2025 US Caribbean naval deployment | |
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Part of the war on cartels, the Mexican drug war and the crisis in Venezuela | |
Approximate locations of American assets as of 2 September according to Newsweek [1] [ better source needed ] | |
Location | |
Planned by | ![]() |
Objective | To combat drug trafficking |
Date | August 2025 – present |
Executed by | ![]() Supported by: ![]() |
Casualties | 21 [2] killed |
In late August 2025, the United States began a naval buildup in the southern Caribbean with the stated goal to combat drug trafficking. [3] [4] US president Donald Trump directed the United States Armed Forces to begin using military force against certain Latin American drug cartels, characterizing the smugglers as narcoterrorists. [5] [6]
The first operation of the campaign was the 2 September strike and sinking of a vessel—coming from Venezuela and allegedly involving Tren de Aragua gang members carrying illegal drugs—killing 11 people. [7] [8] The US deployed military assets to Puerto Rico, subsequent airstrikes destroyed other alleged drug-smuggling vessels, and the Dominican Navy engaged to recover drugs from one of the destroyed vessels.
Experts and Trump administration sources stated that a likely goal of the operation is to pressure the Nicolás Maduro government; [9] [10] [11] [12] others speculated that invasion of Venezuela is unlikely, [13] [14] [15] and questioned the legality of the strikes on vessels.
The militarization of the war on drugs—also known as the war on cartels—dates to 1989 during the presidency of George H.W. Bush, when Bush introduced a national drug control strategy that emphasized supply interdiction and allocated significant resources to involve the Department of Defense. This included the creation of the Office of National Drug Control Policy and formalized the use of military forces in detection operations, foreign force training, and support for law enforcement agencies. [16] On 18 September 1989, then-Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney announced specific plans: a Caribbean counternarcotics task force with military aircraft and ships, deployment of forces along the Mexican border, expanded use of the North American Aerospace Defense Command to detect drug trafficking, and training of forces in South American countries such as Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. Cheney emphasized that the military would not conduct arrests or raids but would expand its role in detection and logistical support, involving "a few hundred" troops in Latin America. [17] [18]
In 1989, president Bush ordered the invasion of Panama to depose the country's de facto dictator, Manuel Noriega. The invasion was condemned by the United Nations General Assembly as a "flagrant violation of international law". The US later provided intelligence about flights with civilians suspected of carrying drugs to Colombian and Peruvian officials; after several planes were shot down, the Clinton administration ceased its assistance in providing information. The United States Navy has intercepted ships believed to be used for drug smuggling operations. The United States Armed Forces broadly engage in joint anti-drug training exercises with other countries, including Colombia and Mexico. [19]
In January 2025, US President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 14157 that directed the US State Department to label certain Western Hemisphere drug cartels as Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Specially Designated Global Terrorists. [19] [20] In February, the Trump administration designated Tren de Aragua, a criminal organization from Venezuela; MS-13; and six Mexico-based groups as foreign terrorist organizations, [21] saying at the time they posed "a national-security threat beyond that posed by traditional organized crime." [19] In July, the US designated the Cartel de los Soles, a purported criminal organization that the US alleges has ties to Venezuelan leadership, as a terrorist organization. [22] [4] At the time, the US State Department's Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs posted on X that it would use "all the resources at our disposal to prevent Maduro from continuing to profit from destroying American lives and destabilizing our hemisphere." [22]
Donald Trump's decision to designate drug cartels as "terrorist" organizations—including the Sinaloa Cartel, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, Cártel del Noreste, Tren de Aragua, MS-13, the Gulf Cartel, and La Nueva Familia Michoacana Organization [23] —established the foundation for US intervention. [24] In July, [25] Trump secretly signed an executive order directing the armed forces to invoke military action against cartels that had been declared as terrorist organizations. [19]
The Trump administration has accused President of Venezuela Nicolás Maduro of trafficking drugs into the US. Earlier in August, the Trump administration raised to $50 million a bounty for the arrest of Maduro over what it alleges to be his role in drug trafficking. Maduro was indicted in the US on drug charges including narcoterrorism in 2020. [21]
After authorizing the Pentagon to use military force against Latin American drug cartels, [25] the Trump administration doubled the reward for the capture of Maduro to $50 million. [26] At the time, an anonymous US official told Reuters that military action against those groups did not seem imminent; another official told Reuters that powers granted in the order included allowing the Navy to carry out sea operations including drug interdiction and targeted military raids. [27]
On 20 August, Trump ordered three Navy warships to the coast of South America. [28] [29] As of 29 August, seven US warships, along with one nuclear-powered fast attack submarine, were in and around the Southern Caribbean, bringing along more than 4,500 sailors and marines. [30]
