Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | PDI-P/PDIP PDI Perjuangan |
General Chairwoman | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
Secretary-General | Hasto Kristiyanto |
DPR group leader | Utut Adianto |
Founded | 10 January 1973 (as PDI) [1] 15 February 1999 (as PDI-P) [1] |
Split from | PDI |
Headquarters | Menteng, Central Jakarta, Jakarta |
Youth wing |
|
Muslim wing | BAMUSI (Indonesian Muslims Abode) |
Chinese wing | KITA Perjuangan (Indonesian Chinese Community of Struggle) |
Membership (2022) | 478,008 [2] |
Ideology | |
Political position | Centre [17] to centre-left [19] |
Regional affiliation | |
International affiliation | Progressive Alliance [22] |
Slogan | Kerja Kita, Kerja Indonesia (Our Work, Indonesia's Work) |
Anthem | Hymne PDI-P(PDI-P Hymn) Mars PDI-P(PDI-P March) |
Ballot number | 3 |
DPR seats | 110 / 580 |
DPRD I seats | 389 / 2,372 |
DPRD II seats | 2,810 / 17,510 |
Website | |
pdiperjuangan | |
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (Indonesian : Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDI-P) is a centre to centre-left secular-nationalist political party in Indonesia. Since 2014, it has been the ruling and largest party in the House of Representatives (DPR), having won 110 seats in the latest election. The party is led by Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served as the president of Indonesia from 2001 to 2004.
In 1996, Megawati was forced out from the leadership of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) by the New Order government under Suharto. After Suharto's resignation and the lifting of restrictions on political parties, she founded the party. PDI-P won the 1999 legislative election, and Megawati assumed the presidency in July 2001, replacing Abdurrahman Wahid. Following the end of her term, PDI-P became the opposition during the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) administration. Megawati ran with Prabowo Subianto in 2009, [23] but they were defeated by SBY. In 2014, PDI-P nominated Joko Widodo (Jokowi) as its presidential candidate. The party returned to power following its victory in the legislative election, and Jokowi was elected president. PDI-P continued its success in 2019, and Jokowi was re-elected for his second term. In 2024, the party won the legislative election, but its presidential candidate, Ganjar Pranowo, lost to Prabowo. President Jokowi's alleged support for Prabowo strained his relationship with PDI-P, leading to his formal ousting after the Constitutional Court (MK) rejected all claims.
It is a member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats, [21] the Network of Social Democracy in Asia, [20] and the Progressive Alliance. [22]
At the 1993 National Congress, Megawati Sukarnoputri was elected Chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party, one of the three political parties recognised by President Suharto's "New Order" government. This result was not recognised by the government, which continued to push for Budi Harjono, its preferred candidate for the chairpersonship, to be elected. A Special Congress was held where the government expected to have Harjono elected, but Megawati once again emerged as elected leader. Her position was consolidated further when a PDI National Assembly ratified the results of the congress.
In June 1996, another National Congress was held in the city of Medan, to which Megawati was not invited; anti-Megawati members were in attendance. With the government's backing, Suryadi, a former chairperson was re-elected as PDI's Chairperson. Megawati refused to acknowledge the results of this congress and continued to see herself as the rightful leader of the PDI.
On the morning of 27 July 1996, Suryadi threatened to take back PDI's headquarters in Jakarta. [24] Suryadi's supporters (reportedly with the Government's backing) attacked the PDI Headquarters and faced resistance from Megawati supporters who had been stationed there since the National Congress in Medan. In the ensuing clash, Megawati's supporters managed to hold on to the headquarters. A riot ensued – at that stage considered the worst that Jakarta had seen during the "New Order" – which was followed by a government crackdown. The government later blamed the riots on the Democratic People's Party (PRD). Despite being overthrown as chairperson by Suryadi and the government, the event lifted Megawati's profile immensely, providing both sympathy and national popularity.
