The Bogd Khaanate of Mongolia was the government of Mongolia (Outer Mongolia) between 1911 and 1919 and again from 1921 to 1924. By the spring of 1911, some prominent Mongolian nobles including Prince Tögs-Ochiryn Namnansüren persuaded the Jebstundamba Khutukhtu to convene a meeting of nobles and ecclesiastical officials to discuss independence from the Manchu-led Qing China. On November 30, 1911 the Mongols established the Temporary Government of Khalkha. On December 29, 1911 the Mongols declared their independence from the collapsing Qing Empire following the Xinhai Revolution. They installed as theocratic sovereign the 8th Bogd Gegeen, highest authority of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia, who took the title Bogd Khaan or "Holy Ruler".[2] The Bogd Khaan was last khagan of Mongolia. This ushered in the period of "Theocratic Mongolia",[3] also known as the Bogd Khaanate.[4]
Mongolia is a landlocked country in East Asia. Its area is roughly equivalent with the historical territory of Outer Mongolia, and that term is sometimes used to refer to the current state. It is sandwiched between Russia to the north and China to the south, where it neighbours the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Mongolia does not share a border with Kazakhstan, although only 37 kilometres (23 mi) separates them.
Outer Mongolia was a territory of the Manchu-led Qing dynasty (1691–1911). Its area was roughly equivalent to that of the modern state of Mongolia, which is sometimes called "North Mongolia" in China today, plus the Russian republic of Tuva. While the administrative North Mongolia only consisted of the four Khalkha aimags, in the late Qing period "North Mongolia" was also used to refer to Khalkha plus Oirat areas Khovd and the directly-ruled Tannu Uriankhai.
Tögs-Ochiryn Namnansüren, full title Sain Noyon Khan Namnansüren, was a powerful hereditary prince and prominent early 20th-century Mongolian independence leader. He served as the first prime minister of Autonomous Mongolia in the government of the Bogd Khan from 1912 until 1915, when the office of prime minister was abolished. He was then appointed minister of the army.
Three historical currents were at work during this period. The first was the efforts of the Mongolians to form an independent, theocratic state that embraced Inner Mongolia, Barga (also known as Hulunbuir), Upper Mongolia, Western Mongolia and Tannu Uriankhai ("pan-Mongolia"). The second was the Russian Empire's determination to achieve the twin goals of establishing its own preeminence in the country but at the same time ensuring Mongolia's autonomy within the newly independent Chinese state. The third was the ultimate success of China in eliminating Mongolian autonomy and creating its sovereignty over the country.
Inner Mongolia or Nei Mongol, officially the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region or Nei Mongol Autonomous Region (NMAR), is one of the autonomous regions of the People's Republic of China, located in the north of the country. Its border includes most of the length of China's border with Mongolia. The rest of the Sino–Mongolian border coincides with part of the international border of the Xinjiang autonomous region and the entirety of the international border of Gansu province and a small section of China's border with Russia. Its capital is Hohhot; other major cities include Baotou, Chifeng, and Ordos.
The Barga are a subgroup of the Mongol people which gave its name to the Baikal region – "Bargujin-Tukum" – “the land’s end”, according to the 13th-14th centuries Mongol people’s conception.
Hulunbuir or Hulun Buir is a region that is governed as a prefecture-level city in northeastern Inner Mongolia, China. Its administrative center is located at Hailar District, its largest urban area. Major scenic features are the high steppes of the Hulun Buir grasslands, the Hulun and Buir lakes, and the Khingan range. Hulun Buir borders Russia to the north and west, Mongolia to the south and west, Heilongjiang province to the east and Hinggan League to the direct south. Hulunbuir is a linguistically diverse area: next to Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian dialects such as Khorchin and Buryat, the Mongolic language Daur, and some Tungusic languages are spoken there.
The Mongolian People's Party is the oldest political party in Mongolia.