The Central Intelligence Agency joined the military campaign after confirming that it would play a significant role in combating drug cartels, just as it is considering using lethal force against these criminal organizations. [31]
Venezuela said it would mobilize more than four million soldiers in the Bolivarian Militia of Venezuela. [32] On 26 August, Venezuela's defense minister announced a naval deployment around Venezuela's main oil hub. [3] Maduro said he "would constitutionally declare a republic in arms" if the country is attacked by forces that the US has deployed to the Caribbean. [33] [34]
According to The Economist , the US typically has "two or three American warships and Coast Guard cutters" on patrol in the southern Caribbean. [4] As of 25 September, the deployment includes ten ships: the guided-missile destroyers USS Gravely, USS Jason Dunham, and USS Sampson; the amphibious assault ship USS Iwo Jima and the amphibious transport docks USS San Antonio and USS Fort Lauderdale; the guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Erie; the littoral combat ship USS Minneapolis-Saint Paul; [35] the nuclear fast attack submarine USS Newport News, [3] the special operations ship MV Ocean Trader [36] and the missile destroyer USS Stockdale. [37] According to the Financial Times , "Five of the eight vessels are equipped with Tomahawk missiles, which can hit land targets." [3]
The Iwo Jima, Fort Lauderdale, and San Antonio of the Iwo Jima Amphibious Ready Group left Norfolk, Virginia on 14 August, [38] with more than 4,000 personnel, including the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit, with 2,200 Marines. [a] According to the US Naval Institute this marked "the first time a US-based Amphibious Ready Group with embarked Marines has deployed since December." [38] Historian Alan McPherson stated that the naval buildup is the largest in the region since 1965. [10]
During a surprise trip on 8 September to Puerto Rico with US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Dan Caine, Hegseth told sailors and Marines assigned to the area: "What you're doing right now – it's not training ... This is the real-world exercise on behalf of the vital national interests of the United States of America to end the poisoning of the American people." [43]
In response to the presence of Navy warships in Latin America, two Venezuelan BMA F-16 fighter jets flew over the USS Jason Dunham on 4 September. [44] The US Department of Defense called it "highly provocative" and deployed ten F-35 fighter jets [45] and two MQ-9 Reaper drones [46] to Puerto Rico. [47] That same day Rubio met with Ecuadorian president Daniel Naboa in Quito; Rubio stated that Trump intended to "wage war" on those that have "been waging war on us for 30 years" and designated the gangs Los Lobos and Los Choneros as narco terrorists, in agreement with Naboa. [48] [49]
The Venezuelan government stated on 12 September that a US destroyer had detained and boarded a tuna fishing boat with nine crew members. The destroyer eventually released the boat, and it was escorted away by the Venezuelan navy. Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs Yván Gil responded that this act was illegal and added that Venezuela would defend itself. [50]
In a display of its military strength, Venezuela initiated large-scale military exercises in the Caribbean on 17 September. The maneuvers, involving naval and air forces, are intended to bolster the nation's defense capabilities and demonstrate its readiness to protect its sovereign waters. [51]
On 25 September, Task & Purpose reported that the US had deployed special operations ship MV Ocean Trader to the Caribbean. [36]
On 30 September, Trump told reporters his administration would "look very seriously at cartels coming by land", which according to the Miami Herald "align[s] with recent media reports suggesting the administration is reviewing plans for targeted operations inside Venezuela." [52]
On 2 September, Trump said that the US had struck a boat carrying unspecified illegal drugs, alleging it was operated by the Tren de Aragua. Trump said that the strike killed 11 "narcoterrorists". [8] According to The Wall Street Journal , "The attack was the U.S. military's first publicly acknowledged airstrike in Central or South America since the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989." [53] Trump hinted at further military action, stating: "There's more where that came from." [54] [55]
The following day, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth stated that military actions against cartels in Venezuela would continue. [56] Secretary of state Marco Rubio, speaking in Mexico City, said that further strikes would occur, adding that the US was aware of the identities of those on the destroyed boat, but did not provide evidence to authenticate their identity as Tren de Aragua members. [57]
Trump announced on 15 September that another Venezuelan boat had been struck that morning, killing three people who were, according to him, "confirmed narco-terrorists". No evidence that the vessel was carrying drugs was provided. [58] [59] On 16 September, Trump revealed that the US military had sunk another alleged drug-running boat. [60]
Trump announced on 19 September that another vessel allegedly carrying drugs had been destroyed in the Caribbean and that three men had been killed; Trump stated that the vessel was "affiliated with a Designated Terrorist Organization conducting narcotrafficking in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility", but did not specify where the strike occurred, the country of origin, or the alleged criminal affiliation. [61] [62] The Dominican Republic later announced that, under its National Directorate for Drug Control and the Dominican Navy, it had cooperated with the U.S. Navy to locate the boat, which was about 80 nautical miles South of Dominican-controlled Beata Island. After the boat was destroyed the Dominican Navy salvaged 377 packages of cocaine amounting to 1,000 kilograms (2,200 lb). The Directorate stated that "This is the first time in history that the United States and the Dominican Republic carry out a joint operation against narco terrorism in the Caribbean". [63]
