ireland. |
Invitation to address the Oireachtas or Dáil Éireann | Noted by Ruairi Quinn. [o 19] See list of addresses to the Oireachtas. |
Honorary consuls | Bernard Durkan in 1994 suggested as an honour for Irish Americans. [o 15] |
Opposition politicians and others, [37] in criticising actual or potential government appointments to the boards of public and state-sponsored bodies, have on occasion described the practice as a kind of ersatz honours system to reward party loyalists or personal friends of ministers. Such claims have been made by Pat Rabbitte, [38] Gay Mitchell (in relation to the Office of Tobacco Control [o 36] and the Voluntary Health Insurance Board [o 37] ), and Jim Mitchell (in relation to the National Treasury Management Agency [o 38] ) The analogy was rejected by ministers John O'Donoghue (in relation to Fáilte Ireland [o 39] ) and Micheál Martin. [o 36]
Awards by private organisations include the People of the Year Awards and the Order of Clans of Ireland.
Several proposed awards relate to volunteerism or active citizenship which contributes to the local community. A 2005 review of the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrat government's programme proposed "National Volunteer Awards on the lines of the Gaisce Awards". [39] The March 2007 report of the Taskforce on Active Citizenship chaired by Mary Davis said: [40]
The Fianna Fáil–Green Party government's programme after the 2007 election endorsed this recommendation. [o 27] Bertie Ahern clarified that these awards were "entirely different from the State awards system" he envisaged. [o 27] He said the government was negotiating the details of the scheme with the President's office. [o 28] In April 2009, it was reported that the Active Citizenship Office planned to have the system in place within three years. [41] In July 2009, the McCarthy Report, on government cuts in response to the post-2008 economic downturn, recommended closing the Active Citizenship Office, and this was done from the next tax year. [42]
On Saint Patrick's Day 2012, Eamon Gilmore, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, announced that the Fine Gael–Labour government had decided to create a "Presidential Distinguished Service Award for the Irish Abroad". [25] The President confers the award annually, to a maximum of ten "people living abroad who have given sustained and distinguished service to Ireland". [25] According to the original press release at least one person is to "be chosen from the following sectors: Irish community support; the arts, culture and sport; charitable works; business and education; peace, reconciliation and development work". [25] Awards are conferred annually in a process administered by the Department of Foreign Affairs. [43]
The president of Ireland is the head of state of Ireland and the supreme commander of the Irish Defence Forces.
The Irish Free State was a state established in December 1922 under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921. The treaty ended the three-year Irish War of Independence between the forces of the Irish Republic – the Irish Republican Army (IRA) – and British Crown forces.
The Oireachtas, sometimes referred to as Oireachtas Éireann, is the bicameral parliament of Ireland. The Oireachtas consists of:
The Constitution of the Irish Free State was adopted by Act of Dáil Éireann sitting as a constituent assembly on 25 October 1922. In accordance with Article 83 of the Constitution, the Irish Free State Constitution Act 1922 of the British Parliament, which came into effect upon receiving the royal assent on 5 December 1922, provided that the Constitution would come into effect upon the issue of a Royal Proclamation, which was done on 6 December 1922. In 1937 the Constitution of the Irish Free State was replaced by the modern Constitution of Ireland following a referendum.
The Government of the 8th Dáil or the 7th Executive Council was the Executive Council of the Irish Free State formed after the general election held on 24 January 1933. It was led by Fianna Fáil leader Éamon de Valera as President of the Executive Council, who had first taken office in the Irish Free State after the 1932 general election. De Valera had previously served as President of Dáil Éireann, or President of the Republic, from April 1919 to January 1922 during the revolutionary period of the Irish Republic.
The Ninth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1984 is an amendment to the Constitution of Ireland that allowed for the extension of the right to vote in elections to Dáil Éireann to non-Irish citizens. It was approved by referendum on 14 June 1984, the same day as the European Parliament election, and signed into law on 2 August of the same year.