The PDI was now divided into two factions, Megawati's and Suryadi's. The former had wanted to participate in the 1997 legislative elections, but the government only recognized the latter. In the elections, Megawati and her supporters threw their support behind the United Development Party and the PDI won only 3% of the vote. Following Suharto's resignation and the lifting of the "New Order" limitations on national political parties, Megawati declared the formation of the PDI-P, adding the suffix perjuangan ("struggle") to differentiate her faction of the party from the government-backed faction. She was elected chairperson of PDI-P and was nominated for the presidency in 1999. De facto, PDI-P became a transformation or re-establishment of PDI and not a split. [1]
PDI-P was by far the most popular political party coming into the 1999 legislative elections. With 33% of the votes, PDI-P emerged with the largest share. [25] As the 1999 People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) General Session loomed closer, it was expected that PDI-P would once again play the dominant role. Despite winning the legislative elections, PDI-P did not have absolute majority. Despite this, however, PDI-P never formed a coalition with any of the other political parties in the lead-up to the 1999 MPR General Session. The closest PDI-P had to a coalition was a loose alliance with Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB). The presidency looked set to be contested by Megawati and the then incumbent B. J. Habibie of Golkar who was looking for a second term. However, MPR chairman Amien Rais had other ideas as he formed a coalition called the Central Axis which consisted of Muslim parties. Amien also announced that he would like to nominate Wahid as president. PKB, their alliance with PDI-P never cemented, now moved over to the Central Axis. Golkar then joined this coalition after Habibie's accountability speech was rejected and he withdrew from the race. It came down to Megawati and Wahid. Wahid, with a powerful coalition backing him, was elected as Indonesia's 4th president with 373 votes to Megawati's 313. The PDI-P supporters were outraged. As the winners of the legislative elections, they also expected to win the presidential elections. PDI-P masses began rioting in cities such as Jakarta, Solo and Medan. The normally peaceful Bali was also involved in pro-Megawati protests. Wahid then realized that there was a need to recognize PDI-P's status as the winners of the Legislative Elections. With that, he encouraged Megawati to run for the vice presidency. Megawati rejected this offer when she saw that she had to face opponents such as United Development Party's (PPP) Hamzah Haz and Golkar's Akbar Tanjung and Wiranto. After some politicking by Wahid, Akbar and Wiranto withdrew from the race. Wahid also ordered PKB to throw their weight behind Megawati. She was now confident and competed in the vice presidential elections, and was elected with 396 votes to Hamzah's 284.
The First PDI-P Congress was held in Semarang, Central Java in April 2000, during which Megawati was re-elected as the chairperson of PDI-P for a second term. The congress was noted as one where she consolidated her position within PDI-P by taking harsh measures to remove potential rivals. [26] During the election for the chairperson, two other candidates emerged, Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono. Both ran because they did not want Megawati to hold the PDI-P chairpersonship while concurrently being Vice President. For Eros, when finally received his nomination from the South Jakarta branch, membership problems arose and made his nomination void. He was then not allowed to go and participate in the congress. Disillusioned with what he perceived to be a cult of personality developing around Megawati, Eros left PDI-P and in July 2002, formed the Freedom Bull National Party. For Dimyati, although his candidacy was not opposed as harshly as Eros', he was removed from his position as Head of PDI-P's Central Branch. He kept his position as a People's Representative Council (DPR) member but retired in February 2002. In April 2002, Dimyati formed the Our Homeland of Indonesia Party (PITA).
Although it had not supported Wahid for presidency, PDI-P members received ministerial positions in his cabinet because of Megawati's position as vice president. As time went on, much like the Central Axis that had supported Wahid, PDI-P would grow disillusioned with him. In April 2000, Laksamana Sukardi, a PDI-P member who held position as Minister of Investments and State Owned Enterprises was sacked from his position. When PDI-P enquired as to why this was done, Wahid claimed it was because of corruption but never backed up his claim. The relationship improved somewhat when later in the year, when Wahid authorized Megawati to manage the day-to-day running of the government. However, she and PDI-P had slowly but surely started to distance themselves from Wahid and join forces with the Central Axis. Finally, in July 2001 at a Special Session of the MPR, Wahid was removed as president. Megawati was then elected as president to replace him with Hamzah as her vice president, becoming Indonesia's first female president. They party, however, faced further splits after Megawati became president with more disillusioned members leaving the party. Two of them were Megawati's own sisters. In May 2002, Sukmawati Sukarnoputri formed the Indonesian National Party Marhaenism (PNI-Marhaenisme). This was followed in November 2002, with Rachmawati Sukarnoputri declaring the formation of the Pioneers' Party (PP).
