Native American disease and epidemics

Last updated

The history of Native American disease and epidemics is fundamentally composed of two elements: indigenous diseases and those brought by settlers to the Americas from the Old World (Africa, Asia, and Europe), which transmitted far beyond the initial points of contact, such as trade networks, warfare, and enslavement.

Contents

Drawing accompanying text in Book XII of the 16th-century Florentine Codex (compiled 1540-1585)
Nahua suffering from smallpox FlorentineCodex BK12 F54 smallpox.jpg
Drawing accompanying text in Book XII of the 16th-century Florentine Codex (compiled 1540–1585)
Nahua suffering from smallpox

The contacts during European colonization of the Americas were blamed as the catalyst for the huge spread of Old World plagues that decimated the indigenous population. [1]

Because Native American populations had not previously been exposed to most of these pathogens, they suffered extremely high mortality rates that severely disrupted Native American societies. This phenomenon is known as the virgin soil effect. [2]

Background

Although a variety of infectious diseases existed in the Americas in pre-Columbian times, [3] the limited size of the populations, smaller number of domesticated animals with zoonotic diseases, and limited interactions between those populations (as compared to areas of Eurasia and Africa) hampered the transmission of communicable diseases. [3]

Most Old World diseases of known origin can be traced to Africa and Asia and were introduced to Europe over time. Smallpox originated in Africa or Asia, [4] plague in Asia, [5] [6] cholera in Asia, [7] [8] influenza in Asia, [9] [10] malaria in Africa and Asia, [11] [12] [13] measles from Asian rinderpest, [14] [15] [16] tuberculosis in Asia, [17] [18] yellow fever in Africa, [19] typhoid in Africa, [20] herpes in Africa, [21] zika in Africa. [22] Furthermore, a form of tuberculosis has also been identified in pre-Columbian populations, by bacterial genome sequences collected from human remains in Peru, and was probably transmitted to humans through seal hunting. [23]

One notable infectious disease that may be of American origin is syphilis, [3] which originated in the Americas before 1492. [24] [25] However, another journal titled History of Syphilis recorded that this disease was also originated from Africa. [26]

Another epidemic disease which believed by modern era experts to be indigenous was Cocoliztli epidemics, which suspected being caused by climate change. [27] [28] Cocoliztli epidemics usually occurred within two years of a major drought. The epidemic in 1576 occurred after a drought stretching from Venezuela to Canada. [29] Proponents of this epidemics outbreak suggest the relationship between drought and outbreak which reflected by the increased numbers of rodents carrying viral hemorrhagic fever during the rains that followed the drought. [30]

The only disease which the native Americans historically shown high immunity against was Scarlet fever. [31] [32]

Contacts history

Nineteenth-century American artist's conception of a medicine man caring for a sick American Indian, from an 1857 book illustration. Ancient sick native american.jpg
Nineteenth-century American artist's conception of a medicine man caring for a sick American Indian, from an 1857 book illustration.

The arrival and settlement of Europeans in the Americas resulted in what is known as the Columbian exchange. Europeans also took plants and goods back to the Old World. Potatoes and tomatoes from the Americas became integral to European and Asian cuisines, for instance. [33]

But Europeans also unintentionally brought new infectious diseases, including among others smallpox, bubonic plague, chickenpox, cholera, the common cold, diphtheria, influenza, malaria, measles, scarlet fever, sexually transmitted diseases (with the possible exception of syphilis), typhoid, typhus, tuberculosis (although a form of this infection existed in South America prior to contact), [34] and pertussis. [35] [36] [37] Each of these resulted in sweeping epidemics among Native Americans, who had disability, illness, and a high mortality rate. [37] The Europeans infected with such diseases typically carried them in a dormant state, were actively infected but asymptomatic, or had only mild symptoms, because Europe had been subject for centuries to a selective process by these diseases. The explorers and colonists often unknowingly passed the diseases to natives. [33] Historians agreed that when colonists settled for the very first time at Jamestown, it was one of the coldest periods for the last 1000 years, while the area of Roanoke suffered the largest drought of the past 800 years. The shortage of foods led the colonists to came into conflict with the indigenous population. Such conflicts and cold weather contributed much to the spread of diseases; as colder weather helped the parasite cells of malaria which carried by those European settler hosts, who further transmitted by local mosquitoes to develop faster. Those malaria spread into Native Americans, causing many deaths among them. [38]

The introduction of African slaves and the use of commercial trade routes also contributed to the spread of disease. [39] [40] Waves of enslaved Africans were brought to replace the dwindling Indigenous populations, solidifying the position of disease in triangular trade. [41] [42]

Since there were numerous outbreaks and all were not equally recorded, historical accounts of epidemics are often vague or contradictory in describing how victims were affected. A rash accompanied by a fever might be smallpox, measles, scarlet fever, or varicella, and many epidemics overlapped with multiple infections striking the same population at once, therefore it is often impossible to know the exact causes of mortality (although ancient DNA studies can often determine the presence of certain microbes). [43] Smallpox was the disease brought by Europeans that was most destructive to the Native Americans, both in terms of morbidity and mortality. The first well-documented smallpox epidemic in the Americas began in Hispaniola in late 1518 and soon spread to Mexico. [33]

Reactions of the Native Americans

Native Americans initially believed that illness primarily resulted from being out of balance, in relation to their religious beliefs. Typically, Native Americans held that disease was caused by either a lack of magical protection, the intrusion of an object into the body by means of sorcery, or the absence of the free soul from the body. Disease was understood to enter the body as a natural occurrence if a person was not protected by spirits, or less commonly as a result of malign human or supernatural intervention. [44] For examples, Cherokee spiritual beliefs attribute disease to revenge imposed by animals for killing them. [45] The Mapuche in Araucanía regarded the epidemic as a magic brought by Francisco de Villagra to exterminate them because he could not defeat them in the Arauco War. [46]

In some cases, disease was seen as a punishment for disregarding tribal traditions or disobeying tribal rituals. [47] Spiritual powers were called on to cure diseases through the practice of shamanism. [48] Most Native American tribes also used a wide variety of medicinal plants and other substances in the treatment of disease. [49]

Forced settlements and disease spread

in Florida, Spanish settlers forced indigenous groups into strictly controlled settlements. Since the early 16th century, these people were exposed to new diseases brought by Europeans, including smallpox, measles and typhus. A mix of involuntarily relocations and European-imposed changes to agriculture and resolution patterns also created ideal conditions for the spread of infectious diseases, leading to catastrophic declines in the number of the population. [50]

The Trail of Tears was the forced relocation of Native American tribes in the 1830s from Eastern Woodlands to the west of the Mississippi River. [51] This relocation ordered by the government primarily targeted “the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole” nations [51] Approximately 100,000 native Americans were removed from their families and 15,000 died during the removal and journey west. [51] The journey west consisted of 5,045 miles across nine states. [51] Many people lost their lives on this rigorous forced journey. Cholera was one of the reasons for the deaths of Native Americans during the Trail of Tears. Traveling by steamboat was a common way to travel and cholera was present in the waterways used by the steamboats. [52] It is estimated that 5,000 Native Americans died of cholera on this journey to areas west of the Mississippi. [51]