Name
Outer Mongolian tribes in 1910s
The official name of the Bogd Khaanate was "Ikh Mongol Uls", meaning the "Great Mongolian State". The Mongolian name used is generally "Olnoo Örgögdson Mongol Uls" (Олноо өргөгдсөн Монгол улс, State of Mongolia Elevated by the Many) or "Khaant uls" (хаант улс, khagan country).[citation needed] The official Chinese name was "大蒙古國" (Dà Měnggǔ Guó, "Great Mongol State").[citation needed]
Khagan or Qaghan is a title of imperial rank in the Turkic, Mongolic and some other languages, equal to the status of emperor and someone who rules a khaganate (empire). The female equivalent is Khatun.
On February 2, 1913 the Bogd Khaanate sent Mongolian cavalry forces to "liberate" Inner Mongolia from China. The Russian Empire refused to sell weapons to the Bogd Khanate, and Russian Tsar Nicholas II spoke of "Mongolian imperialism".
The Russian Empire, also known as Imperial Russia or simply Russia, was an empire that existed across Eurasia and North America from 1721, following the end of the Great Northern War, until the Republic was proclaimed by the Provisional Government that took power after the February Revolution of 1917.
Nicholas II or Nikolai II, known as Saint Nicholas the Passion-Bearer in the Russian Orthodox Church, was the last Emperor of Russia, ruling from 1 November 1894 until his forced abdication on 15 March 1917. His reign saw the fall of the Russian Empire from one of the foremost great powers of the world to economic and military collapse. He was given the nickname Nicholas the Bloody or Vile Nicholas by his political adversaries due to the Khodynka Tragedy, anti-Semitic pogroms, Bloody Sunday, the violent suppression of the 1905 Russian Revolution, the execution of political opponents, and his perceived responsibility for the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). Soviet historians portrayed Nicholas as a weak and incompetent leader whose decisions led to military defeats and the deaths of millions of his subjects.
Government and society
The Bogd Khaan
The new Mongolian state was a fusion of very different elements: Western political institutions, Mongolian theocracy, and Qing imperial administrative and political traditions. December 29 was declared to be independence day and a national holiday. Urga (modern Ulan Bator), until then known to the Mongolians as the "Great Monastery" (Ikh khüree), was renamed "Capital Monastery" (Niislel khüree) to reflect its new role as the seat of government. A state name, "Great Mongolian State" (Ikh Mongol uls), and a state flag were adopted. A parliament (ulsyn khural) was created, comprising upper and lower houses. A new Mongolian government was formed with five ministries: internal affairs, foreign affairs, finance, justice, and the army. Consequently, a national army was created.
The new state also reflected old ways; the Bogd Khaan adopted a reign title, "Elevated by the Many" (Olnoo örgogdsön), a style name used (it was believed) by the ancient kings of Tibet. He promoted the ruling princes and lamas by one grade, an act traditionally performed by newly installed Chinese emperors. Lay and religious princes were instructed to render their annual tribute, the "nine whites". By tradition the "nine whites" were eight white horses and one white camel. On this occasion, the "nine whites" consisted of 3,500 horses and 200 camels[5] sent to the Bogd Khaan instead of the Qing Emperor as in the past. Again, the Bogd Khaan appropriated to himself the right to confer ranks and seals of office upon the Mongolian nobility.[6]
The Bogd Khaan himself was the inevitable choice as leader of the state in view of his stature as the revered symbol of Buddhism in Mongolia. He was famed throughout the country for his special oracular and supernatural powers and as the Great Khan of Mongols. He established contacts with foreign powers, tried to assist development of economy (mainly agriculture and military issues), but his main goal was development of Buddhism in Mongolia.