The Twentieth Amendment of the Constitution Act 2001 is an amendment to the Constitution of Ireland which provided constitutional recognition of local government and required that local government elections occur at least once in every five years. It was approved by referendum on 11 June 1999 and signed into law on 23 June of the same year. The referendum was held the same day as the local and European Parliament elections.
The Twenty-first Amendment of the Constitution Act 2001 is an amendment of the Constitution of Ireland which introduced a constitutional ban on the death penalty and removed all references to capital punishment from the text. It was approved by referendum on 7 June 2001 and signed into law on 27 March 2002. The referendum was held on the same day as referendums on the ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which was also approved, and on the ratification of the Nice Treaty, which was rejected.
The Twenty-third Amendment of the Constitution Act 2001 of the Constitution of Ireland is an amendment that permitted the state to become a party to the International Criminal Court (ICC). It was approved by referendum on 7 June 2001 and signed into law on the 27 March 2002. The referendum was held on the same day as referendums on the prohibition of the death penalty, which was also approved, and on the ratification of the Nice Treaty, which was rejected.
In Ireland, direct elections by universal suffrage are used for the President, the ceremonial head of state; for Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas or parliament; for the European Parliament; and for local government. All elections use proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote (PR-STV) in constituencies returning three or more members, except that the presidential election and by-elections use the single-winner analogue of STV, elsewhere called instant-runoff voting or the alternative vote. Members of Seanad Éireann, the second house of the Oireachtas, are partly nominated, partly indirectly elected, and partly elected by graduates of particular universities.
The current Constitution of Ireland came into effect on 29 December 1937, repealing and replacing the Constitution of the Irish Free State, having been approved in a national plebiscite on 1 July 1937 with the support of 56.5% of voters in the then Irish Free State. The Constitution was closely associated with Éamon de Valera, the President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State at the time of its approval.
The granting, reserving or withholding of the Royal Assent was one of the key roles, and potentially one of the key powers, possessed by the Governor-General of the Irish Free State. Until it was granted, no bill passed by the Oireachtas could complete its passage of enactment and become law.
Michael Lanigan is a retired Irish company director and Fianna Fáil politician from County Kilkenny. He was a senator from 1977 to 2002, and was noted in the Seanad for his interest in foreign affairs, particularly humanitarian issues and the Palestinian cause.
The Leader of the Seanad is a member of Seanad Éireann appointed by the Taoiseach to direct government business. Since December 2022, the incumbent is Lisa Chambers of Fianna Fáil. The Deputy leader of the Seanad is Regina Doherty of Fine Gael.
An election for 19 of the 60 seats in Seanad Éireann, the Senate of the Irish Free State, was held on 17 September 1925. The election was by single transferable vote, with the entire state forming a single 19-seat electoral district. There were 76 candidates on the ballot paper, whom voters ranked by preference. Of the two main political parties, the larger did not formally endorse any candidates, while the other boycotted the election. Voter turnout was low and the outcome was considered unsatisfactory. Subsequently, senators were selected by the Oireachtas rather than the electorate.
Seanad Éireann is the upper house of the Oireachtas, which also comprises the President of Ireland and Dáil Éireann.
The Convention on the Constitution was established in Ireland in 2012 to discuss proposed amendments to the Constitution of Ireland. More commonly called simply the Constitutional Convention, it met for the first time 1 December 2012 and sat until 31 March 2014. It had 100 members: a chairman; 29 members of the Oireachtas (parliament); four representatives of Northern Ireland political parties; and 66 randomly selected citizens of Ireland.
The Constitution Act 1933 was an Act of the Oireachtas of the Irish Free State amending the Constitution of the Irish Free State and the Constitution of the Irish Free State Act 1922. It removed the Oath of Allegiance required of members of the Oireachtas (legislature) and of non-Oireachtas extern ministers.
The Constitution Act 1936 was an Act of the Oireachtas of the Irish Free State amending the Constitution of the Irish Free State which had been adopted in 1922. It abolished the two university constituencies in Dáil Éireann.
We don't have an honours system in Ireland. In practice, this has become the honours system whereby party worthies are appointed to the boards of state monopolies, state organisations and quangos.