By 2004, the reformist sentiments that had led PDI-P to victory in the 1999 elections had died down. Many were disappointed with what the reform process had achieved thus far and were also disappointed with Megawati's presidency. This was reflected in the 2004 legislative election, PDI-P obtained 18.5% of the total vote, down from the 33.7% it obtained in 1999. [27] PDI-P nominated Megawati as its presidential candidate for the 2004 presidential election. Several running mates were considered, including Hamzah Haz (to renew the partnership), Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), and Jusuf Kalla. Megawati eventually selected Nahdatul Ulama chairman Hasyim Muzadi as her running mate. It was expected that she would appeal to nationalist sentiments while Hasyim would appeal to Islamist voters. In the first round of elections, the pairing came second to SBY/Kalla. To improve their chances in the run-off, the PDI-P formed a coalition with the PPP, Golkar, the Reform Star Party (PBR) and the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) in August 2004. However, they were defeated in the run-off against SBY/Kalla. The National Coalition then turned their eyes on being the opposition in the DPR for the SBY/Kalla government. With Kalla's election as chairman of Golkar, Golkar defected to the government's side, leaving the PDI-P as the only major opposition party in the DPR.
On 28 March 2005, the second PDI-P Congress was held in Sanur, Bali where Megawati was re-elected to the chairpersonship for a third term. Her brother, Guruh Sukarnoputra, was chosen as head of the party's Education and Culture department. This congress was noted for the formation of a faction called the Renewal of PDI-P Movement. It called for a renewal of the party leadership if it was to win the 2009 legislative elections. Although they attended the Congress, the members left once Megawati was re-elected. In December 2005, these same members would form the Democratic Renewal Party (PDP).
The party came third in the 2009 legislative election with 14% of the votes. It had 95 seats in the DPR. [28] Megawati was chosen as the presidential candidate, this time with a coalition between the Great Indonesia Movement Party and PDI-P themselves, with Prabowo Subianto as her running mate. They lost to SBY, with Boediono as vice-president, who won 26.6% of the vote.
In March 2014, the party nominated Jakarta governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate, with Jusuf Kalla as his running mate. The pairing won with 53.15% of the vote, [29] and PDI-P returned as the largest party in the DPR, winning nearly 19% of the vote. [30]
In April 2019, incumbent president Joko Widodo was the party's presidential candidate running for a second term, with Ma'ruf Amin as his running mate. Widodo won a second term with 55.50% of the vote. [31] PDI-P remained the largest party in the DPR, winning 19.33% of the vote. [32]
In preparation for the 2024 Indonesian general election, the party split over the choice of a presidential candidate. Younger party members opposed Puan Maharani, the older generation's preference, in favor of Ganjar Pranowo. Despite his popularity, Pranowo declared he wouldn't run. [33] [34] On 9 October 2021, Bambang Wuryanto urged unity under the Banteng (Javanese for "bull") command for Maharani supporters, labeling dissenters as Celeng (Javanese for "wild boar"). [35] In response, young members launched the Barisan Celeng Berjuang ("Fighting Boars Front") campaign on 12 October 2021, criticizing Wuryanto and the Central Board. [36] [37] [38] They adopted a flag with an inverted color scheme as a symbol of defiance. [39] [40] On 15 October 2021, the PDI-P Central Board sanctioned members from both sides for attempting to bypass the leadership's decision-making process, emphasizing that only Megawati could decide the official presidential nominee and urging an end to the rivalry. [41]
On 21 April 2023, Ganjar was officially nominated by PDI-P as its presidential candidate. [42] On 22 October, Gibran Rakabuming Raka–an active member of the party and the son of Jokowi–was officially nominated by the Advanced Indonesia Coalition as the vice-presidential candidate for Prabowo Subianto, after a controversial decision by the Constitutional Court allowed him to run. In November, Gibran was expelled from the party. In the following months, some members and politicians from PDI-P began to attack Jokowi. During the party's anniversary celebration held on 10 January 2024, Megawati indirectly criticized "power hungry" leaders. Observers believe that her statement is directed towards Jokowi, who was not invited to the event. She asserted that PDI-P had triumphed in the two preceding elections due to the people's backing, rather than owing to Jokowi's influence. [43]