The new state was theocratic, and its system suited Mongols, but it was not economically efficient as the leaders were inexperienced in such matters. The Qing dynasty had been careful to check the encroachment of religion into the secular arena; that restraint was now gone. State policy was directed by religious leaders, with relatively little participation by lay nobles. The parliament had only consultative powers; in any event, it did not meet until 1914. The Office of Religion and State, an extra-governmental body headed by a lama, played a role in directing political matters.[7] The Ministry of Internal Affairs was vigilant in ensuring that senior ecclesiastics were treated with solemn deference by lay persons.[8]
The head of the Bogd Khaan's Ecclesiastical Administration (Shav' yamen) endeavoured to transfer as many wealthy herdsmen as he could to the ecclesiastical estate (Ikh shav'), resulting in the population bearing an increasingly heavy tax burden. Ten-thousand Buddha statuettes were purchased in 1912 as propitiatory offerings to restore the Bogd Khaan's eyesight. A cast-iron statue of the Buddha, 84 feet tall, was brought from Dolonnor, and a temple was constructed to house the statue. D. Tsedev, pp.49–50. In 1914 the Ecclesiastical Administration ordered the government to defray the costs of a particular religious ceremony in the amount of 778,000 bricks of tea (the currency of the day), a gigantic sum.[9]
Diplomatic maneuvering over Mongolia
Throughout the Bogd Khaan era, the positions of the governments of China and Russia were clear and consistent. China was adamant that Mongolia was, and must remain, an integral part of China. The (provisional) constitution of the new Chinese republic contained an uncompromising statement to this effect. A law dealing with the election of the Chinese National Assembly provided for delegates from Outer Mongolia.[10] For their part, the Russian Imperial government accepted the principle that Mongolia must remain formally part of China; however, Russia was equally determined that Mongolia possess autonomous powers so substantial as to make it quasi-independent. Thus, in 1912 Russia concluded a secret convention with the Empire of Japan delineating their respective spheres of influence: South Manchuria and Inner Mongolia fell to the Japanese, North Manchuria and Outer Mongolia to the Russians. Bogd Khaan said to Yuan Shikai, the President of the Republic of China "I established our own state before you, Mongols and Chinese have different origins, our languages and scripts are different. You're not the Manchu's descendants, so how can you think China is the Manchu's successor?".[11]
In spite of Chinese and Russian opposition, the Mongols were tireless in their efforts to attract international recognition of their independence. Diplomatic notes were sent to foreign consulates in Hailar; none responded. A delegation went to Saint Petersburg the purpose of which, among other things, was to contact European ambassadors expressing the desire for diplomatic relations. The Russians did not permit these contacts. A later delegation to Saint Petersburg sent notes to Western ambassadors announcing Mongolia's independence and formation of a pan-Mongolian state; again none responded. The Mongols attempted to send a delegation to Japan but the Japanese consul at Harbin prevented it from proceeding further.[12]
While these efforts at obtaining international recognition continued, the Mongols and Russians were negotiating. At the end of 1912, Russia and the Mongols signed a treaty by which Russia acknowledged Mongol autonomy within the Republic of China; it also provided for Russian assistance in the training of a new Mongolian army and for Russian commercial privileges in Mongolia. Nevertheless, in the equivalent Mongolian version of the treaty, the terms designated independence were used. Both versions have the same value; so it was formally recognition of Mongolia as an independent state and its name Great Mongolian State.[13] In 1913 Russia agreed to provide Mongolia with weapons and a loan of two million rubles. In 1913, Mongolia and Tibet signed a bilateral treaty, recognizing each other as independent states.
In November 1913, there was a Sino-Russian Declaration which recognised Mongolia as part of China but with internal autonomy; further, China agreed not to send troops or officials to Mongolia, or to permit colonization of the country; it was also to accept the "good offices" of Russia in Chinese-Mongolian affairs. There was to be a tripartite conference, in which Russia, China, and the "authorities" of Mongolia would participate.[14] This declaration was not considered by Mongolia to be legitimate as the Mongolian government had not participated in the decision.
To reduce tensions, the Russians agreed to provide Mongolia with more weapons and a second loan, this time three million rubles. There were other agreements between Russia and Mongolia in these early years concerning weapons, military instructors, telegraph, and railroad that were either concluded or nearly so by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. In April 1914, the northern region of Tannu Uriankhai was formally accepted as a Russian protectorate.[15]
Namnansüren in delegation to St. PetersburgMongolia in 1915
A tripartite conference between the Russian Empire, Republic of China and the Bogd Khaan's government convened at Kyakhta in the autumn of 1914. The Mongolian representative, Prime Minister Tögs-Ochiryn Namnansüren, were determined to stretch autonomy into de facto independence, and to deny the Chinese anything more than vague, ineffectual suzerain powers. The Chinese sought to minimize, if not to end, Mongolian autonomy. The Russian position was somewhere in between.[16] The result was the Kyakhta Treaty of June 1915, which recognised Mongolia's autonomy within the Chinese state. Nevertheless, Outer Mongolia remained effectively outside Chinese control[17] and retained main features of the state according to international law of that time.[18]
The Mongolians viewed the treaty as a disaster because it denied the recognition of a truly independent, all-Mongolian state. China regarded the treaty in a similar fashion, consenting only because it was preoccupied with other international problems, especially Japan. The treaty did contain one significant feature which the Chinese were later to turn to their advantage; the right to appoint a high commissioner to Urga and deputy high commissioners to Uliastai, Khovd, and Kyakhta. This provided a senior political presence in Mongolia, which had been lacking.
