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Elections for a new set of provincial and local city and municipal officials were held in the Philippines on January 18, 1988 under the new Constitution of the Philippines which was ratified in 1987.
The local elections of January 18, 1988, were the third nationwide electoral exercise held under the presidency of Corazon Aquino. In February 1987, a new constitution was ratified in a plebiscite. In May, an election for a new congress was held, which was dominated by allies of the president. [1] [2] Barangay elections were held in 1989. [1] On the other hand, these were also the first since 1980, [2] the only such elections during the nationwide martial law under the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos. [3]
After Marcos was ousted in the 1986 People Power Revolution, [1] [4] [5] public offices were subjected to the reforms under the "Freedom Constitution" in the Aquino administration's effort to weaken the political machine of Marcos' political party Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) and his allies in the country. [1] A two-year political process began [3] with Proclamation No. 3, issued by Aquino on March 25 which, among other orders, effectively abolishing all elective positions nationwide; [1] all elected local government officials were removed, particularly (or most of) [3] those affiliated either with the Marcoses or with the KBL. [1] The Ministry of Local Government, through an executive order, later appointed Officers-in-Charge to take over local government offices. This caused yet little opposition, mainly by vice president Salvador Laurel, and confusion among these units. [1] Moreover, the local government's failure to deliver goods and services only resulted to the continued communist insurgency. [3]
Meanwhile, local elections were originally set in May [1] but were delayed twice, [3] first for a year pending the constitutional plebiscite. [1] Aquino said that the elections would "complete the cycle" of restoration of democracy in the country. [2] [3]
The 45-day [3] campaign period started on December 1, 1987. [4] [6] Between 150,000 [7] and 160,000 [8] candidates sought for 15,946 local positions, [9] [a] which included 73 provincial governors and 1,564 city and town mayors. [10] Continued rivalry and popularity were much observed, rather than issues to be raised. [7]
The administration's "people power" coalition, in an effort to control over regions controlled either by the radical left or right, had political alliances with candidates philosophically opposed to the president. [6] It was observed that politicians, belonged to many former Marcos kingpins [3] and some right-wing warlords with loyalty issues [7] and mostly removed by Aquino, [10] were among those endorsed either by the administration or by one of its coalition's parties, over candidates who had been pro-Aquino. [10] Such decision subjected the president to criticism; [10] and was charged by critics as simply returning to the pre-martial law local dynastic politics. [3] On the other hand, the family backed some new candidates in several regions. [3] As a result, almost all candidates claimed themselves pro-Aquino, [7] while some of the president's critics ran as independents. [10] Aquino personally endorsed only few candidates and limited her campaigning mainly to Metro Manila. [7] Various political parties openly supported candidates, either independents or from another party. [9]
President Aquino appealed for an end to the violence [7] and for "peaceful and honest elections." [8] Manila Archbishop Cardinal Jaime Sin and the Makati Business Club joined such calls. [4] On the other hand, Vice President Laurel called for a postponement of elections in areas with strong influence by the communist rebels. [11]
The Commission on Elections (COMELEC) declared more than a third of 103,000 precincts "hot spots;" [3] same declaration by the military on at least 930 areas where violence is possible. [4] The COMELEC took over direct supervision of the polls in 30 identified areas; [7] and postponed the elections in eleven of the 73 provinces until February 15 [12] due to security reasons [3] [6] [8] to give way for the implementation of special measures against fraud and violence. [2] Election officials placed cadets, college students in the Reserve Officers' Training Corps and local officers of Jaycees as official poll monitors. [3]
New dates | Local entities |
---|---|
Jan. 25 | Abra Quezon Ilocos Sur Ifugao Maguindanao (including Cotabato City) |
Feb. 1 | Lanao del Sur Lanao del Norte Northern Samar Leyte |
Feb. 8 | Tawi-Tawi Santa Ana, Pampanga |
Feb. 15 | Sulu |
SOURCE: [13] |
All security forces were placed on the alert, particularly to potential trouble areas. [2] The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) deployed all 159,000 combat troops and 65,000 police personnel. On the eve of the elections, its chief of staff Gen. Fidel V. Ramos ordered all regional commanders on maximum alert following intelligence reports on plans by renegade, right-wing military squads to disrupt the elections. [3]
Elections first proceeded in 62 provinces on January 18. [8] In general, there were 27 million eligible voters; [2] the voter turnout was 80%. [9]
Unlike previous elections, no independent poll-watcher groups performed "quick counts"; final results would be made available until two days later as many precincts were situated in remote areas. [6]
Early, unofficial returns showed some candidates endorsed by the administration or her coalition leading in key positions; but same to several veteran politicians particularly in Metro Manila and the provinces. [6] The elections reportedly reinforced traditional [9] and patronage politics. [6] Popular candidates were elected in the urban areas; voters in the rural areas supported their relatives and friends. "Show business" candidates emerged likewise. [9]
In northern Luzon where former president Marcos was still being supported, [6] pro-Marcos candidates were elected particularly in three provinces and in Baguio. [5]
Meanwhile, among those president's relatives, in Quezon City, Mila Aquino–Albert, her sister-in-law, placed [14] third behind two veteran politicians, one being accused of graft. [6] In Rizal, Vic Sumulong, her nephew, lost in the gubernatorial race; while her two other cousins were leading in mayoral races. [14]