Jokowi's alleged preference towards Prabowo Subianto over the party's nominee Ganjar Pranowo had caused splits to occur within the party. Members such as Budiman Sudjatmiko, Bobby Nasution, Immanuel Ebenezer and Maruarar Sirait had left the party due to their support to Prabowo Subianto. [44]
On 22 April 2024, in aftermath of Constitutional Court rejection over all claims and disputes related to the 2024 presidential election, PDI-P Central Board declared that both Jokowi and Gibran were no longer PDI-P member, [45] [46] thus confirming their separation from PDI-P. PDI-P on 7 May 2024 submitted a lawsuit against the General Elections Commission to the Jakarta Administrative Court in hopes to annul the election results and prevent Prabowo and Gibran to be sworn in as president and vice president by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). [47]
On 28 May 2024, PDI-P held their 5th national meeting in Ancol, North Jakarta. The meeting declared that the 2024 general elections is by far the worst in Indonesia's democratic history due to massive practice of money politics, lack of ethics, abuse of power from the government and alleged violation of neutrality from election officials. PDI-P invites constitutional law experts, civil society, press, academics, intellectuals and all pro-democracy elements to carry out an objective evaluation of the implementation of the 2024 elections and demand all sides of the political spectrum to maintaining and realizing the ideals of the Reformasi, especially the institutionalization of democracy with popular sovereignty; eradicating corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN); strengthening the press and civil society; supremacy of law; institutionalization of political parties; fair election organizers, and placing the TNI and POLRI to be more professional; and have an equal position in accordance with the spirit and history of its formation; its duties, functions and authorities are in accordance with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. [48] The meeting also recommended that Megawati Sukarnoputri to once again held chairpersonship from 2025 to 2030. [48]
As the result of their conduct of not supporting the choice of the party in the 2024 presidential and local elections, PDI-P will formally fire 27 members from the party which may include former President Joko Widodo and sitting Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka on 17 December 2024. [49] Party secretary general Hasto Kristiyanto said the move is to solidify the party and to remind PDI-P's commitment to Indonesia's democracy. [50] [51]
The 2008 Law on Political Parties states that political parties are allowed to include specific characteristics that reflect their political aspirations, as long as they do not contradict Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. [52] As per Article 5, Section 1 of its constitution and bylaws (AD/ART), PDI-P adheres to Pancasila. Megawati specifically clarified that the Pancasila referred to is the version of 1 June 1945. [53] In September 2023, the party's Secretary-General, Hasto Kristiyanto, claimed that PDI-P is a progressive "leftist" party, not a communist nor socialist party. [11] Outsider views on the party's political orientation vary. Academics and domestic observers classified PDI-P as a nationalist [54] and secular party, [55] [56] while their international counterparts described it as a secular-nationalist, [4] [5] [57] [58] liberal-secularist, [59] or populist party. [8] [9] In the party's stronghold of Central Java, PDI-P has been described as a catch-all party. [60] Its political leaning has been described as centrist, [17] [61] [62] [63] centre-left, [6] [64] left-wing, [65] [66] and even centre-right. [67]
PDI-P supports the separation of religion and the state. [68] It rejects regional regulations (perda) based on religion (such as Sharia-based perda), except for the Aceh region. [69] PDI-P endorses gender equality and women's rights. [70] It rejects a three-term extension for President Jokowi. [71] The party also proclaims itself as the party of the "ordinary people". [72]
According to its website, the party aims to realize the aims contained in the preamble to the 1945 Constitution in the form of a just and prosperous society and to bring about an Indonesia that is socially just as well as politically sovereign and economically self-sufficient, and that is Indonesian in character and culture. [73] At the party's fourth congress in 2015, PDIP issued a seven-point statement entitled "Realizing Great Indonesia, an Indonesia that is Truly Independent", in which it committed itself to oversee the program of the central government. The statement emphasizes the Trisakti path as essential for political sovereignty, economic self-reliance, and cultural identity. It aims to revive national dignity, collaboration, and social justice while solidifying itself as a political force and underlining its support for the poor and battling structural poverty. [74]