Decline of Russian influence
In 1913, the Russian consulate in Urga began publishing a journal titled Shine tol' (the New Mirror), the purpose of which was to project a positive image of Russia. Its editor, a Buryat-born scholar and statesman Ts. Zhamtsarano, turned it into a platform for advocating political and social change. Lamas were incensed over the first issue, which denied that the world was flat; another issue severely criticized the Mongolian nobility for its exploitation of ordinary people.[19] Medical and veterinary services, part of Russian-sponsored reforms, met resistance from the lamas as this had been their prerogative. Mongols regarded as annoying the efforts of the Russians to oversee use of the second loan (the Russians believed the first had been profligately spent) and to reform the state budgetary system.[20] The Russian diplomat Alexander Miller, appointed in 1913, proved to be a poor choice as he had little respect for most Mongolian officials, whom he regarded as incompetent in the extreme.[21] The chief Russian military instructor successfully organized a Mongolian military brigade. Soldiers from this brigade manifested themselves later on in combat against Chinese troops.
The outbreak of the World War I in 1914 required Russia to redirect its energies to Europe. By the middle of 1915, the Russian military position had deteriorated so badly that the Russian government had no choice but to neglect its Asian interests. China soon took advantage of the Russian distractions which increased dramatically following the Bolshevik revolution in 1917.
Chinese attempts to "reintegrate" Mongolia
Yuan Shikai, the President of the Republic of China
In December 1915, Yuan Shikai, the President of the Republic of China, sent gifts to the Bogd Khaan and his wife. In return, the Bogd Khaan dispatched a delegation of 30 persons to Beijing with gifts for Yuan: four white horses and two camels (his wife Ekh Dagina sent four black horses and two camels). The delegation was received by Yuan Shikai himself, now proclaimed ruler of a restored Empire of China.[22] The delegation met Yuan Shikai on February 10, 1916.[23] In China this was interpreted in the context of the traditional tributary system, when all missions with gifts to Chinese rulers were considered as signs of submission. In this regard, Chinese sources stated that a year later, the Bogd Khaan agreed to participate in an investiture ceremony – a formal Qing ritual by which frontier nobles received the patent and seal of imperial appointment to office; Yuan awarded him China's highest decoration of merit; lesser but significant decorations were awarded to other senior Mongolian princes.[24] Actually, after the conclusion of the Kyakhta agreement in 1914, Yuan Shikai sent a telegram to the Bogd Khaan informing him that he was bestowed a title of "Bogd Jevzundamba Khutuktu Khaan of Outer Mongolia" and would be provided with a golden seal and a golden diploma. The Bogd Khaan responded: "Since the title of Bogd Jevzundamba Khutuktu Khaan of Outer Mongolia was already bestowed by the Ikh Juntan, there was no need to bestow it again and that since there was no provision on the golden seal and golden diploma in the tripartite agreement, his government was not in a position to receive them".[25] The Bogd Khaan had already been granted said golden seal, title and diploma by the Qing dynasty.
Revolution and civil war in Russia
The Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the resultant outbreak of civil war in Russia provided new opportunities for China to move into Mongolia. The Bolsheviks established workers' councils in Siberia, a process essentially completed by the summer of 1918. The presence of the Bolsheviks so close to the Mongolian border unsettled both the Mongolians and the Chinese High Commissioner, Chen Yi. Rumours were rife of Bolshevik troops preparing to invade Mongolia. The Cossack consular guards at Urga, Uliastai, and Khovd, traditionally loyal to the Imperial House of Romanov, had mutinied and left. The Russian communities in Mongolia were themselves becoming fractious, some openly supporting the new Bolshevik regime.[26] The pretext was the penetration of the White Russian troops from Siberia.[27] Chen Yi sent telegrams to Beijing requesting troops and, after several efforts, was able to persuade the Bogd Khaan's government to agree to the introduction of one battalion. By July 1918, the Soviet threat from Siberia had faded and the Mongolian foreign minister told Chen Yi that troops were no longer needed. Nevertheless, the Chinese battalion continued to move and in August arrived to Urga.