On 3 October, Hegseth announced that a strike on a vessel near the coast of Venezuela killed four. [64] The strike was described as the fourth [64] [65] or fifth (which includes the 16 September announcement) vessel struck. [66] [67] [68]
The Associated Press and The New York Times reported on 2 October 2025 that Trump had formally declared to Congress on 1 October that the US was in a "non-international armed conflict" with "unlawful combatants" regarding drug cartels operating in the Caribbean. [69] [70] The Guardian stated that the memo to Congress referred to the cartels as "non-state armed groups" engaged in attacking the US. [71] [72] Andrew C. McCarthy stated in the National Review that this terminology refers to a conflict "that does not pit two sovereign nations against each other" [73] and means "armed hostilities conducted by a subnational entity that is not acting on behalf of a foreign sovereign", giving the example of Al-Qaeda and the attacks of 11 September. [74] The Miami Herald wrote that: "In an armed conflict, a country can lawfully kill enemy fighters even when they pose no threat." [75] The Washington Post stated: "Some lawmakers and experts have said the notification is a dubious legal justification for what have been unlawful military strikes on alleged civilian criminals". [76]
Vladimir Padrino López, Venezuela's Minister of Defense, stated on 2 October that five US "combat planes" had been detected flying near Venezuela at 35,000 feet (11,000 m) altitude, which he called a "provocation"; a government statement said the plane was 75 kilometers (47 mi) from the Venezuelan coast, which CNN states is outside of Venezuelan territory. [77]
On 18 August, Maduro said the US "has gone mad and has renewed its threats to Venezuela's peace and tranquility". [21] He "announced the planned deployment of more than 4.5 million militia members" around Venezuela, per The Associated Press , [21] and started militia enrollment on 23 August. The Economist was skeptical of the announcement, stating, "Election receipts show he received fewer than 3.8m votes last year; it is improbable that more people would fight to defend him than would vote for him." [4] The International Institute for Strategic Studies estimated the militia had 343,000 members as of 2020. [32] The BBC reported that many of the recently mobilized militia are "mostly made up of volunteers from poor communities, although public sector workers have reported being pressured into joining them as well." [13] On 25 August, Maduro "said 15,000 'well armed and trained' men had been deployed to states near the Colombian border," per The Economist. [4]
Following the 2 September strike, Maduro said that the US was "coming for Venezuela's riches". [78] Maduro stated that "Venezuela is confronting the biggest threat that has been seen on our continent in the last 100 years". [33]
Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado said the deployment encouraged "tens and tens of thousands" of Venezuelans to join an underground movement aiming to overthrow Maduro. Machado said that the 2024 Venezuelan presidential election gave a mandate for regime change, though said that regime change was the responsibility of Venezuelans rather than of the US. [79]
Gustavo Petro, President of Colombia, initially suggested that any attack on Venezuela would equal an attack on Latin America and the Caribbean, and thus Colombia's armed forces could support Venezuela; he later moderated his position. [3] On 23 September, he addressed the UN General Assembly to call for a "criminal process" to be opened against Donald Trump for US strikes in the Caribbean. [80]
Colombia convened an extraordinary virtual meeting of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States in September 2025, which concluded with an expression of "deep concern" over foreign intervention in the region. [81] [82] Over Guatemala's objection that procedures were not followed, the group issued a statement saying the region must remain a "Zone of Peace" based on "... the prohibition of the threat or use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the promotion of dialogue and multilateralism, unrestricted respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, and the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination." [81] Guatemala's president Bernardo Arévalo said Guatimala was included in the list of 21 countries (of the 33 members) approving the text, although it did not sign, nor did Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and El Salvador. [83]
Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago Kamla Persad-Bissessar praised the deployment and the 2 September strike, saying "the U.S. military should kill [all drug traffickers] violently." Foreign Minister of Barbados Kerrie Symmonds said that foreign ministers in CARICOM wrote to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio asking that military operations in the Caribbean not be conducted without prior notice or explanation. [84] The deployment was endorsed by the government of Guyana, two-thirds of its territory being claimed by Venezuela, with Guyana's vice president and former president Bharrat Jagdeo telling The Financial Times "You cannot trust Maduro." [3] According to Havana Times , the deployment "reignited tensions and divided positions in the region", with "the Cuba–Venezuela–Nicaragua axis" calling it an "imperialist offensive", and other countries "harden[ing] their stance against Maduro and the Cartel of the Soles." [85]