The PDI-P parliamentary group in the DPR have expressed their opinions on a few issues:
Year | Bills | Votes | Party stances/Other views |
---|---|---|---|
2019 | Revision of Law on the Corruption Eradication Commission RUU KPK | ||
2022 | Law on Sexual Violence Crimes RUU TPKS | PDI-P urges comprehensive implementation of the bill, emphasizing not only legal enforcement but also addressing obstacles faced by victims. It stresses a focus on prevention and protection, integrating measures for evidence, knowledge, law enforcement, infrastructure, safe houses, rehabilitation, and community safety. [75] | |
2022 | Law on State Capital RUU IKN | PDI-P asserts that the defense system in the future national capital should adhere to standards of strength, capabilities, and security to uphold the nation's integrity and maritime security. [76] | |
2022 | Revision of the Indonesian Criminal Code RUU KUHP | PDI-P urges judges and law enforcement to exercise caution when applying Article 2 (paragraphs 1 and 2) and Articles 46 to 51. For adultery cases, PDI-P requests written consent from spouses, parents, or children before filing a criminal report under that article. [77] | |
2023 | Omnibus Law on Job Creation RUU Cipta Kerja | PDI-P was among the parties that supported the bill. [78] | |
2024 | Special Region of Jakarta Act RUU DKJ | Several PDI-P members objected to specific clauses, particularly regarding the appointment of Jakarta's governor and deputy governor by the president, [79] as they perceived these to be similar to the centralist approach of the New Order era. PDI-P eventually endorsed the bill. [80] |
The 2008 survey by Lingkaran Survei Indonesia (LSI Denny JA) highlights non-Muslims, secular Muslims, and low-income voters as the primary constituents of the PDI-P. It is notably popular among "not at all religious" Muslim voters, with 33% support in the 2009 legislative elections. In the 2009 presidential polls, 41% of non-religious Muslim voters favored Megawati, surpassing her overall 27% support. [81] Regionally, the party boasts a predominantly strong support base in Central Java, often referred to as the PDI-P's "stronghold" or kandang banteng (lit. bull pen), [82] Pangi Chaniago of Voxpol Research Center described the party's electorates in the region as "ideological voters". [60] Additionally, the party thrives in Bali, West and Central Kalimantan, North Sulawesi, as well as Bangka Belitung—areas marked by substantial religious minorities or syncretistic forms of Islam, [83] while facing challenges in certain areas of Sumatra, particularly in Islam-leaning Aceh and West Sumatra. [84] It has also been popular among Chinese Indonesians voters. [85]
The following is the composition of the PDI-P Central Board members for the 2019-2024 working period with 1 year extension until 2025, as inaugurated by Megawati on 5 July 2024: [86]
Position | Name | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Party Chair | Megawati Sukarnoputri | |||||||
Secretaries-General | ||||||||
Secretary-General | Hasto Kristiyanto | |||||||
Deputy Secretary General for Internal Affairs | Utut Adianto | |||||||
Deputy Secretary General for Governmental Affairs | Arif Wibowo | |||||||
Deputy Secretary General for Public Affairs | Sadarestuwati | |||||||
Deputy Secretary General for Communications | Adian Yunus Yusak Napitupulu | |||||||
Deputy Secretary General for Secretariat Affairs | Y. Aryo Adhi Dharmo | |||||||
Treasurers | ||||||||
Treasurer | Olly Dondokambey | |||||||
Deputy Treasurer for Internal Affairs | Rudianto Tjien | |||||||
Deputy Treasurer for External Affairs | Yuke Yurike | |||||||
Chairs of the Central Board | ||||||||
Internal Affairs | ||||||||
Party Honorary Council | Komarudin Watubun | |||||||
Legislative Election Winning Division | Bambang Wuryanto | |||||||
Executive Election Winning Division | Deddy Yevri Hanteru Sitorus | |||||||
Ideology and Cadre Development Division | Djarot Saiful Hidayat | |||||||
Membership and Organization Division | Sukur Nababan | |||||||
Resource Division | Said Abdullah | |||||||
Governmental Affairs | ||||||||
Political Division | Puan Maharani | |||||||
Government and Regional Autonomy Division | Ganjar Pranowo | |||||||
Foreign Affairs | Ahmad Basarah | |||||||
Law and Human Rights Division | Yasonna Laoly | |||||||
People's Advocacy Affairs | ||||||||
National Legal System Reform Division | Ronny Berty Talapessy | |||||||