Anti-Bolshevik forces in Asia were fragmented into a number of regiments. One was led by the Supreme Commander of the Baikal Cossacks, Grigory Semyonov, who had assembled a detachment of Buryats and Inner Mongolian nationalists for the creation of a pan-Mongolian state. Semyonov and his allies made several unsuccessful efforts to encourage the Bogd Khaan's government to join it. The Khalkha people regarded themselves as the natural leaders of all Mongols and feared being submerged into a new political system that likely would be led by Buryats, whom the Khalkhas deeply mistrusted.[28] When inducements failed, Semyonov threatened to invade Mongolia to force compliance.[29]
The Bogd Khaanate was in a difficult position. On the one hand, it lacked the strength to repel a pan-Mongolist attack; on the other, they were profoundly disquieted by the thought of more Chinese troops in Mongolia. The first detachment of Chinese troops arrived to Urga in July 1919. Prince N.A Kudashev, the old Imperial Russian ambassador to Beijing, indicated a violation of the Kyakhta Agreement by China.[30] This step in conflict with the Kyakhta agreement was considered by the Chinese as the first step toward Chinese sovereignty over Mongolia.[31] In any event, the threatened pan-Mongolian invasion never materialized because of dissension between the Buryats and Inner Mongolians, and Semyonov's dream of a pan-Mongolian state died.[32]
On August 4, 1919, an assembly of princes took place in Urga to discuss Semyonov's invitation to join the pan-Mongolian movement; this was because Khalkhas were threatened by a pan-Mongolist group of one Mongolian and two Buryat regiments advancing from Dauria.[30] While that military campaign failed, China continued to increase troop numbers in Mongolia. On August 13, 1919 Commissioner Chen Yi received a message from "representatives of the four aimags", requesting that China come to Mongolia's aid against Semyonov; it also expressed the desire of the Khalkha nobility to restore the previous Qing system. Among other things, they proposed that the five ministries of the Mongolian government be placed under the direct supervision of the Chinese high commission rather than the Bogd Khaan.[33] According to an Associated Press dispatch, some Mongol chieftains signed a petition asking China to retake administration of Mongolia and end Outer Mongolia's autonomy.[34]
Pressure from Chen Yi on Mongolian princes followed; representatives of the Bogd Khaan also participated in negotiations. Eventually, the princes agreed on a long list of principles, sixty-four points "On respecting of Outer Mongolia by the government of China and improvement of her position in future after self-abolishing of authonomy". This document offered the replacement of the Mongolian government with Chinese officials, the introduction of Chinese garrisons and keeping of feudal titles. According to ambassador Kudashev, the majority of princes supported the abolition of autonomy. The Bogd Khaan sent a delegation to the President of China with a letter complaining that the plan to abolish autonomy was a contrivance of the High Commissioner alone and not the wish of the people of Mongolia. On October 28, 1919, the Chinese National Assembly approved the articles. President Xu Shichang sent a conciliatory letter to the Bogd Khaan, pledging respect for Mongolian feelings and reverence for the Jebtsundamba Khututktu and the Buddhist faith.[35][36]
A few months earlier the Chinese government had appointed as new Northwest Frontier Commissioner Xu Shuzheng, an influential warlord and prominent member of the pro-Japanese Anhui clique in the Chinese National Assembly. Xu had a vision for Mongolia very different from that reflected in the Sixty-four points. It presented a vast plan for reconstruction. Arriving with a military escort in Urga on October 29, he informed the Mongolians that the Sixty-four points would need to be renegotiated. He submitted a much tougher set of conditions, the "Eight Articles," calling for the express declaration of Chinese sovereignty over Mongolia, an increase in Mongolia's population (presumably through Chinese colonization), and the promotion of commerce, industry, and agriculture.[37] The Mongols resisted, prompting Xu to threaten to deport the Bogd Khaan to China if he did not immediately agree to the conditions.[38] To emphasize the point, Xu placed troops in front of the Bogd Khaan's palace.[39] The Japanese were the ones who ordered these pro-Japanese Chinese warlords to occupy Mongolia in order to halt a possibly revolutionary spillover from the Russian revolutionaries into Mongolia and Northern China.[36] After the Chinese completed the occupation, the Japanese then abandoned them and left them on their own.