Effect on population

Graph of population decline in central Mexico caused by successive epidemics Acuna-Soto EID-v8n4p360 Fig1.png
Graph of population decline in central Mexico caused by successive epidemics

Many Native American tribes suffered high mortality and depopulation, averaging 25–50% of the tribes' members dead from disease. Additionally, some smaller tribes are threatened with extinction after facing a severely destructive spread of disease. [35]

Epidemics of smallpox (1518, 1521, 1525, 1558, 1589), typhus (1546), influenza (1558), diphtheria (1614) and measles (1618) swept the Americas subsequent to European contact, [53] [54] killing between 10 million and 100 million [55] people, up to 95% of the indigenous population of the Americas. [56] Estimates of mortality range from one-quarter to one-half of the population of central Mexico. [57]

One of earliest examples was what followed Cortés' invasion of Mexico. Before his arrival, the Mexican population is estimated to have been around 25 to 30 million. Fifty years later, the Mexican population was reduced to 3 million(one source stated lower number with only 1,5 million survivors left [58] ), mainly by infectious disease. A 2018 study by Koch, Brierley, Maslin and Lewis concluded that an estimated "55 million indigenous people died following the European conquest of the Americas beginning in 1492." [59] Estimates for the entire number of human lives lost during the Cocoliztli epidemics in New Spain have ranged from 5 to 15 million people, [60] making it one of the most deadly disease outbreaks of all time. [61] By 1700, fewer than 5,000 Native Americans remained in the southeastern coastal region of the United States. [37] Even after the two largest empires of the America continent, the Inca and the Aztecs, were devastated by the virus, smallpox continued to spread further In 1561; The epidemy reached Chile by sea, when a ship carrying the new governor Francisco de Villagra landed at La Serena. Chile had previously been isolated by the Atacama Desert and Andes Mountains from Peru, but at the end of 1561 and in early 1562, it ravaged the Chilean natives. Modern time estimates by experts put the number that the Chilean natives lost its 20-25 percent of their population. The Spanish historian Marmolejo said that gold mines had to shut down when all their native labors died. [62]

In Florida alone, an estimated 700,000 Native Americans lived there in 1520, but by 1700, the number decreased to only around 2,000s people. [37]

Another notable example was the incident of the so-called The Great Dying in New England around the years of 1616-1619, where the epidemics which carried by European settlers including trichinosis, chickenpox, Influenza, HBD/HDV, Typhus, smallpox, plague, and leptospirosis, resulted in a catastrophic demographic collapse which estimated to of up to 95% casualties of the indigenous population. [63] [64] [65] The Pennacook, an Algonquian confederation in present-day New Hampshire, eastern Massachusetts, and southern Maine, included subgroups like the Naumkeag, Agawam, Wamesit, Nashua, and Souhegan; also afflicted by this so-called "Great Dying", which suspected as leptospirosis from European contact that spread along the Merrimack River. [66] [67] Coastal subgroups, Naumkeag and Agawam, faced 80–90% mortality, their populations falling from 1,000–2,000 to ~100–200 and 500–1,500 to ~50–150, respectively. [42] [68] Inland subgroups like Wamesit and Nashua saw 50–75% losses, reducing the confederation from 10,000–20,000 to under 2,000 by 1619. [69] [70] The disaster disrupted Pennacook society, leaving villages deserted and easing later English colonization. [71] Archaeological evidence shows mass graves and abandoned sites. [72] During this period, outbreaks of diphtheria, dysentery and measles were also reported to have broken out within unspecified tribal group of native Americans. [73]

Drawing of Aztec people suffering from measles epidemic Measles Aztec drawing.jpg
Drawing of Aztec people suffering from measles epidemic

The population of Mohawk people also hit by smallpox epidemics around 1630s; causing their population to decrease by 63%, from 7,740 to 2,830, as they had no immunity to the new disease. [74] At some point by 1633, smallpox infected the entire tribes and left the Mohawks unable to care for each other or bury their dead. [75]

In summer 1639, a smallpox epidemic struck the Huron natives in the St. Lawrence and Great Lakes regions. The disease had reached the Huron tribes through French colonial traders from Québec who remained in the region throughout the winter. When the epidemic was over, the Huron population had been reduced to roughly 9,000 people, about half of what it had been before 1634. [76] The Iroquois people, generally south of the Great Lakes, faced similar losses after encounters with French, Dutch and English colonists. [37]

During the 1770s, smallpox killed at least 30% (tens of thousands) of the Northwestern Native Americans. [77] [78]

The smallpox epidemic of 1780–1782 brought devastation and drastic depopulation among the Plains Indians, as the natives in the area contracted the disease from the 'Snake Indians' on the Mississippi. From there it spread eastward and northward to the Saskatchewan River. Its first case was found among the fur traders in October 15, 1781. [79] A week later, reports were made to William Walker and William Tomison, who were in charge of the Hudson and Cumberland Hudson's Bay Company posts. By February, the disease spread as far as the Basquia Tribe. [80] After reading Tomison's journals, Houston and Houston calculated that, of the Indians who traded at the Hudson and Cumberland houses, 95% died of smallpox. [81] Paul Hackett adds to the mortality numbers suggesting that perhaps up to one-half to three-quarters of the Ojibway situated west of the Grand Portage died from the disease. The Cree also suffered a casualty rate of approximately 75% with similar effects found in the Lowland Cree. [82]

By 1832, the federal government of the United States established a smallpox vaccination program for Native Americans. [83] The Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1839 reported on the casualties of the 1837 Great Plains smallpox epidemic: "No attempt has been made to count the victims, nor is it possible to reckon them in any of these tribes with accuracy; it is believed that if [the number 17,200 for the upper Missouri River Indians] was doubled, the aggregate would not be too large for those who have fallen east of the Rocky Mountains." [84]

Other environmental & societal effects

Some 21st-century climate scientists have suggested that a severe reduction of the indigenous population in the Americas and the accompanying reduction in cultivated lands during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries may have contributed to a global cooling event known as the Little Ice Age. [59] [85] [86] [87] [88] [89]

The loss of population was so high that it was partially responsible for the myth of the Americas as "virgin wilderness". By the time significant European colonization was underway, native populations had already been reduced by 90%. This resulted in settlements vanishing and cultivated fields being abandoned. Since forests were recovering, the colonists had an impression of a land that was an untamed wilderness. [90]

Disease had both direct and indirect effects on deaths. High mortality meant that there were fewer people to plant crops, hunt game, and otherwise support the group. Loss of cultural knowledge transfer also affected the community as vital agricultural and food-gathering skills were not passed on to survivors. Missing the right time to hunt or plant crops affected the food supply, thus further weakening the community and making it more vulnerable to the next epidemic. Communities under such crisis were often unable to care for people who were disabled, elderly, or young. [37]

The material and societal realities of disability for Native American communities were tangible. [37] Scarlet fever could result in blindness or deafness, and sometimes both. [37] Smallpox epidemics led to blindness and depigmented scars. Many Native American tribes took pride in their own appearance, and the resulting skin disfigurement of smallpox deeply affected them psychologically. Unable to cope with this condition, tribe members were said to have committed suicide. [91]