The Commander of the Cayman Islands Coast Guard, Robert Scotland, stated that the US strikes would "send a very clear message to those entities who have been designated as narco-terrorists, and should serve as a strong deterrent to anyone who seeks to engage in the illicit trafficking of drugs and firearms within our region". The Office of the Cayman Island's Governor stated that the British government "recognizes the importance of regional security and is committed to providing advice and capacity building to our Cayman law-enforcement partners", highlighted the mutual defense alliance between the British and American governments, and emphasized organized crime as a common threat. [86]
The United States maintains two Forward Operating Locations (FOL) on the Dutch territories of Aruba and Curaçao, stemming from a 2000 treaty. [87] In response to escalating tensions between Venezuela and the US, the Dutch have taken a neutral position, but say treaties must be honored. [88] [89] [90] Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans stated that the treaty "permits flights from Curaçao solely for surveillance, monitoring, and the detection of drug shipments. This consent applies only to unarmed flights". According to the Curacao Chronicle, the minister indicated that the approximate 1,000 soldiers in the Dutch Antilles, as well as the Dutch Caribbean Coast Guard and accompanying aircraft, could be used "if the situation escalates". [91] On 19 September, Prime Minister Gilmar Pisas of Curacao stated it would renew its treaty for the Curacao-based FOL until at least 2 November 2026. [88]
The Miami Herald reported on 2 October 2025 that sources said the US effort had "effectively shut down" the busy "Caribbean route" for estimated 2024 annual shipments of between 350 and 500 tons of cocaine coming from Venezuela. [92] According to the Miami Herald, the campaign's "goal is financial: cutting off the drug revenue that sustains loyalty among Venezuela's senior military and police commanders, many of whom are accused of profiting directly from narcotrafficking." [92] Trafficking through older air and land routes from Colombia are more costly than maritime shipments, and sources said that Venezuelan "cash flow from trafficking is under direct threat, and that puts the cohesion of the military elite at risk", with "authorities [turning] to heavier taxation and extortion of businesses to keep the state's security apparatus afloat." [92]
According to The Economist, "Few ... think drugs are the sole or even the main focus" of the operation, noting that fentanyl, the drug that causes the most deaths in the US, is almost entirely "synthesised in Mexico and trafficked north over land" and that "the hardware"—e.g destroyers—"doesn't match the task" of drug policing. According to The Economist, "All this makes the most sense if the principal intent is to rattle Mr Maduro, give succour to Venezuela's opposition or even stir an uprising within the Venezuelan armed forces—encouraged perhaps by that recently doubled reward." [4] Experts speaking to Reuters and the BBC described the deployment as gunboat diplomacy [9] [10] and Trump administration sources stated a likely goal was to pressure the Maduro administration. [11] [12]
PBS News reported that Trump was using the military to counter cartels he blamed for trafficking fentanyl and other illicit drugs into the US and for fuelling violence in American cities, stating that the government had "not signaled any planned land incursion" [15] —similarly, The Guardian stated that "many experts are skeptical the US is planning a military intervention" in Venezuela. [93]
Experts speaking to the BBC said that the 2 September strike was potentially illegal under international maritime and human rights law. Though the US is not a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, previous US policy had been to "act in a manner consistent with its provisions"; countries are not supposed to interfere with ships in international waters except in cases such as hot pursuit out of a country's territorial waters. [94] [95] Law professor Mary Ellen O'Connell said that the strike "violated fundamental principles of international law". Luke Moffett of Queen's University Belfast, also a law professor, stated that striking the ship without grounds of self-defense could be extrajudicial killing. BBC News argued that "Questions also remain as to whether Trump complied with the War Powers Resolution, which demands that the president 'in every possible instance shall consult with Congress before introducing United States Armed Forces into hostilities'". [94]
According to The New York Times , "specialists in the laws of war and executive power" stated that Trump had "used the military in a way that had no clear legal precedent or basis". [96] Law professor Gabor Rona argued in a 2 October 2025 Lawfare article that, while he agreed with other analysts that the strikes were unlawful, they reflected a predictable overreach that followed the precedents established during the George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Joe Biden administrations following the attacks of 11 September. [97]
Regarding the 2 September strike, Geoffrey Corn, former senior adviser on the law of war to the US Army, said "I don't think there is any way to legitimately characterize a drug ship heading from Venezuela, arguably to Trinidad, as an actual or imminent armed attack against the United States, justifying this military response." [53]
David Smilde, a Venezuela expert at Tulane University, said the military moves appeared to be an effort to pressure the Maduro government. 'I think what they are trying to do is put maximum pressure, real military pressure, on the regime to see if they can get it to break ... It's gunboat diplomacy. It's old-fashioned tactics'
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: CS1 maint: url-status (link)The right of a coastal state to pursue a foreign ship within its territorial waters ... and there capture it if the state has good reason to believe that this vessel has violated its laws. The hot pursuit may – but only if it is uninterrupted – continue onto the high seas ...