The Eight Articles were placed before the Mongolian Parliament on November 15. The upper house accepted the Articles; the lower house did not, with some members calling for armed resistance, if necessary. The Buddhist monks resisted most of all, but the nobles of the upper house prevailed.[40] A petition to end autonomy, signed by the ministers and deputy ministers of the Bogd Khaan's government, was presented to Xu.[41] The Bogd Khaan refused to affix his seal until compelled by the fact that new Prime Minister Gonchigjalzangiin Badamdorj, installed by order of Xu Shuzheng, and conservative forces were accepting the Chinese demands. The office of the high commission was abolished, and Chen Yi was recalled. Xu's success was broadly celebrated in China. January 1 and the following days were declared holidays and all governmental institutions in Beijing and in the provinces were closed.
Xu Shuzheng returned to Mongolia in December for the Bogd Khaan's "investiture", which took place on January 1, 1920. It was an elaborate ceremony: Chinese soldiers lined both sides of the road to the palace; the portrait of the President of China was borne on a palanquin, followed by the national flag of China and a marching band of cymbals and drums. Mongols were obliged to prostrate themselves before these emblems of Chinese sovereignty.[42] That night herdsmen and lamas gathered outside the palace and angrily tore down the flags of the Chinese Republic hanging from the gate.[43]
Xu moved immediately to implement the Eight Articles. The doors of the former Mongolian ministries were locked, and Chinese sentries posted in front. A new government of eight departments was formed. The Mongolian army was demobilized, its arsenal seized, and both lay and religious officials banned from using the words "Mongolian state" (Mongol uls) in their official correspondence.[44]
The Tusiyetu Khan Aimak's Prince Darchin Ch'in Wang was a supporter of Chinese rule while his younger brother Tsewang was a supporter of Ungern-Sternberg.[45]
The late Qing government had embarked on a grand plan, the "New Policies", aimed at an integration of Mongolia into China and opened Han Chinese colonization and agricultural settlement. Many Mongols considered this act as a violation of the old agreements when they recognized authority of the Manchu dynasty, particularly the preservation of traditional social order on Mongolian lands, and thus began to seek independence. The collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911, conducted under the nationalistic catchwords of the Han Chinese, led to the formation of the Republic of China; later the initial concept was called "Five Races Under One Union".[46] The newly founded Chinese state laid claim to all imperial territory, including Mongolia. Mongolian officials were clear that their subordination was to the Qing monarch and thus owed no allegiance to the new Chinese republic. While some Inner Mongols showed willingness to join the Republic of China, Outer Mongols, together with part of Inner Mongolia, declared independence of China. The Outer Mongols were helped by the White Russian troops of Baron R.F. von Ungern-Sternberg incursions following the Russian Revolution of 1917.[47][48] The abolition of Mongolian autonomy by Xu Shuzheng in 1919 reawakened Mongolian the national independence movement. Two small resistance groups formed, later to become the Mongolian People's Party (renamed the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party), which sought independence and Russian protection.
It was proposed that Zhang Zuolin's domain (the Chinese "Three Eastern Provinces") take Outer Mongolia under its administration by the Bogda Khan and Bodo in 1922 after pro-Soviet Mongolian Communists seized control of Outer Mongolia.[45]
Ulaanbaatar, formerly anglicised as Ulan Bator, is the capital and largest city of Mongolia. The city is not part of any aimag (province), and its population as of 2014 was over 1.3 million, almost half of the country's total population. Located in north central Mongolia, the municipality lies at an elevation of about 1,300 meters (4,300 ft) in a valley on the Tuul River. It is the country's cultural, industrial and financial heart, the centre of Mongolia's road network and connected by rail to both the Trans-Siberian Railway in Russia and the Chinese railway system.