Biological weapon theory

Historian David Stannard asserts that by "focusing almost entirely on disease ... contemporary authors increasingly have created the impression that the eradication of those tens of millions of people was inadvertent—a sad, but both inevitable and 'unintended consequence' of human migration and progress." He says that their destruction "was neither inadvertent nor inevitable", but the result of microbial pestilence and purposeful genocide working in tandem. [92] Historian Andrés Reséndez says that evidence suggests "among these human factors, slavery has emerged as a major killer" of the indigenous populations of the Caribbean between 1492 and 1550, rather than diseases such as smallpox, influenza and malaria. [93] The second European explanation was a perceived divine approval, in which God removed the Indigenous peoples as part of His "divine plan" to make way for a new Christian civilization. [94] In following centuries, accusations and discussions of biological warfare were common. Well-documented accounts of incidents involving both threats and acts of deliberate infection are very rare. [95] [96]

Fur trader James McDougall was quoted as threatening some local chiefs that he would use his water bottle infected with smallpox if they did not comply with his demands. [97] another fur trader threatened Pawnee Indians that if they didn't agree to certain conditions, he would use a bottle containing smallpox against their people. The Reverend Isaac McCoy was quoted in his History of Baptist Indian Missions as saying that the settlers deliberately spread smallpox among the natives of the southwest, including the Pawnee tribe, which devastating result was made reported to General Clark and the Secretary of War. [97] [98] Artist and writer George Catlin observed that Native Americans were also suspicious of vaccination. [99] The Mandan chief Four Bears even denounced some settlers whom he had previously treated as his own kins, under the accusation of deliberately bringing the disease to his people. [100] [101] [102]

Smallpox

Aztec smallpox victims.jpg
Sixteenth-century Aztec drawings of victims of smallpox (above) and measles (below)

A single soldier arriving in Mexico in 1520 was carrying smallpox and initiated the devastating plagues that swept through the native populations of the Americas. [103]

According to one source introduction of smallpox among the Aztecs has been attributed to an African slave named Francisco Eguía. However, this has been disputed by the record that from May to September, smallpox already spread slowly to Tepeaca and Tlaxcala, and to Tenochtitlán by the fall of 1520. At this time, Cortes was returning to conquer the city after his previous defeat in the battle of Noche Triste. [104]

After its introduction to Mexico, the disease spread across South America, devastating indigenous populations in what are now Colombia, Peru and Chile during the sixteenth century. The disease was slow to spread northward due to the sparse population of the northern Mexico desert region. It was introduced to eastern North America separately by colonists arriving in 1633 to Plymouth, Massachusetts, and local Native American communities were soon struck by the virus. It reached the Mohawk nation in 1634, [105] the Lake Ontario area in 1636, and the lands of other Iroquois tribes by 1679. [106] Between 1613 and 1690 the Iroquois tribes living in Quebec suffered twenty-four epidemics, almost all of them caused by smallpox. [107] By 1698 the virus had crossed the Mississippi, causing an epidemic that nearly obliterated the Quapaw Indians of Arkansas. [47]

By the mid-eighteenth century the disease was affecting populations severely enough to interrupt trade and negotiations. Thomas Hutchins, in his August 1762 journal entry while at Ohio's Fort Miami, named for the Mineamie people, wrote:

The 20th, The above Indians met, and the Ouiatanon Chief spoke in behalf of his and the Kickaupoo Nations as follows: "Brother, We are very thankful to Sir William Johnson for sending you to enquire into the State of the Indians. We assure you we are Rendered very miserable at Present on Account of a Severe Sickness that has seiz'd almost all our People, many of which have died lately, and many more likely to Die..." The 30th, Set out for the Lower Shawneese Town and arriv'd 8th of September in the afternoon. I could not have a meeting with the Shawneese the 12th, as their People were Sick and Dying every day. [108]

On June 24, 1763, during the siege of Fort Pitt, as recorded in his journal by fur trader and militia captain William Trent, dignitaries from the Delaware tribe met with British officials at the fort, warned them of "great numbers of Indians" coming to attack the fort, and pleaded with them to leave the fort while there was still time. The commander of the fort, Simeon Ecuyear, refused to abandon the fort. Instead, Ecuyear gave as gifts two blankets, one silk handkerchief and one piece of linen that were believed to have been in contact with smallpox-infected individuals, to the two Delaware emissaries Turtleheart and Mamaltee, allegedly in the hope of spreading the deadly disease to nearby tribes, as attested in Trent's journal. [109] [110] [96] [111] [112] The dignitaries were met again later and they seemingly hadn't contracted smallpox. [113] A relatively small outbreak of smallpox had begun spreading earlier that spring, with a hundred dying from it among Native American tribes in the Ohio Valley and Great Lakes area through 1763 and 1764. [113] The effectiveness of the biological warfare itself remains unknown, and the method used is inefficient compared to airborne transmission. [114] [115]

21st-century scientists such as V. Barras and G. Greub have examined such reports. They say that smallpox is spread by respiratory droplets in personal interaction, not by contact with fomites, such objects as were described by Trent. The results of such attempts to spread the disease through objects are difficult to differentiate from naturally occurring epidemics. [116] [117]

Gershom Hicks, who was held captive by the Ohio Country Shawnee and Delaware between May 1763 and April 1764, reported to Captain William Grant of the 42nd Regiment that the smallpox has killed 30 or 40 Mingoes, and approximately similar with the Delawares and Shawneese. [118]

19th century

In 1832 President Andrew Jackson signed Congressional authorization and funding to set up a smallpox vaccination program for Indian tribes. The goal was to eliminate the deadly threat of smallpox to a population with little or no immunity, and at the same time exhibit the benefits of cooperation with the government. [119] In practice there were severe obstacles. The tribal medicine men launched a strong opposition, warning of white trickery and offering an alternative explanation and system of cure. Some taught that the affliction could best be cured by a sweat bath followed by a rapid plunge into cold water. [120] [121] Furthermore the vaccines often lost their potency when transported and stored over long distances with primitive storage facilities. It was too little and too late to avoid the great smallpox epidemic of 1837 to 1840 that swept across North America west of the Mississippi, all the way to Canada and Alaska. Deaths have been estimated in the range of 100,000 to 300,000, with entire tribes wiped out. Over 90 percent of the Mandans died. [122] [123] [124]

In the mid to late nineteenth century, at a time of increasing European-American travel and settlement in the West, at least four different epidemics broke out among the Plains Indians tribes from 1837 to 1870. [35] The Indians traded with the white people regardless spread disease to their villages. [125] In the late 19th century, the Lakota Indians of the Plains called the disease the "rotting face sickness". [47] [125]

The 1862 Pacific Northwest smallpox epidemic, which was brought from San Francisco to Victoria, devastated the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, with a death rate of over 50% for the entire coast from Puget Sound to Southeast Alaska. [126] In some areas the native population fell by as much as 90%. [127] [128] Some historians have described the epidemic as a deliberate genocide because the Colony of Vancouver Island and the Colony of British Columbia could have prevented the epidemic but chose not to, and in some ways facilitated it. [129]

Cholera

Cholera is an acute diarrheal infection transmitted through ingesting water or food contaminated with the bacteria vibrio cholerae. [130] Up until the 20th century, the origin of Cholera was unknown. Symptoms of Cholera are known for their fast and advanced nature. [131] Cholera reached the United States in 1829 when immigrants came to America searching for new jobs and opportunities. [132] Cholera, because it mostly resulted from poor hygiene and filthy conditions, disproportionately affects lower-income populations living in unsanitary conditions. Native Americans who lived their lives on reservations found themselves drinking water that was contaminated with vibrio cholerae. [133] Poor drinking water and sanitary conditions contributed to the widespread spread of Cholera cases in Native communities. [134]

Cholera Epidemic of 1832

One of the most notable Cholera epidemics happened in 1832. In May 1832, an immigrant ship with Asiatic Cholera landed in Quebec. [135] Cholera spread quickly from the northern ports of Quebec down to the Hudson and Lower Manhattan. [136] The rapid spread of Cholera from northern ports marked the onset of epidemics in major cities such as New York. The Epidemic of 1832 has been referred to by historians as the plague of the 19th century. [137] America, up until this point, was not very familiar with the effects of widespread diseases. Cholera is known for its ability to quickly spread and flourish in every environment. Because of this Cholera was found in almost every part of the country during this period.