Economic Affairs | Basuki Tjahaja Purnama | |||||||
Cultural Division | Rano Karno | |||||||
Public Affairs | ||||||||
Disaster Management Division | Tri Rismaharini | |||||||
Industry and Labour Division | Nusirwan Sujono | |||||||
Health Division | Ribka Tjiptaning | |||||||
Social Security Division | Sri Rahayu | |||||||
Women and Children Division | I Gusti Ayu Bintang Darmawati | |||||||
Cooperatives and SMEs Division | I Made Urip | |||||||
Tourism | Sarwo Budi Wiryanti Sukamdani | |||||||
Youth and Sports Division | Eriko Sotarduga | |||||||
Religious Affairs and Belief in God Almighty Division | Zuhairi Misrawi | |||||||
Creative Economy and Digital Economy Division | Muhammad Prananda Prabowo | |||||||
Food and Agriculture Division | Mindo Sianipar | |||||||
Marine and Fisheries Division | Rokhmin Dahuri | |||||||
Forestry Division | Esti Wijayanti |
PDI-P wing organizations include the following:
Election | Ballot number | Total seats won | Total votes | Share of votes | Seat change | Outcome of election | Party leader |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1999 | 11 | 153 / 500 | 35,689,073 | 33.74% [87] | 153 seats | Governing coalition | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
2004 | 18 | 109 / 550 | 21,026,629 | 18.53% [88] | 44 seats | Opposition | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
2009 | 28 | 95 / 560 | 14,600,091 | 14.03% [88] | 14 seats | Opposition | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
2014 | 4 | 109 / 560 | 23,681,471 | 18.95% [30] | 14 seats | Governing coalition | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
2019 | 3 | 128 / 575 | 27,053,961 | 19.33% [89] | 19 seats | Governing coalition | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
2024 | 3 | 110 / 580 | 25,384,673 | 16.72% [90] | 18 seats | Coalition supply | Megawati Sukarnoputri |
Election | Ballot number | Candidate | Running mate | 1st round (Total votes) | Share of votes | Outcome | 2nd round (Total votes) | Share of votes | Outcome |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2004 | 2 | Megawati Sukarnoputri | Hasyim Muzadi | 31,569,104 | 26.61% | Runoff | 44,990,704 | 39.38% | Lost |
2009 | 1 | Megawati Sukarnoputri | Prabowo Subianto | 32,548,105 | 26.79% | Lost | |||
2014 | 2 | Joko Widodo [91] | Jusuf Kalla | 70,997,833 | 53.15% | Elected | |||
2019 | 1 | Joko Widodo | Ma'ruf Amin | 85,607,362 | 55.50% | Elected | |||
2024 | 3 | Ganjar Pranowo | Mahfud MD | 27,040,878 | 16.47% | Lost |
Note: Bold text indicates the party member
Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri is an Indonesian politician who served as the fifth president of Indonesia from 2001 to 2004 and the eighth vice president under President Abdurrahman Wahid from 1999 to 2001.
The Party of Functional Groups, often known by its abbreviation Golkar, is a centre-right big tent secular nationalist political party in Indonesia. Founded in 1964 as the Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups, it is the oldest extant political party in Indonesia. It first participated in national elections in 1971 as Functional Groups. Since 2009, it has been the second-largest party in the House of Representatives (DPR), having won 102 seats in the latest election.
The United Development Party is an Islam-based political party in Indonesia.
The National Awakening Party, frequently abbreviated to PKB, is an Islam-based political party in Indonesia. It is also the party of the former Vice President of Indonesia, Ma'ruf Amin, who was elected to its Shura Council.
The Democratic Party is a centre to centre-right nationalist political party in Indonesia. Currently, it holds 44 seats in the House of Representatives (DPR). It is led by Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY), the son of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), who served as the President of Indonesia from 2004 to 2014.
The Indonesian Democratic Party was a political party in Indonesia which existed from 1973 to 2003. During the New Order era, the PDI was one of the two state-approved parties, the other being the Islam-based United Development Party (PPP).
The National Mandate Party, frequently abbreviated to PAN, is an Islam-based political party in Indonesia.
Budiman Sudjatmiko is an Indonesian activist, politician and actor. He is known for co-authoring the Indonesian Village Law and founding the Innovators 4.0 Movement. He is also known as a reform activist for his involvement in founding and leading the People's Democratic Party (PRD), and infamously, reading out the PRD manifesto in the courtroom. His book, Anak-Anak Revolusi, became one of the sources of information about the world of activism during the New Order era.