Articles related to Mongolia include:
The Mongolian People's Republic was a unitary sovereign socialist state which existed between 1924 and 1992, coterminous with the present-day country of Mongolia in East Asia. It was ruled by the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party and maintained close links with the Soviet Union throughout its history. Geographically, it was bordered by China to its south and the Soviet Union to its north.
Damdinii Sükhbaatar was a founding member of the Mongolian People's Party and leader of the Mongolian partisan army that liberated Khüree during the Outer Mongolian Revolution of 1921. Enshrined as the "Father of Mongolia's Revolution", he is remembered as one of the most important figures in Mongolia's struggle for independence.
Baron Roman Fyodorovich Ungern-Sternberg, better known as Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, was an Austrian-born Russian anti-Bolshevik lieutenant general in the Russian Civil War and then an independent warlord whose Asiatic Cavalry Division wrested control of Mongolia from the Republic of China in 1921 after its occupation. He was often referred to as Baron Ungern, or simply Ungern.
Altanbulag is a sum (district) of Selenge Province in northern Mongolia. It is located about 25 km from the provincial capital of Sükhbaatar, on the border with Russia opposite the town of Kyakhta. Altanbulag is the location of the Altanbulag Free Trade Zone.
The Bogd Khan became Bogd Gegeen Ezen Khaan of Bogd Khaganate in 1911, when Khüree declared independence from Qing dynasty of China after the Xinhai Revolution. He was born in Tibet. As the 8th Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, he was the third most important person in the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy, below only the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, and therefore also known as the "Bogdo Lama". He was the spiritual leader of Outer Mongolia's Tibetan Buddhism. His wife Tsendiin Dondogdulam, the Ekh Dagina, was believed to be a manifestation of White Tara.
Balingiin Tserendorj titles Khicheengui Said (Хичээнгүй Сайд, Diligent/Earnest Minister); Khicheengui Gün, was a prominent Mongolian political figure of the early 20th century who served as the first Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Mongolia from 1924 until his death in 1928. Between 1913 and 1924 he held several high-ranking positions within a succession of Mongolian governments including; the Bogd Khaanate (1911-1924), the Chinese occupation (1919-1921), and the puppet regime under Roman Ungern von Sternberg (1921).
Pan-Mongolism is an irredentist idea that advocates cultural and political solidarity of Mongols. The proposed territory, called "Greater Mongolia", usually includes the independent state of Mongolia, the Chinese regions of Inner Mongolia and Dzungaria, and the Russian republic of Buryatia. Sometimes Tuva, the Altai Republic and parts of Zabaykalsky Krai and Irkutsk Oblast are included as well. As of 2006, all areas in Greater Mongolia except Mongolia have non-Mongol majorities.
The occupation of Outer Mongolia by the Beiyang government of the Republic of China began in October 1919 and lasted until early 1921, when Chinese troops in Urga were routed by Baron Ungern's White Russian and Mongolian forces. These, in turn, were defeated by the Red Army and its Mongolian allies by June 1921.
The Mongolian Revolution of 1921 was a military and political event by which Mongolian revolutionaries, with the assistance of the Soviet Red Army, expelled Russian White Guards from the country, and founded the Mongolian People's Republic in 1924. Although nominally independent, the Mongolian People's Republic was a satellite state of the Soviet Union until a third Mongolian revolution in January 1990. The revolution also ended Chinese occupation of Mongolia, which had existed since 1919. The official Mongolian name of the revolution is "People's Revolution of 1921" or simply "People's Revolution".
The Mongolian Revolution of 1911 occurred when the region of Outer Mongolia declared its independence from the Manchu-led Qing dynasty during the Xinhai Revolution. A combination of factors including economic hardship and failure to resist Western imperialism led many in China to be unhappy with the Qing government. When a new program to colonize Mongolia with Han Chinese and assimilate the natives was unveiled, it was met with resistance that resulted in a relatively bloodless separation from the Qing Empire. Many Barga and Inner Mongolian chieftains assisted in the revolution and became the revolution leaders.
Gonchigjalzangiin Badamdorj was an early 20th-century Mongolian religious figure and prime minister under the Bodg Khaanate from late 1919 to January 1920. He is most remembered in Mongolia for caving to Qing threats and agreeing to Mongolia's "voluntary" relinquishment of independence from Chinese rule in 1919.