Cholera's impact during the 1832 epidemic was particularly profound on indigenous communities. Cholera spread to Native populations in 1832 through waterways. Cholera was a problem all over but more prevalent in communities situated near water. [138] Native American communities were more prevalent near sources of water because they wanted to have an accessible source of drinking water [138] Unfortunately, Cholera (bacterium cholerae) spread rapidly through these areas. Increasing the community's chances of being infected. Some communities had more severe Cholera outbreaks than others. The Lakota tribe, for instance, had a major Cholera outbreak and demographic devastation due to the disposal of waste in the Great Lakes, a water source they consistently used for drinking. [139] Cholera outbreaks were more devastating primarily because indigenous communities had little forms of water filtration and lacked immunity to water-borne diseases. [140] Due to a lack of immunity to water-borne disease, Native Americans suffered from higher mortality rates. [141] Lack of immunity and exposure to bodies of water contaminated by cholera contributed to higher mortality rates in indigenous communities during the 1832 epidemic.

1850s cholera outbreak

The deadliest cholera outbreak happened in the 1850s [142] Cholera outbreaks during the 1850s were widespread, but cases were highly concentrated in areas with dense populations. The outbreak lasted from 1852 to 1860. 23,000 deaths were recorded in Britain alone [143] The outbreak in Britain led to immigrants fleeing their homes and immigrating to America. This started the third significant and most deadly spread of cholera in America. This outbreak spread through the Mississippi River. The spread through the Mississippi reached communities in St. Louis to New Orleans.[ citation needed ] Many Native American communities contracted Cholera when they used the Mississippi River for transportation. Native American death tolls reached record highs during the outbreak in the 1850s. An example of a moment that became a major transmission event for cholera among tribes was the annual Kiowa Sun Dance. Several tribes were in attendance including the Osage, Comanche, Southern Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Apache. [52] Sarah Keyes, a historian who specializes in the 19th century wrote that “The disease was demographically devastating for many Native nations of the plains. For instance, by the end of the 1854 epidemic the Pawnee had lost as much as 25 percent of their population” (Keyes) [52] The Pawnee tribe was not the only tribe that was devastated by Cholera in the 1850s. Cholera was highly transmissible and led to outbreaks among multiple tribes and indigenous communities. [144] The population of many Native American tribes and communities were forever changed after the 1850 pandemic.

Cholera in Modern Era Native American Life

It is true that health disparities and cholera still exist today, specifically in Native American communities. Today there have been a reported 1.3 to 2 million cases across the world and 21,000 to 14,300 deaths (WHO) [145] Limited access to clean water and poor healthcare infrastructure contribute to the Cholera cases and deaths we see today. A majority of the people who contract these diseases are from indigenous communities in the United States. Indigenous communities have been more susceptible to diseases like Cholera because of limited access to clean water. [146] Activists and tribal governments have spoken with public health agencies and organizations to address these healthcare disparities. Many activists have organized protests and discussions with government and health officials. Winona LaDuke is an example of one activist who has been trying to promote a sustainable and healthy environment and land for Native Americans on reservations. She has been involved in the White Earth Land Recovery Project which tries to address environmental inequities hurting Native American communities today. [147] Even though Cholera pandemics are no longer a concern, unhealthy water conditions on reservations still present many diseases and issues for indigenous communities today.

See also

General:

References

  1. Feinstein, Stephen (2006). "God, Greed, and Genocide: The Holocaust Through the Centuries, by Arthur Grenke" . Canadian Journal of History. 41 (1): 197–199. doi:10.3138/cjh.41.1.197. ISSN   0008-4107. ... the diseases that decimated the Natives were caused by natural contact....
  2. Crosby, Alfred W. (1976), "Virgin Soil Epidemics as a Factor in the Aboriginal Depopulation in America", The William and Mary Quarterly, 33 (2), Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture: 289–299, doi:10.2307/1922166, JSTOR   1922166, PMID   11633588
  3. 1 2 3 Martin, Debra L; Goodman, Alan H (January 2002). "Health conditions before Columbus: paleopathology of native North Americans". Western Journal of Medicine. 176 (1): 65–68. doi:10.1136/ewjm.176.1.65. ISSN   0093-0415. PMC   1071659 . PMID   11788545.
  4. Thèves, Catherine; Crubézy, Eric; Biagini, Philippe (2016-08-12). Drancourt, Michel; Raoult, Didier (eds.). "History of Smallpox and Its Spread in Human Populations" . Microbiology Spectrum. 4 (4) 4.4.05. doi:10.1128/microbiolspec.PoH-0004-2014. ISSN   2165-0497. PMID   27726788.
  5. Achtman, M.; Zurth, K.; Morelli, G.; Torrea, G.; Guiyoule, A.; Carniel, E. (1999-11-23). "Yersinia pestis, the cause of plague, is a recently emerged clone of Yersinia pseudotuberculosis". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 96 (24): 14043–14048. Bibcode:1999PNAS...9614043A. doi: 10.1073/pnas.96.24.14043 . ISSN   0027-8424. PMC   24187 . PMID   10570195.
  6. McNally, Alan; Thomson, Nicholas R.; Reuter, Sandra; Wren, Brendan W. (2016). "'Add, stir and reduce': Yersinia spp. as model bacteria for pathogen evolution". Nature Reviews. Microbiology. 14 (3): 177–190. doi:10.1038/nrmicro.2015.29. ISSN   1740-1534. PMID   26876035.
  7. Lippi, Donatella; Gotuzzo, Eduardo; Caini, Saverio (2016). "Cholera". Microbiology Spectrum. 4 (4) 4.4.06. doi:10.1128/microbiolspec.PoH-0012-2015. ISSN   2165-0497. PMID   27726771.
  8. "Cholera - WHO Fact sheets".
  9. Morens, David M.; Taubenberger, Jeffery K.; Folkers, Gregory K.; Fauci, Anthony S. (2010-12-15). "Pandemic influenza's 500th anniversary". Clinical Infectious Diseases. 51 (12): 1442–1444. doi:10.1086/657429. ISSN   1537-6591. PMC   3106245 . PMID   21067353.
  10. Threats, Institute of Medicine (US) Forum on Microbial; Knobler, Stacey L.; Mack, Alison; Mahmoud, Adel; Lemon, Stanley M. (2005), "The Story of Influenza", The Threat of Pandemic Influenza: Are We Ready? Workshop Summary, National Academies Press (US), retrieved 2024-05-29
  11. Lee, Kim-Sung; Divis, Paul C. S.; Zakaria, Siti Khatijah; Matusop, Asmad; Julin, Roynston A.; Conway, David J.; Cox-Singh, Janet; Singh, Balbir (2011). "Plasmodium knowlesi: reservoir hosts and tracking the emergence in humans and macaques". PLOS Pathogens. 7 (4): e1002015. doi: 10.1371/journal.ppat.1002015 . ISSN   1553-7374. PMC   3072369 . PMID   21490952.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: article number as page number (link)
  12. Liu, Weimin; Li, Yingying; Shaw, Katharina S.; Learn, Gerald H.; Plenderleith, Lindsey J.; Malenke, Jordan A.; Sundararaman, Sesh A.; Ramirez, Miguel A.; Crystal, Patricia A.; Smith, Andrew G.; Bibollet-Ruche, Frederic; Ayouba, Ahidjo; Locatelli, Sabrina; Esteban, Amandine; Mouacha, Fatima (2014). "African origin of the malaria parasite Plasmodium vivax". Nature Communications. 5 3346. Bibcode:2014NatCo...5.3346L. doi:10.1038/ncomms4346. ISSN   2041-1723. PMC   4089193 . PMID   24557500.
  13. Liu, Weimin; Li, Yingying; Learn, Gerald H.; Rudicell, Rebecca S.; Robertson, Joel D.; Keele, Brandon F.; Ndjango, Jean-Bosco N.; Sanz, Crickette M.; Morgan, David B.; Locatelli, Sabrina; Gonder, Mary K.; Kranzusch, Philip J.; Walsh, Peter D.; Delaporte, Eric; Mpoudi-Ngole, Eitel (2010). "Origin of the human malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum in gorillas". Nature. 467 (7314): 420–425. Bibcode:2010Natur.467..420L. doi:10.1038/nature09442. ISSN   0028-0836. PMC   2997044 . PMID   20864995.
  14. Berche, Patrick (2022-09-01). "History of measles". La Presse Médicale. History of modern pandemics. 51 (3) 104149. doi:10.1016/j.lpm.2022.104149. ISSN   0755-4982. PMID   36414136.
  15. Roeder, Peter; Mariner, Jeffrey; Kock, Richard (2013-08-05). "Rinderpest: the veterinary perspective on eradication". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. 368 (1623): 20120139. doi:10.1098/rstb.2012.0139. ISSN   0962-8436. PMC   3720037 . PMID   23798687.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: article number as page number (link)
  16. Tounkara, K.; Nwankpa, N. (2017). "Rinderpest experience". Revue Scientifique et Technique (International Office of Epizootics). 36 (2): 569–578. doi:10.20506/rst.36.2.2675. ISSN   0253-1933. PMID   30152462.
  17. Barberis, I.; Bragazzi, N. L.; Galluzzo, L.; Martini, M. (2017). "The history of tuberculosis: from the first historical records to the isolation of Koch's bacillus". Journal of Preventive Medicine and Hygiene. 58 (1): E9 –E12. ISSN   1121-2233. PMC   5432783 . PMID   28515626.
  18. Buzic, I.; Giuffra, V. (2020). "The paleopathological evidence on the origins of human tuberculosis: a review". Journal of Preventive Medicine and Hygiene. 61 (1 Suppl 1): E3 –E8. doi:10.15167/2421-4248/jpmh2020.61.1s1.1379. ISSN   2421-4248. PMC   7263064 . PMID   32529097.
  19. Gianchecchi, Elena; Cianchi, Virginia; Torelli, Alessandro; Montomoli, Emanuele (2022). "Yellow Fever: Origin, Epidemiology, Preventive Strategies and Future Prospects". Vaccines. 10 (3): 372. doi: 10.3390/vaccines10030372 . ISSN   2076-393X. PMC   8955180 . PMID   35335004.
  20. Roumagnac, Philippe; Weill, François-Xavier; Dolecek, Christiane; Baker, Stephen; Brisse, Sylvain; Chinh, Nguyen Tran; Le, Thi Anh Hong; Acosta, Camilo J.; Farrar, Jeremy; Dougan, Gordon; Achtman, Mark (2006-11-24). "Evolutionary History of Salmonella Typhi". Science. 314 (5803): 1301–1304. Bibcode:2006Sci...314.1301R. doi:10.1126/science.1134933. ISSN   0036-8075. PMC   2652035 . PMID   17124322.
  21. Wertheim, Joel O.; Smith, Martin D.; Smith, Davey M.; Scheffler, Konrad; Kosakovsky Pond, Sergei L. (2014). "Evolutionary Origins of Human Herpes Simplex Viruses 1 and 2". Molecular Biology and Evolution. 31 (9): 2356–2364. doi:10.1093/molbev/msu185. ISSN   1537-1719. PMC   4137711 . PMID   24916030.
  22. "Zika virus". www.who.int. Retrieved 2024-05-29.
  23. Skinner, Nicole (20 August 2014). "Seals brought TB to Americas". Nature. doi:10.1038/nature.2014.15748. S2CID   183754215.
  24. Mann, Charles C. (2005). 1491: New revelations of the Americas before Columbus (1st ed.). New York: Knopf. ISBN   978-1-4000-4006-3. OCLC   56632601.
  25. Martin, Debra L; Goodman, Alan H (2002). "Health conditions before Columbus: paleopathology of native North Americans". Western Journal of Medicine. 176 (1): 65–68. doi:10.1136/ewjm.176.1.65. ISSN   0093-0415. PMC   1071659 . PMID   11788545.
  26. Rothschild, B. M. (2005-05-15). "History of Syphilis". Clinical Infectious Diseases. 40 (10): 1454–1463. doi:10.1086/429626. ISSN   1058-4838. PMID   15844068.
  27. Turner, B. L.; Sabloff, J. A. (21 August 2012). "Classic Period collapse of the Central Maya Lowlands: Insights about human-environment relationships for sustainability". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 109 (35): 13908–13914. Bibcode:2012PNAS..10913908T. doi: 10.1073/pnas.1210106109 . PMC   3435155 . PMID   22912403.