Presidential elections were held in Indonesia on 8 July 2009. The elections returned a president and vice president for the 2009–2014 term. Incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, elected with a 20% margin in the 2004 election, sought a second term against former President Megawati Sukarnoputri in a rematch of the 2004 election, as well as incumbent Vice President Jusuf Kalla. Securing a majority of the votes in a landslide victory in the first round, Yudhoyono was re-elected without the need to proceed to a second round. Yudhoyono was officially declared the victor of the election on 23 July 2009, by the General Election Commission (KPU). At the time of his re-election victory, Yudhoyono, with nearly 74 million votes in his favour, held the record for the highest number of votes for a single person in any democratic election in history, surpassing Barack Obama's total of 69.5 million votes in the 2008 United States presidential election. His record was surpassed by his respective successors Joko Widodo who won more than 85 million votes in 2019 and Prabowo Subianto who won more than 96 million votes in 2024.
The People's Conscience Party, better known by its abbreviation, Hanura, is a political party in Indonesia. It was established following a meeting in Jakarta on 13–14 December 2006 and first headed by former Indonesian National Armed Forces commander Wiranto. The party lost its seats in the People's Representative Council after a poor performance in the 2019 general election.
The Great Indonesia Movement Party, better known as the Gerindra Party, is a nationalist, right-wing populist political party in Indonesia. Since 2014, it has been the third-largest party in the House of Representatives (DPR), having won 86 seats in the latest election. It currently controls the presidency. Gerindra is led by the former army general and the current president, Prabowo Subianto.
The NasDem Party is a political party in Indonesia. It is partly funded by media baron Surya Paloh who founded the similarly named organization, National Democrats. Despite this, and logo similarity, Nasional Demokrat has insisted that it is not linked with the party. On 17 May 2023, the Secretary General of the NasDem Party, Johnny G. Plate was named a suspect in the corruption case of the 4G BTS Infrastructure project in frontier, outermost, and disadvantaged areas which was estimated to result in state losses of more than IDR 8 trillion.
General elections were held in Indonesia on 17 April 2019. For the first time in the country's history, the president, the vice president, members of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and members of local legislative bodies were elected on the same day with over 190 million eligible voters. Sixteen parties participated in the elections nationally, including four new parties.
The Indonesian Solidarity Party is a political party in Indonesia that focuses on women's rights, pluralism, and Indonesian youth. It is led by Kaesang Pangarep who is the youngest son of President Joko Widodo. He joined the party on 23 September 2023 and became the general chairman on 25 September 2023.
General elections were held in Indonesia on 14 February 2024 to elect the president, vice president, and People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which consists of the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and members of local legislative bodies (DPRD) at the provincial and city/regency levels. The newly elected members of the MPR would be sworn in on 1 October 2024, while the elected president and vice president would be sworn in on 20 October 2024. Incumbent President Joko Widodo was ineligible to run for a third term due to limitations established by the Indonesian constitution.
This page lists public opinion polls conducted for the 2024 Indonesian legislative election, which will be held on or before 14 February 2024.
The 2024 Jakarta gubernatorial election was held on 27 November 2024 to elect both the governor and vice governor of Jakarta for the 2025 to 2030 term. The election was held as part of local elections for governors, regents, and mayors across 36 other provinces in Indonesia.
The Onward Indonesia Coalition was an official political coalition in Indonesia that supported the presidential/vice presidential candidates Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential election. It was initially known as the Working Indonesia Coalition, founded in 2018. The coalition was later utilized as the government of President Joko Widodo from 2019 to 2024. It was dissolved on 20 October 2024.
The electoral campaign for the 2024 Indonesian presidential election of Ganjar Pranowo, two-term governor of Central Java, was officially launched in April 2023 upon his party the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's endorsement of his candidacy on 21 April 2023. On 18 October 2023, PDI-P endorsed Mahfud MD as candidate vice president.
Presidential elections were held in Indonesia on 14 February 2024 with defence minister and former general Prabowo Subianto contesting the elections against the former governor of Jakarta, Anies Baswedan and the former governor of Central Java, Ganjar Pranowo; incumbent president Joko Widodo was constitutionally barred from seeking a third term in office.
... election was won by Joko Widodo, the candidate of the predominantly secular and socially liberal PDI-P party.
{{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)