Bayantömöriin Khaisan, also spelled Khayishan, was one of leading figures of the Outer Mongolian revolution of 1911 for Mongolian independence from China.
Jodbajab was a military officer and government official in the Inner Mongolia area under China's late Qing Dynasty and Mengjiang governments. He was an ethnic Mongol belonging to the Plain and Bordered White Banner of Xilin Gol League.
Mijiddorjiin Khanddorj, also known by his title Chin Van, or Chin Wang Khanddorj, was an aristocrat and prominent early 20th-century Mongolian independence leader. He served as the first minister of foreign affairs of Autonomous Mongolia in the government of the Bogd Khan from 1911 to 1913 and founded the nation's diplomatic service. He died, allegedly poisoned, in 1915.
The history of Ulaanbaatar, the capital of Mongolia, dates to 1639 when it was first established as a moveable monastery.
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Sando courtesy name Liu Qiao ( 六橋) was a Qing dynasty and later Republic of China civil servant who most notably served as the 62nd and last Manchu Amban of Outer Mongolia from 1909 to 1911. Although ethnically a Mongol, Sando's aggressive implementation of Beijing ordered reforms, including increased immigration of Han Chinese to the area and a rapid buildup of a sinicized military to fend off growing Russian influence, aggravated Mongols and precipitated moves by Khalkha nobles to declare independence from China in 1911.
References
↑ Timothy Michael May, Culture and customs of Mongolia, Greenwood Press, 2008, p. 22.
↑ Thomas E. Ewing, Revolution on the Chinese Frontier: Outer Mongolia in 1911, Journal of Asian History (Wiesbaden), v. 12, pp. 101–119 (1978).
↑ Академия наук СССР History of the Mongolian People's Republic, p.232
↑ William Elliott Butler. The Mongolian legal system: contemporary legislation and documentation. p.255
↑ Ts. Nasanbaljir, Jibzandama khutagtyn san ["The treasury of the Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu"], Tüükhiin sudlal ("Historical studies"). Ulan Bator, 1970. Vol. 8, p. 150.
↑ Thomas E. Ewing. Between the Hammer and the Anvil. Chinese and Russian Policies in Outer Mongolia, 1911–1921 Bloomington, IN, 1980. p. 36.
↑ Sh. Sandag, Mongolyn uls töriin gadaad khariltsaa, 1850–1919 [Foreign relations of Mongolia, 1850–1919], (Ulan Bator, 1971), p. 284.
↑ A contemporary, "Old Jambal," in the Soviet time has supplied a fascinating description of the sordid affairs of the Bogd Khaan's court and his court. Tsendiin Damdinsüren, ed., Övgön Jambalyn yaria ("Tales of Old Jambal") Ulan Bator, 1959.
↑ Thomas E. Ewing, Russia, China, and the Origins of the Mongolian People's Republic, 1911–1921: A Reappraisal, The Slavonic and East European Review (London), v. 58, pp. 407–08 (1980).
1 2 John S. Major (1990). The land and people of Mongolia. Harper and Row. p.119. ISBN978-0-397-32386-9. in 1919, a Japanese influenced faction in the Chinese government mounted an invasion of Outer Mongolia and forced its leaders to sign a "request" to be taken over by the government of China. Japan's aim was to protect its own economic, political, and military interests in North China be keeping the Russian Revolution from influencing Mongolia.
↑ Ts. Puntsagnorov, Mongolyn avtonomit üyeiin tüükh [History of Mongolia in the autonomous period], (Ulan Bator, 1955), p. 205.
↑ Esherick J.W. 2006. How the Qing became China. – В кн.: Empire to Nation. Historical Perspectives on the Making of the Modern World (eds. J.W. Esherick, H. Kayali, E. van Young). Lanham, Maryland, p.240-255
↑ See also Thomas E. Ewing, Ch'ing Policies in Outer Mongolia 1900–1911, Modern Asian Studies, pp. 145–157 (1980).
↑ Kuzmin, S.L. 2011. The History of Baron Ungern. An Experience of Reconstruction. Moscow: KMK Sci. Press, ISBN978-5-87317-692-2, p. 120-199
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