  28. Haug, G. H. (14 March 2003). "Climate and the Collapse of Maya Civilization". Science. 299 (5613): 1731–1735. Bibcode:2003Sci...299.1731H. doi:10.1126/science.1080444. PMID   12637744. S2CID   128596188.
  29. "Cocoliztli y Matlazahuatl". www.zocalo.com.mx. Retrieved 6 November 2015.
  30. ""Huey cocoliztli" en el México del siglo XVI: ¿una enfermedad emergente del pasado?". www.madrimasd.org. 27 April 2012. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
  31. Ashley Haagen (5 July 2019). "The Toxin-Based Diseases Common in North America during the 1600-1700s". American Society of Microbiology. Retrieved 29 August 2025.
  32. Sherwood, Noble P.; Nigg, Clara; Baumgartner, Leona (1926). "Studies on the Dick Test and Natural Immunity to Scarlet Fever Among the American Indians". The Journal of Immunology. 11 (5): 343–360. doi:10.4049/jimmunol.11.5.343.
  33. 1 2 3 Francis, John M. (2005). Iberia and the Americas culture, politics, and history: A Multidisciplinary Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.
  34. Bos, Kirsten I.; Harkins, Kelly M.; Herbig, Alexander; Coscolla, Mireia; et al. (20 August 2014). "Pre-Columbian mycobacterial genomes reveal seals as a source of New World human tuberculosis". Nature. 514 (7523): 494–7. Bibcode:2014Natur.514..494B. doi:10.1038/nature13591. PMC   4550673 . PMID   25141181.
  35. 1 2 3 Waldman, Carl (2009). Atlas of the North American Indian. New York: Checkmark Books. p. 206.
  36. Rossi, Ann (2006). Two Cultures Meet: Native American and European. National Geographic Society. pp. 31–32. ISBN   978-0-7922-8679-0.
  37. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Nielsen, Kim (2012). A Disability History of the United States. Boston, Massachusetts: Beacon Press. ISBN   978-0-8070-2204-7.
  38. Wolfe, Brendan (7 December 2020). "Little Ice Age and Colonial Virginia". The Encyclopedia Virginia. Retrieved 26 May 2021.
  39. Rodrigo Barquera; Johannes Krause; AJ Zeilstra; Petra Mader (May 9, 2020). "Slavery entailed the spread of epidemics". Max-Planck-Gesellschaft.
  40. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade and the Introduction of Human Diseases: The Case of Schistosomiasis - Africa Atlanta 2014 Publications". leading-edge.iac.gatech.edu.
  41. Nunn, Nathan; Qian, Nancy (2010). "The Columbian Exchange: A History of Disease, Food, and Ideas". Journal of Economic Perspectives . 24 (2): 163–188. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.232.9242 . doi:10.1257/jep.24.2.163. JSTOR   25703506.
  42. 1 2 Mann, Charles C. (2011). 1493. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 286. ISBN   9780307265722.
  43. Austin Alchon, Suzanne (2003). A Pest in the Land: New World Epidemics in a Global Perspective. University of New Mexico Press. p. 62. ISBN   978-0-8263-2871-7 . Retrieved 2019-03-09.
  44. Vogel, Virgil J. American Indian Medicine. University of Oklahoma Press, 1970.
  45. John Phillip. A law of blood; the primitive law of the Cherokee nation. New York: Northern Illinois University Press, 1970.
  46. Alonso de Góngora Marmolejo Historia de Chile desde su descubrimiento hasta el año 1575 Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine . Cervantesvirtual.com. Retrieved on 2011-12-06.
  47. 1 2 3 Robertson, R. G. Rotting Face: Smallpox and the American Indian. Caxton Press, 2001. ISBN   0870044974
  48. Lyon, William S. (1998). Encyclopedia of Native American Healing. W. W. Norton and Company. ISBN   978-0-393-31735-0.
  49. Moerman, Daniel E. (July 16, 1998). Native American Ethnobotany. Timber Press. ISBN   978-0-88192-453-4 via Google Books.
  50. Grob, Gerald (2006). The Deadly Truth: A History of Disease in America. pp. 26–69.
  51. 1 2 3 4 5 "Trail of Tears: Definition, Date & Cherokee Nation". HISTORY. 2023-09-26. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  52. 1 2 3 "Western Adventurers and Male Nurses: Indians, Cholera, and Masculinity in Overland Trail Narratives". academic.oup.com. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  53. "American Indian Epidemics". Archived from the original on February 14, 2015.
  54. "Smallpox: Eradicating the Scourge". bbc.co.uk. Archived from the original on 2021-12-09. Retrieved 2014-02-28.
  55. Mann, Charles C. (2005). 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. Knopf. pp.  106–109. ISBN   978-1-4000-3205-1.
  56. "The Story Of... Smallpox". Pbs.org. Archived from the original on 2010-01-16. Retrieved 2014-02-28.
  57. Hays, J. N.. Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History. United Kingdom: ABC-CLIO, 2005.
  58. Gunderman, Richard (19 February 2019). "How smallpox devastated the Aztecs – and helped Spain conquer an American civilization 500 years ago". The Conversation. Retrieved 2022-12-01.
  59. 1 2 Koch, Alexander; Brierley, Chris; Maslin, Mark M.; Lewis, Simon L. (2019). "Earth system impacts of the European arrival and Great Dying in the Americas after 1492". Quaternary Science Reviews . 207: 13–36. Bibcode:2019QSRv..207...13K. doi: 10.1016/j.quascirev.2018.12.004 .
  60. Acuna-Soto, Rodolfo; et al. (2004). "When half of the population died: the epidemic of hemorrhagic fevers of 1576 in Mexico". FEMS Microbiology Letters. 240 (1): 1–5. doi: 10.1016/j.femsle.2004.09.011 . PMC   7110390 . PMID   15500972.
  61. Acuna-Soto, R.; Stahle, D. W.; Cleaveland, M. K.; Therrell, M. D (April 2002). "Megadrought and megadeath in 16th century Mexico". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 8 (4): 360–362. doi:10.3201/eid0804.010175. PMC   2730237 . PMID   11971767.
  62. Diego Barros Arana, Historia general de Chile, Tomo Segundo, p. 51 note 87, pp. 231–232.
  63. John S Marr; John T Cathey (February 2010). "New Hypothesis for Cause of Epidemic among Native Americans, New England, 1616–1619". Emerg Infect Dis. 16 (2). 8600 Rockville Pike Bethesda, MD 20894: National Library of Medicine: 281–286. PMID   20113559.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: location (link)
  64. Paula Peters. "The Great Dying: God's Will or Unfortunate Circumstance?" (PDF). National Museum of American Indian, Smithsonian.
  65. Randal Rust. "The Great Dying in New England 1616–1619". American History Central. R.Squared Communications LLC.
  66. Mann, Charles C. (2005). 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. pp. 85–87.
  67. Marr, John S.; Cathey, John T. (2010). "New Hypothesis for Cause of Epidemic among Native Americans, New England, 1616–1619". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 16 (2): 281–286.
  68. Bragdon, Kathleen J. (1996). Native People of Southern New England, 1500–1650. pp. 23–25.
  69. Calloway, Colin G. (1991). Dawnland Encounters: Indians and Europeans in Northern New England. pp. 15–17.
  70. Gookin, Daniel (1792). Historical Collections of the Indians in New England. pp. 8–10.
  71. Cronon, William (1983). Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England. pp. 88–90.
  72. Snow, Dean R. (1980). The Archaeology of New England. pp. 35–37.
  73. Kristiina Vogt; Toral Patel-Weynand; Patricia A. Roads; Asep. S. Suntana; Maura Shelton; John C. Gordon; Patricia A. Roads; Cal Mukumoto; Daniel J Vogt (25 June 2012). Sustainability Unpacked: Food, Energy and Water for Resilient Environments and Societies. Taylor & Francis. p. 49. ISBN   9781136530609.