Candidates from the dynasties lost in Pampanga, Iloilo and Agusan del Sur; but won in Negros Occidental and Cebu City. [14]
In preparation for the 1992 elections, pro-administration politicians led by House Speaker Ramon Mitra Jr. initiated the merger of all supporting political parties into a single party. For this elections, an alliance was forged between PDP–Laban and Lakas ng Bansa (LnB), then headed by president's brother Representative Jose Cojuangco and president's brother-in-law Paul Aquino, respectively. A common slate was fielded in 53 of 73 provinces, including politicians formerly affiliated with the KBL. [9]
By January 23, the LnB reported securing 42 gubernatorial seats and 41 city mayoral seats. [12] On the other hand, the Liberal Party, while securing 6 gubernatorial and 7 mayoral victories, [12] claimed that they would win 20 of 25 gubernatorial seats, aside from what they said were "secret bets" who joined the administration coalition. [15] Independent candidates reportedly won in 15 provinces and 17 cities. [12]
Party | No. and % of seats | ||
---|---|---|---|
Pro-administration | Lakas ng Bansa | 2,134 | 13.38% |
PDP–Laban | 2,959 | 18.56% | |
LP | 1,259 | 7.9% | |
UNIDO | 591 | 3.71% | |
Coalitions | 2,634 | 16.52% | |
Unknown | 53 | 0.33% | |
Total | 9,630 | 60.39% | |
Opposition | NP | 583 | 3.66% |
KBL | 151 | 0.95% | |
GAD | 1 | 0.01% | |
Partido ng Bayan | 17 | 0.11% | |
Coalitions | 309 | 1.94% | |
Total | 1,061 | 6.65% | |
Independents or regional/local parties | 5,255 | 32.95% | |
Total | 15,946 | 100% | |
SOURCE: COMELEC [9] |
Among those elected candidates, three-fifths were from pro-administration parties, while only almost 7% were from the opposition. [9]
The six-week campaign and the elections were both marred by violence, [2] [6] [8] mainly caused by political rivalries. [7] Nevertheless, election officials said that both were peaceful. [3] [7] The campaign was described by The Philippine Star publisher Max Soliven in his column as "a survival course" with "the candidate still alive [until the counting of ballots be the] most likely to win." [7]
In the entire campaign period, at least 87, including 39 candidates, were killed; [6] 52 were left wounded; [3] and by January 14, there were 24 candidates kidnapped; 15 of them were freed. [7] At least a candidate committed suicide. [7] The incidents were mostly blamed by the military on the New People's Army (NPA), [3] which presumably perpetrated the kidnappings; [7] but observers said some or most may be political killings [4] done by private armies and hired assassins. [3] However, the military stressed that the toll was fewer than those of the previous elections since under Marcos leadership. [3] [7] [d] Meanwhile, Gen. Ramos reported more than 20 violent incidents during the polling which included "snatchings" of ballot box, "strafings" of polling places, and voter harassment. [6]
In Mindanao, from December 31 to January 1, eight were killed in six incidents, including the acting mayor of San Miguel, Zamboanga del Sur, on Jan. 1. On Jan. 2, a pro-administration town council candidate in Escalante, Negros Occidental; a KBL mayoral candidate and former mayor of Roxas, Zamboanga del Norte; and a police detective in Bacolod, were shot dead. [11] In Nueva Vizcaya, an administration mayoral candidate was reported missing and later found beheaded. [7] A political leader, kidnapped by five masked men in Mindanao on Jan. 9, was found dead three days later. [4] On Jan. 11, an opposition mayoral candidate was shot at a campaign rally in Saint Bernard, Southern Leyte. [4] [7] On Jan. 12, two gunmen shot to death a town council candidate in Zamboanga del Sur. [4] A shooting incident occurred in Manila on Jan. 14. [7] Three days prior to elections, a land mine explosion in Kapatagan, Lanao del Norte, killed four people, including KBL mayoral and vice-mayoral candidates. [2] [10] On the eve of elections, administration gubernatorial candidate Roy Padilla was shot during a rally in Camarines Norte; seven were killed in grenade attacks in Surigao City, Quezon, and Nueva Ecija where two died in a pro-administration rally. [8]
On election day in Bacolod, an election worker was shot dead while trying to prevent stealing of ballot boxes. Three separate clashes with communist rebels resulted in the deaths of at least nine soldiers. [6] In Cebu, on January 21, Thaddeus Durano, a defeated candidate in Danao, was shot and injured. Charges of attempted murder were filed against his elder brother, Jesus. Thaddeus accused his opponents, Jesus and their father, Ramon, both who had run the city for decades, of vote buying and fraud. [5]
Meanwhile, there were several reports of fraud; [3] most opposition candidates alleged such due to inaccurate registration lists. [1]
It was reported that for the first time in the communist insurgency, the election was used by the guerrillas to raise funds for arms purchases abroad and consolidated local power bases through kidnappings and selective support for hundreds of candidates. Hence, these contributed to the decrease of violence. [6] Nevertheless, the NPA, whose rebel forces said to be active in three-fourths of the provinces, stepped up its guerrilla attacks including murdering right-wing candidates. [7]
Guerrilla leaders confirmed accusations by Ramos that they had been charging candidates for "safe-conduct passes," [6] reportedly cost a total of ₱10,000 (about $500) each, [7] allowing the latter to campaign without being harmed in guerrilla zones. [6] The nationwide total reportedly reached $2 million; for instance, in the Bicol Region, more than $150,000 was collected. [6] COMELEC said the communists were supporting a tenth of the candidates. [4]
Before the proclamation of all the winners, Aquino, in her weekly program, said the election would help stabilize the country as voters were expected to be cooperative with candidates. [5]
The alliance between the PDP–Laban and the LnB gave way to the establishment of the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino in 1988, merging all pro-administration political parties and groups. With this, the administration's strength in the then 200-member House of Representatives grew from more than 60 (combined) in 1987 to 158 in 1991. [9]
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