  74. Snow, Dean R.; Gehring, Charles T.; Starna, William A. (1996). In Mohawk Country. Syracuse University Press. p. XX. ISBN   0-8156-2723-8. Archived from the original on 2016-12-31. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
  75. Byrne, Joseph Patrick (2008). Encyclopedia of Pestilence, Pandemics, and Plagues [2 Volumes]. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. pp. 663–664. ISBN   9780313341014.
  76. Bruce Trigger. Natives and Newcomers: Canada's "Heroic Age" Reconsidered. (Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985), 588–589.
  77. Lange, Greg. (2003-01-23) Smallpox epidemic ravages Native Americans on the northwest coast of North America in the 1770s Archived 2008-06-10 at the Wayback Machine . Historyink.com. Retrieved on 2011-12-06.
  78. Smallpox, The Canadian Encyclopedia
  79. Rich, E. E.; Johnson, A. M. (1952). "Cumberland House Journals and Inland Journals 1775–82". The Canadian Historical Review. London: The Hudson's Bay Record Society.
  80. Rich EE (1967). The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1875 (11th ed.). McClelland and Stewart Limited.
  81. Houston CS, Houston S (2000). "The first smallpox epidemic on the Canadian Plains: In the fur-traders' words". Can J Infect Dis. 11 (2): 112–15. doi: 10.1155/2000/782978 . PMC   2094753 . PMID   18159275.
  82. Paul Hackett (2002). A Very Remarkable Sickness. University of Manitoba Press. ISBN   978-0-88755-659-3.
  83. Pearson, J. Diane (2003). "Lewis Cass and the Politics of Disease: The Indian Vaccination Act of 1832". Wíčazo Ša Review. 18 (2): 9–35. doi:10.1353/wic.2003.0017. S2CID   154875430. Project MUSE   46131.
  84. The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindian; Esther Wagner Stearn, Allen Edwin Stearn; University of Minnesota; 1945; Pgs. 13-20, 73-94, 97
  85. Degroot, Dagomar (2019). "Did Colonialism Cause Global Cooling? Revisiting an Old Controversy". Historical Climatology.
  86. Julia Pongratz; Ken Caldeira; Christian H. Reick; Martin Claussen (20 January 2011). "Coupled climate–carbon simulations indicate minor global effects of wars and epidemics on atmospheric CO2 between ad 800 and 1850". The Holocene . 21 (5): 843–851. doi:10.1177/0959683610386981. ISSN   0959-6836. Wikidata   Q106515792.
  87. Ruddiman, William F. (2003). "The Anthropogenic Greenhouse Era Began Thousands of Years Ago". Climatic Change . 61 (3): 261–293. Bibcode:2003ClCh...61..261R. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.651.2119 . doi:10.1023/B:CLIM.0000004577.17928.fa. S2CID   2501894.
  88. Faust, Franz X.; Gnecco, Cristóbal; Mannstein, Hermann; Stamm, Jörg (2006). "Evidence for the Postconquest Demographic Collapse of the Americas in Historical CO2 Levels" (PDF). Earth Interactions . 10 (11): 1. Bibcode:2006EaInt..10k...1F. doi:10.1175/EI157.1. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  89. Richard J. Nevle et al., "Ecological-hydrological effects of reduced biomass burning in the neotropics after A.D. 1500," Geological Society of America Meeting, Minneapolis MN, 11 October 2011. abstract Archived 15 August 2019 at the Wayback Machine . Popular summary: "Columbus' arrival linked to carbon dioxide drop: Depopulation of Americas may have cooled climate Archived 13 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine ," Science News, 5 November 2011. (access date 2 January 2012).
  90. Denevan, William M. (1992). "The pristine myth: the landscape of the Americas in 1492". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 82 (3): 369–385. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1992.tb01965.x. JSTOR   2563351.
  91. Watts, Sheldon (1999). Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism . Yale University Press. ISBN   978-0-300-08087-2.
  92. David E. Stannard (1993-11-18). American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New World. Oxford University Press, USA. p. xii. ISBN   978-0-19-508557-0.
  93. Reséndez, Andrés (2016). The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 17. ISBN   978-0-547-64098-3.
  94. Guilmet, George M; Boyd, Robert T; Whited, David L; Thompson, Nile (1991). "The Legacy of Introduced Disease: The Southern Coast Salish". American Indian Culture and Research Journal. 15 (4): 1–32. doi:10.17953/aicr.15.4.133g8x7135072136.
  95. Empire of Fortune; Francis Jennings; W. W. Norton & Company; 1988; pp. 200, 447–48
  96. 1 2 Fenn, Elizabeth A. Biological Warfare in Eighteenth-Century North America: Beyond Jeffery Amherst Archived 3 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine ; The Journal of American History, Vol. 86, No. 4, March 2000
  97. 1 2 The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindian; Esther Wagner Stearn, Allen Edwin Stearn; University of Minnesota; 1945; pp. 13–20, 73–94, 97
  98. Chardon's Journal at Fort Clark, 1834–1839; Annie Heloise Abel; Books for Libraries Press; 1932; pp. 319, 394
  99. Princes and Peasants: Smallpox in History; Donald R. Hopkins; University of Chicago Press; 1983; pp. 270–71
  100. Robert Blaisdell ed., Great Speeches by Native Americans, p. 116.
  101. Rotting Face: Smallpox and the American Indian; R. G. Robertson; Caxton Press; 2001 pp. 80–83; 298–312
  102. Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence: From Ancient Times to the Present; George C. Kohn; pp. 252–53
  103. Smith, Michael E. (2003) [1996]. The Aztecs (2nd ed.). Malden, Massachusetts, US and Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. p. 279. ISBN   978-0-631-23016-8. OCLC   59452395.
  104. McCaa, Robert. "Spanish and Nahuatl Views on Smallpox and Demographic Catastrophe in the Conquest of Mexico" . Retrieved 7 May 2013.
  105. Dutch Children's Disease Kills Thousands of Mohawks Archived 2007-12-17 at the Wayback Machine . Paulkeeslerbooks.com
  106. Duffy, John (1951). "Smallpox and the Indians in the American Colonies". Bulletin of the History of Medicine. 25 (4): 324–341. JSTOR   44443622. PMID   14859018. ProQuest   1296241519.
  107. Ramenofsky, Ann Felice (1987). Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact. University of New Mexico Press. ISBN   978-0-8263-0997-6.[ page needed ]
  108. Hanna, Charles A.: The wilderness trail: or, the ventures and adventures of the Pennsylvania traders on the Allegheny path, with some new annals of the old West, and the records of some strong men and some bad ones (1911) pg.366
  109. Ewald, Paul W. (2000). Plague Time: How Stealth Infections Cause Cancer, Heart Disease, and Other Deadly Ailments . New York: Free. ISBN   978-0-684-86900-1.
  110. Ecuyer, Simeon: Fort Pitt and letters from the frontier (1892). Captain Simeon Ecuyer's Journal: Entry of June 24,1763
  111. Flight, Colette (17 February 2011). "Silent Weapon: Smallpox and Biological Warfare". BBC.
  112. "Tribes - Native Voices". www.nlm.nih.gov. Retrieved 2024-04-23.
  113. 1 2 Ranlet, P (2000). "The British, the Indians, and smallpox: what actually happened at Fort Pitt in 1763?". Pennsylvania History. 67 (3): 427–441. PMID   17216901.
  114. Barras, V.; Greub, G. (June 2014). "History of biological warfare and bioterrorism". Clinical Microbiology and Infection. 20 (6): 497–502. doi: 10.1111/1469-0691.12706 . PMID   24894605.
  115. King, J. C. H. (2016). Blood and Land: The Story of Native North America. Penguin UK. p. 73. ISBN   978-1-84614-808-8.
  116. Barras, V.; Greub, G. (June 2014). "History of biological warfare and bioterrorism" (PDF). Clinical Microbiology and Infection. 20 (6): 497–502. doi: 10.1111/1469-0691.12706 . PMID   24894605. However, in the light of contemporary knowledge, it remains doubtful whether his hopes were fulfilled, given the fact that the transmission of smallpox through this kind of vector is much less efficient than respiratory transmission, and that Native Americans had been in contact with smallpox >200 years before Ecuyer's trickery, notably during Pizarro's conquest of South America in the 16th century. As a whole, the analysis of the various 'pre-micro-biological' attempts at BW illustrate the difficulty of differentiating attempted biological attack from naturally occurring epidemics.
  117. Medical Aspects of Biological Warfare. 2007. p. 3. ISBN   978-0-16-087238-9. In retrospect, it is difficult to evaluate the tactical success of Captain Ecuyer's biological attack because smallpox may have been transmitted after other contacts with colonists, as had previously happened in New England and the South. Although scabs from smallpox patients are thought to be of low infectivity as a result of binding of the virus in fibrin metric, and transmission by fomites has been considered inefficient compared with respiratory droplet transmission.
  118. Burke, James P. (May 2009). Pioneers of Second Fork. pp. 19–22. ISBN   978-1-4685-3459-7.
  119. E. Wagner Stearn, and Allen E. Stearn, "Smallpox Immunization of the Amerindian." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 13.5 (1943): 601-613.
  120. Donald R. Hopkins, The Greatest Killer: Smallpox in History (U of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 271.
  121. Paul Kelton, "Avoiding the Smallpox Spirits: Colonial Epidemics and Southeastern Indian Survival," Ethnohistory 51:1 (winter 2004) pp. 45-71.
  122. Kristine B. Patterson, and Thomas Runge, "Smallpox and the native American." American journal of the medical sciences 323.4 (2002): 216-222. online
  123. Dollar, Clyde D. (1977). "The High Plains Smallpox Epidemic of 1837-38" . The Western Historical Quarterly. 8 (1): 15–38. doi:10.2307/967216. JSTOR   967216. PMID   11633561.
  124. Elizabeth A. Fenn, Encounters at the Heart of the World: A History of the Mandan People (2015) ch. 14.
  125. 1 2 Marshall, Joseph (2005) [2004]. The Journey of Crazy Horse, A Lakota History.
  126. Lange, Greg. "Smallpox Epidemic of 1862 among Northwest Coast and Puget Sound Indians". HistoryLink. Retrieved 8 February 2021.
  127. Ostroff, Joshua (August 2017). "How a smallpox epidemic forged modern British Columbia". Maclean's. Retrieved 9 February 2021.
  128. Boyd, Robert; Boyd, Robert Thomas (1999). "A final disaster: the 1862 smallpox epidemic in coastal British Columbia". The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence: Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline Among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774–1874. University of British Columbia Press. pp. 172–201. ISBN   978-0-295-97837-6 . Retrieved 10 February 2021.
  129. Swanky, Tom (2013). The True Story of Canada's "War" of Extermination on the Pacific – Plus the Tsilhqot'in and other First Nations Resistance. Dragon Heart Enterprises. pp. 617–619. ISBN   978-1-105-71164-0.[ permanent dead link ]
  130. Lippi, Donatella; Gotuzzo, Eduardo; Caini, Saverio (August 2016). "Cholera". Microbiology Spectrum. 4 (4). doi:10.1128/microbiolspec.PoH-0012-2015. ISSN   2165-0497. PMID   27726771. S2CID   215231458.
  131. Merrell, D. Scott; Butler, Susan M.; Qadri, Firdausi; Dolganov, Nadia A.; Alam, Ahsfaqul; Cohen, Mitchell B.; Calderwood, Stephen B.; Schoolnik, Gary K.; Camilli, Andrew (June 2002). "Host-induced epidemic spread of the cholera bacterium". Nature. 417 (6889): 642–645. Bibcode:2002Natur.417..642M. doi:10.1038/nature00778. ISSN   1476-4687. PMC   2776822 . PMID   12050664.
  132. "Cholera". HISTORY. 2023-03-27. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  133. Balasooriya, B. M. J. Kalpana; Rajapakse, Jay; Gallage, Chaminda (2023-12-10). "A review of drinking water quality issues in remote and indigenous communities in rich nations with special emphasis on Australia". Science of the Total Environment. 903 166559. Bibcode:2023ScTEn.90366559B. doi: 10.1016/j.scitotenv.2023.166559 . ISSN   0048-9697. PMID   37633366.
  134. Fredrick, Tony; Ponnaiah, Manickam; Murhekar, Manoj V.; Jayaraman, Yuvaraj; David, Joseph K.; Vadivoo, Selvaraj; Joshua, Vasna (March 2015). "Cholera Outbreak Linked with Lack of Safe Water Supply Following a Tropical Cyclone in Pondicherry, India, 2012". Journal of Health, Population, and Nutrition. 33 (1): 31–38. ISSN   1606-0997. PMC   4438646 . PMID   25995719.
  135. "CHOLERA EPIDEMIC OF 1832 | Encyclopedia of Cleveland History | Case Western Reserve University". case.edu. 2018-05-11. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  136. "NYCdata | Disasters". www.baruch.cuny.edu. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  137. Morgan, James P. (1988). "The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866" . JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association. 260 (2): 272. doi:10.1001/jama.1988.03410020138049 . Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  138. 1 2 "Encyclopedia of Arkansas". Encyclopedia of Arkansas. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  139. Powers, Ramon; Leiker, James N. (1998). "Cholera among the Plains Indians: Perceptions, Causes, Consequences" . The Western Historical Quarterly. 29 (3): 317–340. doi:10.2307/970577. ISSN   0043-3810. JSTOR   970577.
  140. Tulchinsky, Theodore H. (2018). "John Snow, Cholera, the Broad Street Pump; Waterborne Diseases Then and Now". Case Studies in Public Health: 77–99. doi:10.1016/B978-0-12-804571-8.00017-2. ISBN   978-0-12-804571-8. PMC   7150208 .
  141. Lively, Cathy Purvis (2021-03-08). "COVID-19 in the Navajo Nation Without Access to Running Water : The lasting effects of Settler Colonialism". Voices in Bioethics. 7. doi:10.7916/vib.v7i.7889. ISSN   2691-4875.
  142. "Cholera - Pandemic, Waterborne, 19th Century | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  143. Dean, Michael Emmans (May 2016). "Selective suppression by the medical establishment of unwelcome research findings: the cholera treatment evaluation by the General Board of Health, London 1854". Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine. 109 (5): 200–205. doi:10.1177/0141076816645057. ISSN   0141-0768. PMC   4872209 . PMID   27150713.
  144. Watrous, Mailing Address: PO Box 127; Us, NM 87753 Phone: 505 425-8025 Contact. "Pandemics - Fort Union National Monument (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov. Retrieved 2024-02-02.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  145. "Cholera". www.who.int. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  146. Lakhani, Nina (2021-04-28). "Tribes without clean water demand an end to decades of US government neglect". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  147. "Biography: Winona LaDuke". Biography: Winona LaDuke. Retrieved 2024-02-02.